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HISTORY 


OF  THE 

CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


VOL.  I. 


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OH.1GI 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU, 

WITH  A PRELIMINARY  \TEW 

OP  THE 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


BY 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT, 

CORRESPONDING  MEMBER  OP  THE  FRENCH  INSTITUTE  \ OF  THE  ROYAL  ACADEMY 
OP  HISTORY  AT  MADRID,  ETC. 


“Congeslae  cumulanlur  opes,  orbisque  rapinas 
Accipit.” 

Claudian,  In  Ruf , lib.  i.,  y.  191. 

‘‘So  color  de  religion 
Van  a buscar  plata  y oro 
Del  encubierto  tesoro.” 

Lope  de  Vega,  El  Nuevo  Mundo,  Jorn.  I. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

VOLUME  I. 


NEW  YORK: 

HARPER  AND  BROTHERS,  82  .CLIFF  STREET. 


M DCCC  XLVII. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1847,  by 
William  H.  Prescott, 

in  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  IMassachusetts. 


PREFACE. 


The  most  brilliant  passages  in  the  history  of 
Spanish  adventure  in  the  New  World  are  undoubt- 
edly afforded  by  the  conquests  of  Mexico  and 
Peru,  — the  two  states  which  combined  with  the 
largest  extent  of  empire  a refined  social  polity,  and 
considerable  progress  in  the  arts  of  civilization. 
Indeed,  so  prominently  do  they  stand  out  on  the 
great  canvas  of  history,  that  the  name  of  the  one, 
notwithstanding  the  contrast  they  exhibit  in  their 
respective  institutions,  most  naturally  suggests  that 
of  the  other ; and,  when  I sent  to  Spain  to  collect 
materials  for  an  account  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico, 
I included  in  my  researches  those  relating  to  the 
Conquest  of  Peru. 

The  larger  part  of  the  documents,  in  both  cases, 
was  obtained  from  the  same  great  repository,  — the 
archives  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  History  at  IMa- 
drid  ; a body  specially  intrusted  with  the  preserva- 


VI 


PREFACE. 


tion  of  whatever  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  Spanish 
colonial  annals.  The  richest  portion  of  its  collec- 
tion is  probably  that  furnished  by  the  papers  of 
jVIunoz.  This  eminent  scholar,  the  historiographer 
of  the  Indies,  employed  nearly  fifty  years  of  his 
life  in  amassing  materials  for  a history  of  Spanish 
discovery  and  conquest  in  America.  For  this,  as 
he  acted  under  the  authority  of  the  government, 
every  facility  was  afforded  him  ; and  public  offices 
and  private  depositories,  in  all  the  principal  cities 
of  the  empire,  both  at  home  and  throughout  the 
wide  extent  of  its  colonial  possessions,  were  freely 
opened  to  his  inspection.  The  result  was  a mag- 
nificent collection  of  manuscripts,  many  of  which 
he  patiently  transcribed  with  his  own  hand.  But 
he  did  not  live  to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  per- 
severing industry.  The  first  volume,  relative  to 
the  voyages  of  Columbus,  was  scarcely  finished 
when  he  died ; and  his  manuscripts,  at  least  that 
portion  of  them  which  have  reference  to  Mexico 
and  Peru,  were  destined  to  serve  the  uses  of  an- 
other, an  inhabitant  of  that  New  World  to  which 
they  related. 

Another  scholar,  to  whose  literary  stores  I am 
largely  indebted,  is  Don  Martin  Fernandez  de  Na- 
varrete,  late  Director  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


History.  Through  the  greater  part  of  his  long  life 
he  was  employed  in  assembling  original  documents 
to  illustrate  the  colonial  annals.  Many  of  these 
have  been  incorporated  in  his  great  work,  “ Co- 
leccion  de  los  Viages  y Descubrimientos,”  which, 
although  far  from  being  completed  after  the  original 
plan  of  its  author,  is  of  inestimable  service  to  the 
historian.  In  following  down  the  track  of  dis- 
covery, Navarrete  turned  aside  from  the  conquests 
of  Mexico  and  Peru,  to  exhibit  the  voyages  of  his 
countrymen  in  the  Indian  seas.  His  manuscripts, 
relating  to  the  two  former  countries,  he  courteously 
allowed  to  be  copied  for  me.  Some  of  them  have 
since  appeared  in  print,  under  the  auspices  of  his 
learned  coadjutors,  Salva  and  Baranda,  associated 
with  him  in  the  Academy ; but  the  documents 
placed  in  my  hands  form  a most  important  contri- 
bution to  my  materials  for  the  present  history. 

The  death  of  this  illustrious  man,  which  occurred 
some  time  after  the  present  work  was  begun,  has 
left  a void  in  his  country  not  easy  to  be  filled  ; for 
he  was  zealously  devoted  to  letters,  and  few  have 
done  more  to  extend  the  knowledge  of  her  colonial 
history.  Far  from  an  exclusive  solicitude  for  his 
own  literary  projects,  he  was  ever  ready  to  extend 
his  sympathy  and  assistance  to  those  of  others. 


Vlll 


PREFACE. 


His  reputation  as  a scholar  was  enhanced  by  the 
higher  qualities  which  he  possessed  as  a man,  — 
by  his  benevolence,  his  simplicity  of  manners,  and 
unsullied  moral  worth.  My  own  obligations  to  him 
are  large ; for  from  the  publication  of  my  first  his- 
torical work,  down  to  the  last  week  of  his  life,  1 
have  constantly  received  proofs  from  him  of  his 
hearty  and  most  efficient  interest  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  my  historical  labors  ; and  I now  the  more 
willingly  pay  this  well-merited  tribute  to  his  de- 
serts, that  it  must  be  exempt  from  all  suspicion 
of  flattery. 

In  the  list  of  those  to  whom  I have  been  in- 
debted for  materials,  I must,  also,  include  the  name 
of  M.  Ternaux-Compans,  so  well  knowm  by  his 
faithful  and  elegant  French  versions  of  the  Mu- 
noz manuscripts ; and  that  of  my  friend  Don  Pas- 
cual  de  Gayangos,  who,  under  the  modest  dress 
of  translation,  has  furnished  a most  acute  and 
learned  commentary  on  Spanish- Arabian  history,  — 
securing  for  himself  the  foremost  rank  in  that  diffi- 
cult department  of  letters,  which  has  been  illu- 
mined by  the  labors  of  a Masdeu,  a Casiri,  and 
a Conde. 

To  the  materials  derived  from  these  sources,  I 
have  added  some  manuscripts  of  an  important 


PREFACE. 


IX 


character  from  the  library  of  the  Escurial.  These, 
which  chiefly  relate  to  the  ancient  institutions  of 
Peru,  formed  part  of  the  splendid  collection  of  Lord 
Kingsborough,  which  has  unfortunately  shared  the 
lot  of  most  literary  collections,  and  been  dispersed, 
since  the  death  of  its  noble  author.  For  these  I 
am  indebted  to  that  industrious  bibliographer,  Mr. 
O.  Rich,  now  resident  in  London.  Lastly,  I must 
not  omit  to  mention  my  obligations,  in  another 
way,  to  my  friend  Charles  Folsom,  Esq.,  the  learn- 
ed librarian  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum  ; whose  mi- 
nute acquaintance  with  the  grammatical  structure 
and  the  true  idiom  of  our  English  tongue  has  en- 
abled me  to  correct  many  inaccuracies  into  which 
I had  fallen  in  the  composition  both  of  this  and 
of  my  former  works. 

From  these  different  sources  I have  accumu- 
lated a large  amount  of  manuscripts,  of  the  most 
various  character,  and  from  the  most  authentic 
sources ; royal  grants  and  ordinances,  instructions 
of  the  Court,  letters  of  the  Emperor  to  the  great 
colonial  officers,  municipal  records,  personal  diaries 
and  memoranda,  and  a mass  of  private  corre- 
spondence of  the  principal  actors  in  this  turbu- 
lent drama.  Perhaps  it  was  the  turbulent  state 
of  the  country  which  led  to  a more  frequent  cor- 

VOL.  I.  B 


X 


PREFACE. 


respondence  between  the  government  at  home  and 
the  colonial  officers.  But,  whatever  be  the  cause, 
the  collection  of  manuscript  materials  in  refer- 
ence to  Peru  is  fuller  and  more  complete  than 
that  which  relates  to  Mexico  ; so  that  there  is 
scarcely  a nook  or  corner  so  obscure,  in  the  path 
of  the  adventurer,  that  some  light  has  not  been 
thrown  on  it  by  the  written  correspondence  of  the 
period.  The  historian  has  rather  had  occasion  to 
complain  of  the  emharras  des  richesses;  for,  in  the 
multiplicity  of  contradictory  testimony,  it  is  not 
always  easy  to  detect  the  truth,  as  the  multiplicity 
of  cross-lights  is  apt  to  dazzle  and  bewilder  the 
eye  of  the  spectator. 

The  present  History  has  been  conducted  on  the 
same  general  plan  with  that  of  the  Conquest  of 
Mexico.  In  an  Introductory  Book,  I have  en- 
deavoured to  portray  the  institutions  of  the  Incas, 
that  the  reader  may  be  acquainted  with  the  char- 
acter and  condition  of  that  extraordinary  race,  be- 
fore he  enters  on  the  story  of  their  subjugation. 
The  remaining  books  are  occupied  with  the  narra- 
tive of  the  Conquest.  And  here,  the  subject,  it 
must  be  allowed,  notwithstanding  the  opportunities 
it  presents  for  the  display  of  character,  strange, 
romantic  incident,  and  picturesque  scenery,  does 


PREFACE. 


XI 


not  afford  so  obvious  advantages  to  the  historian, 
as  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Indeed,  few  subjects 
can  present  a parallel  with  that,  for  the  purposes 
either  of  the  historian  or  the  poet.  The  natural 
development  of  the  story,  there,  is  precisely  what 
would  be  prescribed  by  the  severest  rules  of  art. 
The  conquest  of  the  country  is  the  great  end  al- 
ways in  the  view  of  the  reader.  From  the  first 

% 

landing  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  soil,  their  subse- 
quent adventures,  their  battles  and  negotiations, 
their  ruinous  retreat,  their  rally  and  final  siege,  all 
tend  to  this  grand  result,  till  the  long  series  is 
closed  by  the  downfall  of  the  capital.  In  the  march 
of  events,  all  moves  steadily  forward  to  this  con- 
summation. It  is  a magnificent  epic,  in  which  the 
unity  of  interest  is  complete. 

In  the  “ Conquest  of  Peru,”  the  action,  so  far 
as  it  is  founded  on  the  subversion  of  the  Incas, 
terminates  long;  before  the  close  of  the  narrative. 
The  remaining  portion  is  taken  up  with  the  fierce 
feuds  of  the  Conquerors,  which  would  seem,  from 
their  very  nature,  to  be  incapable  of  being  gathered 
round  a central  point  of  interest.  To  secure  this, 
we  must  look  beyond  the  immediate  overthrow  of 
the  Indian  empire.  The  conquest  of  the  natives 
is  but  the  first  step,  to  be  followed  by  the  conquest 


XU 


PREFACE. 


of  the  Spaniards,  — the  rebel  Spaniards,  themselves, 
— till  the  supremacy  of  the  Crown  is  permanent- 
ly established  over  the  country.  It  is  not  till  this 
period,  that  the  acquisition  of  this  Transatlantic 
empire  can  be  said  to  be  completed ; and,  by  fix- 
ing the  eye  on  this  remoter  point,  the  successive 
steps  of  the  narrative  will  be  found  leading  to  one 
great  result,  and  that  unity  of  interest  preserved 
which  is  scarcely  less  essential  to  historic  than 
dramatic  composition.  How  far  this  has  been 
effected,  in  the  present  work,  must  be  left  to  the 
judgment  of  the  reader. 

No  history  of  the  conquest  of  Peru,  founded 
on  original  documents,  and  aspiring  to  the  credit 
of  a classic  composition,  like  the  “ Conquest  of 
Mexico”  by  Solis,  has  been  attempted,  as  far  as 
I am  aware,  by  the  Spaniards.  The  English  pos- 
sess one  of  high  value,  from  the  pen  of  Robertson, 
whose  masterly  sketch  occupies  its  due  space  in 
his  great  work  on  America.  It  has  been  my  ob- 
ject to  exhibit  this  same  story,  in  all  its  roman- 
tic details ; not  merely  to  portray  the  characteris- 
tic features  of  the  Conquest,  but  to  fill  up  the 
outline  with  the  coloring  of  life,  so  as  to  present 
a minute  and  faithful  picture  of  the  times.  For 
this  purpose,  I have,  in  the  composition  of  the 


J 


PREFACE.  xiii 

work,  availed  myself  freely  of  my  manuscript  ma- 
terials, allowed  the  actors  to  speak  as  much  as 
possible  for  themselves,  and  especially  made  fre- 
quent use  of  their  letters ; for  nowhere  is  the  heart 
more  likely  to  disclose  itself,  than  in  the  freedom 
of  private  correspondence.  1 have  made  liberal 
extracts  from  these  authorities  in  the  notes,  both 
to  sustain  the  text,  and  to  put  in  a printed  form 
those  productions  of  the  eminent  captains  and 
statesmen  of  the  time,  which  are  not  very  acces- 
sible to  Spaniards  themselves. 

M.  Amedee  Pichot,  in  the  Preface  to  the 
French  translation  of  the  “ Conquest  of  Mexico,” 
infers  from  the  plan  of  the  composition,  that  I 
must  have  carefully  studied  the  writings  of  his 
countryman,  M.  de  Barante.  The  acute  critic  does 
me  but  justice  in  supposing  me  familiar  with  the 
principles  of  that  writer’s  historical  theory,  so  ably 
developed  in  the  Preface  to  his  “ Dues  de  Bour- 
gogne.” And  I have  had  occasion  to  admire  the 
skilful  manner  in  which  he  illustrates  this  theory 
himself,  by  constructing  out  of  the  rude  materials 
of  a distant  time  a monument  of  genius  that 
transports  us  at  once  into  the  midst  of  the  Feudal 
Ages,  — and  this  without  the  incongruity  w’hich 
usually  attaches  to  a modern-antique.  In  like  man- 


XIV 


PREFACE. 


ner,  I have  attempted  to  seize  the  characteristic 
expression  of  a distant  age,  and  to  exhibit  it  in 
the  freshness  of  life.  But  in  an  essential  particu- 
lar, I have  deviated  from  the  plan  of  the  French 
historian.  I have  suffered  the  scaffolding  to  remain 
after  the  building  has  been  completed.  In  other 
words,  I have  shown  to  the  reader  the  steps  of 
the  process  by  which  I have  come  to  my  conclu- 
sions. Instead  of  requiring  him  to  take  my  ver- 
sion of  the  story  on  trust,  I have  endeavoured  to 
give  him  a reason  for  my  faith.  By  copious  cita- 
tions from  the  original  authorities,  and  by  such 
critical  notices  of  them  as  would  explain  to  him 
the  influences  to  which  they  were  subjected,  I 
have  endeavoured  to  put  him  in  a position  for  judg- 
ing for  himself,  and  thus  for  revising,  and,  if  need 
be,  reversing,  the  judgments  of  the  historian.  He 
will,  at  any  rate,  by  this  means,  be  enabled  to 
estimate  the  difficulty  of  arriving  at  truth  amidst 
the  conflict  of  testimony;  and  he  will  learn  to 
place  little  reliance  on  those  writers  who  pronounce 
on  the  mysterious  past  with  what  Fontenelle  calls 
“ a frightful  degree  of  certainty,”  — a spirit  the 
most  opposite  to  that  of  the  true  philosophy  of 
history. 

Yet  it  must  be  admitted,  that  the  chronicler 


PREFACE. 


XV 


who  records  the  events  of  an  earlier  age  has  some 
obvious  advantages  in  the  store  of  manuscript  ma- 
terials at  his  command,  — the  statements  of  friends, 
rivals,  and  enemies,  furnishing  a wholesome  coun- 
terpoise to  each  other ; and  also,  in  the  general 
course  of  events,  as  they  actually  occurred,  afford- 
ing the  best  commentary  on  the  true  motives  of 
the  parties.  The  actor,  engaged  in  the  heat  of 
the  strife,  finds  his  view  bounded  by  the  circle 
around  him,  and  his  vision  blinded  by  the  smoke 
and  dust  of  the  conflict ; while  the  spectator,  whose 
eye  ranges  over  the  ground  from  a more  distant 
and  elevated  point,  though  the  individual  objects 
may  lose  somewhat  of  their  vividness,  takes  in  at 
a glance  all  the  operations  of  the  field.  Paradoxi- 
cal as  it  may  appear,  truth  founded  on  contem- 
porary testimony  would  seem,  after  all,  as  likely 
to  be  attained  by  the  writer  of  a later  day,  as 
by  contemporaries  themselves. 

Before  closing  these  remarks,  I may  be  permit- 
ted to  add  a few  of  a personal  nature.  In  several 
foreign  notices  of  my  writings,  the  author  has  been 
said  to  be  blind ; and  more  than  once  I have 
had  the  credit  of  having  lost  my  sight  in  the  com- 
position of  my  first  history.  When  I have  met 
with  such  erroneous  accounts,  I have  hastened  to 


XVIll 


PREFACE. 


ress  of  mj  work,  it  was  necessarily  slow.  But  in 
time  the  tendency  to  inflammation  diminished,  and 
the  strength  of  the  eye  was  confirmed  more  and 
more.  It  was  at  length  so  far  restored,  that  I could 
read  for  several  hours  of  the  day,  though  my  labors 
in  this  way  necessarily  terminated  with  the  daylight. 
Nor  could  I ever  dispense  with  the  services  of  a 
secretary,  or  with  the  writing-case  ; for,  contrary 
to  the  usual  experience,  1 have  found  writing  a 
severer  trial  to  the  eye  than  reading,  — a remark, 
however,  which  does  not  apply  to  the  reading  of 
manuscript ; and  to  enable  myself,  therefore,  to  re- 
vise my  composition  more  carefully,  I caused  a 
copy  of  the  “ History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ” 
to  be  printed  for  my  own  inspection,  before  it  was 
sent  to  the  press  for  publication.  Such  as  I have 
described  was  the  improved  state  of  my  health 
during  the  preparation  of  the  “ Conquest  of  Mex- 
ico ” ; and,  satisfied  with  being  raised  so  nearly 
to  a level  with  the  rest  of  my  species,  I scarcely 
envied  the  superior  good  fortune  of  those  who 
could  prolong  their  studies  into  the  evening,  and 
the  later  hours  of  the  night. 

But  a change  has  again  taken  place  during  the 
last  two  years.  The  sight  of  my  eye  has  become 
gradually  dimmed,  while  the  sensibility  of  the  nerve 


PREFACE. 


XI. \ 


has  been  so  far  increased,  that  for  several  weeks 
of  the  last  year  I have  not  opened  a volume,  and 
through  the  whole  time  I have  not  had  the  use 
of  it,  on  an  average,  for  more  than  an  hour  a 
day.  Nor  can  I cheer  myself  with  the  delusive 
expectation,  that,  impaired  as  the  organ  has  be- 
come, from  having  been  tasked,  probably,  beyond 
its  strength,  it  can  ever  renew  its  youth,  or  be 
of  much  service  to  me  hereafter  in  my  literary 
researches.  Whether  I shall  have  the  heart  to 
enter,  as  I had  proposed,  on  a new  and  more  ex- 
tensive field  of  historical  labor,  with  these  im- 
pediments, I cannot  say.  Perhaps  long  habit,  and 
a natural  desire  to  follow  up  the  career  which  I 
have  so  long  pursued,  may  make  this,  in  a man- 
ner, necessary,  as  my  past  experience  has  already 
proved  that  it  is  practicable. 

From  this  statement  — too  long,  I fear,  for  his 
patience  — the  reader,  who  feels  any  curiosity  about 
the  matter,  will  understand  the  real  extent  of  my 
embarrassments  in  my  historical  pursuits.  That 
they  have  not  been  very  light  will  be  readily  ad- 
mitted, when  it  is  considered  that  I have  had  but 
a limited  use  of  my  eye,  in  its  best  state,  and  that 
much  of  the  time  I have  been  debarred  from  the 
use  of  it  altogether.  Yet  the  difficulties  1 have 


XX 


PREFACE. 


had  to  contend  with  are  very  far  inferior  to  those 
which  fall  to  the  lot  of  a blind  man.  I know  of  no 
historian,  now  alive,  who  can  claim  the  glory  of 
having  overcome  such  obstacles,  but  the  author  of 
“La  Conquete  de  PAngleterre  par  les  Normands”; 
who,  to  use  his  own  touching  and  beautiful  lan- 
guage, “ has  made  himself  the  friend  of  dark- 
ness ” ; and  who,  to  a profound  philosophy  that 
requires  no  light  but  that  from  within,  unites  a 
capacity  for  extensive  and  various  research,  that 
might  well  demand  the  severest  application  of  the 
student. 

The  remarks  into  which  1 have  been  led  at 
such  length  will,  I trust,  not  be  set  down  by  the 
reader  to  an  unworthy  egotism,  but  to  their  true 
source,  a desire  to  correct  a misapprehension  to 
which  I may  have  unintentionally  given  rise  my- 
self, and  wiiich  has  gained  me  the  credit  with 
some  — far  from  grateful  to  my  feelings,  since 
undeserved  — of  having  surmounted  the  incalcula- 
ble obstacles  which  lie  in  the  path  of  the  blind 
man. 


Boston,  April  2,  1847. 


GENERAL  CONTENTS 


BOOK  I. 

INTRODUCTION.  — VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE 

INCAS. 

BOOK  II. 

DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 

BOOK  III. 

^ CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 

BOOK  IV. 

CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 

BOOK  V. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY 


APPENDIX. 


CONTENTS 


OF 

VOLUME  FIRST. 


BOOK  I. 

INTRODUCTION.  — VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE 

INCAS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Page 

Physical  Aspect  of  the  Country.  — Sources  of  Peruvian 
Civilization.  — Empire  of  the  Incas. — Royal  Family. 

— Nobility  .........  3 

Extent  of  the  Peruvian  Empire  ......  4 

Its  Topographical  Aspect  .......  5 

Unfavorable  to  Husbandry  ......  6 

Natural  Impediments  overcome  ......  7 

Source  of  Civilization 8 

Children  of  the  Sun  ........  9 

Other  Traditions  .......  10 

Their  Uncertainty  . . . . . . . .11 

Conquests  of  the  Incas  .......  14 

City  of  Cuzco  .........  15 

Fortress  of  Cuzco  ........  16 

Its  remarkable  Structure  .......  18 

Queen  of  the  Inca 19 

Heir-apparent  .........  20 

Order  of  Chivalry  ........  21 

Ceremonies  of  Admission  .......  22 

Inca  a Despot  .........  24 

His  Dress  ..........  25 

Intercourse  w'ith  the  People  ......  26 

Progresses  through  the  Country  ......  27 

Royal  Palaces  .........  28 


XXIV 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

Their  gorgeous  Decorations  .......  29 

Gardens  of  Yucay  ........  30 

All  closed  at  the  Inca’s  Death  . . . . . .31 

Obsequies  of  the  Incas  .......  32 

Their  Bodies  preserved  ........  33 

Produced  at  Festivals  . . . . . . . 34 

Inca  Nobles  . . . . . . . . . 35 

Their  exclusive  Privileges  ......  36 

Curacas  . . . . . . . . . . 37 

Inca  Nobility  the  highest  .......  38 


CHAPTER  II. 


Orders  of  the  State.  — Provisions  for  Justice.  — Division 
OF  Lands.  — Revenues  and  Registers.  — Great  Roads 
AND  Posts. — Military  Tactics  and  Policy  . . 

40 

Name  of  Peru  ..... 

41 

Divisions  of  the  Empire 

42 

Tribunals  of  Justice 

43 

Character  of  the  Laws 

44 

Simple  Administration  of  Justice 

46 

Threefold  Distribution  of  Lands 

47 

Division  renewed  yearly 

48 

Agrarian  Law  ..... 

49 

The  Land  cultivated  by  the  People 

60 

Appropriation  and  Care  of  the  Llamas  . 

51 

Woollen  Manufactures 

52 

Labor  in  Peru  ..... 

53 

Registers  and  Surveys  by  Government 

55 

Rotation  of  Labor  .... 

56 

Magazines  of  Products  and  Manufactures 

57 

Taxation  borne  wholly  by  the  People 

59 

No  Room  for  Progress 

60 

No  Pauperism  ..... 

61 

Monuments  of  Peruvian  Industry 

62 

Great  Roads  ..... 

63 

Suspension  Bridges  .... 

64 

Caravansaries,  or  Tambos 

. « • 

66 

System  of  Posts  .... 

67 

Relays  of  Couriers  .... 

68 

Military  Policy  of  the  Incas 

70 

CONTENTS. 


XXV 


Conquests  in  the  Name  of  Religion 

Page 

71 

Peruvian  Army  .... 

72 

Arras  and  Armour 

73 

Military  Quarters  and  Magazines 

74 

Lenient  Policy  in  War  . 

75 

Religion  of  the  Conquered  Nations 

77 

Disposition  of  the  Conquered  Territory 

. 

78 

Quichua  Language  .... 

80 

Mitimaes  ..... 

81 

Unity  of  Purpose  in  Peruvian  Institutions  .... 

83 

Domestic  Quiet  their  Aim 

84 

Religious  Character  of  Peruvian  Wars 

. 

85 

Singular  Harmony  in  their  Empire 



86 

CHAPTER 

III. 

Peruvian  Religion.  — Deities.  — Gorgeous  Temples.  — Fes- 

TivALs. — Virgins  of  the  Sun. — 

Marriage  . 

87 

Religion  of  the  American  Races 

88 

Peruvian  Notions  of  a Future  Life 

89 

Embalming  and  Burial 

90 

Idea  of  God  .... 

91 

Worship  of  the  Sun 

. 

92 

Inferior  Deities  .... 

93 

Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Cuzco 

95 

Its  Richness  and  Splendor 

96 

Temples  of  inferior  Deities 

97 

Utensils  and  Ornaments  of  Gold 

98 

Proofs  of  ancient  Magnificence  . 

100 

High  Priest  .... 

101 

Sacerdotal  Order  .... 

102 

Duties  of  Priests  .... 

103 

Festival  of  Raymi  . . . . 

104 

Human  Sacrifices  rare  . 

105 

Sacred  Flame  . . . . . 

107 

Religious  Ceremony 

108 

Virgins  of  the  Sun  . . . . 

109 

Convents  ..... 

no 

Brides  of  the  Inca  . . . . 

112 

Marriage  universal 

113 

Provisions  for  Marriage 

. 

114 

VOL.  I.  D 

XXVI 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Page 


Education. — Quipus.  — Astronomy.  — Agriculture.  — Aque- 
ducts.— Guano. — Important  Esculents  . . .116 

Education  in  Peru  . . . . . . . . 117 

Seminaries  and  Amautas  . . . . . . .118 

Quipus  and  Quipucamayus  . . . . . . 119 

Method  of  transmitting  History 120 

Various  Symbols  of  Thought  ......  121 

Quipus  the  poorest  ........  122 

Traditional  Minstrelsy  . . . . . . . 123 

Quichua  Dialect  .........  124 

Theatrical  Exhibitions  .......  125 

Division  of  Time  126 

Regulated  by  the  Equinoxes  ......  127 

Little  Progress  in  Astronomy  . . . . . .128 

The  Inca’s  Care  of  Agriculture  . . . . . . 130 

System  of  Irrigation  . . . . . . . .131 

Aqueducts  .........  132 

Terraces  on  the  Sierra  ........  133 

Guano  ..........  135 

Substitute  for  the  Plough  . . . . . . .136 

Fairs  ..........  137 

Variety  of  Products  ........  138 

Indian  Corn  .........  139 

Cuca 140 

Potatoes  ..........  142 


CHAPTER  V. 

Peruvian  Sheep.  — Great  Hunts.  — Manufactures.  — Me- 
chanical Skill.  — Architecture. — Concluding  Reflec- 
tions ..........  143 

Advantages  for  Manufactures  ......  144 

The  Llama  145 

Alpacas  ..........  146 

Huanacos  and  Vicunas  . . . . . . . .147 

Great  annual  Hunts  ........  148 

Woollen  Manufactures  ........  149 

Division  of  Mechanical  Labor  ......  150 

Extraordinary  Dexterity  in  the  Arts  .....  152 


CONTENTS. 


xxvu 


No  Use  of  Iron  ..... 

Page 

Gold  and  Silver 

. 154 

Architecture  a Test  of  Civilization 

155 

Peruvian  Architecture  ..... 

. 156 

Houses  ....... 

157 

Their  Simplicity  of  Construction  . 

. 158 

Adaptation  to  Climate  .... 

159 

Comparison  between  the  Inca  and  Aztec  Races 

. 161 

In  Policy  and  Religion  .... 

162 

In  Science  ....... 

. 163 

Peruvian  and  Eastern  Empires  . 

164 

The  Incas  perfect  Despots  .... 

. 166 

Careful  of  the  People  .... 

167 

No  Free  Agency  in  Peru  .... 

. 168 

No  Idleness  or  Poverty  .... 

169 

Influence  of  Government  on  Character  . 

. 171 

Life  and  Works  of  Sarmiento 

175 

And  of  Polo  de  Ondegardo  .... 

. 177 

BOOK  II. 

DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancient  and  Modern  Science.  — Art  of  Navigation.  — 
Maritime  Discovery.  — Spirit  of  the  Spaniards.  — 
Possessions  in  the  New  World.  — Rumors  concerning 

Peru 183 

Introductory  Remarks  .......  184 

Progress  in  Navigation  . . . . . . . .187 

Early  Voyages  of  Discovery 188 

Discovery  of  America  ........  189 

Romantic  Expectations  .......  190 

Northern  and  Southern  Adventurers  .....  192 

Extent  of  Discovery  ........  193 

Balboa  reaches  the  Pacific  .......  194 

Colonial  Policy  .........  196 


xxvm 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

Pedro  Arias  de  Avila  . . . . . . . .197 

Foundation  of  Panama  .......  198 

First  Southern  Expedition 199 

Rumors  respecting  Peru  .......  200 

CHAPTER  II. 


Francisco  Pizarro.  — His  Early  History. — First  Expe- 
dition TO  THE  South.  — Distresses  of  the  Voyagers. — 
Sharp  Encounters. — Return  to  Panama.  — Almagro’s 


Expedition  ..... 

. 202 

Francis  Pizarro’s  Early  Life 

203 

He  goes  to  Hispaniola  .... 

. 204 

Various  Adventures  .... 

205 

He  accompanies  Pedrarias  to  Panama 

. 206 

Southern  Expeditions 

207 

Almagro  and  Luque  .... 

. 208 

Their  Union  -wnth  Pizarro  . 

209 

First  Expedition  for  Discovery 

. ' .210 

Pizarro  takes  Command  of  it 

211 

Enters  the  River  Birii  .... 

. 212 

Distresses  on  Shore  .... 

212 

Pursues  his  Voyage  along  the  Coast 

. 213 

Heavy  Tempests  .... 

213 

Puts  back  and  lands  .... 

. 214 

Great  Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards 

215 

Montenegro  sent  back  for  Supplies 

. 216 

Indian  Village  ..... 

217 

Great  Distresses  during  his  Absence 

. 218 

He  returns  with  Assistance 

219 

Uncertainty  of  the  Spaniards 

. 220 

They  proceed  farther  South 

221 

Traces  of  Cannibalism  .... 

. 222 

Pizarro  reconnoitres  the  Country 

223 

Fierce  Conflict  with  the  Natives 

. 224 

Danger  of  Pizarro  .... 

225 

He  sends  back  his  Vessel 

. 226 

Adventures  of  Almagro 

227 

He  joins  Pizarro  ..... 

. 228 

Returns  to  Panama  .... 

229 

CONTENTS. 


XXIX 


CHAPTER  III. 

Page 

The  famous  Contract.  — Second  Expedition.  — Ruiz  ex- 
plores THE  Coast.  — Pizarro’s  Sufferings  in  the  For- 
ests.— Arrival  OF  new  Recruits.  — Fresh  Discoveries 
AND  Disasters.  — Pizarro  on  the  Isle  of  Gallo  . . 230 

Almagro  coolly  received  by  Pedrarias  .....  230 

Influence  of  Fernando  de  Luque  . . . . . .231 

Narrow  Views  of  the  Governor  ......  232 

His  subsequent  History  ........  234 

Pizarro,  Almagro,  and  Luque  ......  235 

Famous  Contract  for  discovering  Peru  .....  236 

Religious  Tone  assumed  in  it  . . . . . '.  237 

Motives  of  the  Conquerors  .......  238 

Luque’s  Share  in  the  Enterprise  ......  239 

Preparations  for  the  Voyage  .......  240 

Insufficiency  of  Supplies  . . . . . . . 241 

Sailing  of  the  Armament  .......  242 

Almagro  returns  to  Panama  ......  243 

The  Pilot  Ruiz  explores  the  Coast 244 

Indian  Balsas  .........  245 

Signs  of  higher  Civilization  .......  246 

Returns  with  Indian  Captives  ......  246 

Pizarro’s  Journey  into  the  Interior  ......  247 

Frightful  Difficulties  of  the  March  .....  248 

Almagro  returns  with  Recruits  ......  249 

They  continue  their  Voyage  ......  250 

Thickly  settled  Country  . . . . . . .251 

Gold  and  Precious  Stones  .......  252 

Warlike  Aspect  of  the  Natives  ......  253 

Deliberations  of  the  Spaniards  ......  254 

Dispute  between  Pizarro  and  Almagro  .....  255 

The  latter  returns  to  Panama  ......  256 

Pizarro  remains  at  the  Isle  of  Gallo 257 

His  Followers  discontented  ......  258 

Send  home  a secret  Letter 259 


XXX 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Page 

Indignation  of  the  Governor.  — Stern  Resolution  of  Pi- 
ZARRO.  — Prosecution  of  the  Voyage.  — Brilliant  As- 
pect OF  Tumbez.  — Discoveries  along  the  Coast. — 


Return  to  Panama.  — Pizarro  embarks  for 

Spain 

260 

Pizarro  ordered  to  return  ..... 

261 

He  refuses  ....... 

262 

His  bold  Resolution  ...... 

263 

Eleven  adhere  to  him  ..... 

264 

Pizarro’s  heroic  Constancy  .... 

265 

Left  on  the  Isle  of  Gorgona  .... 

266 

Efforts  of  Luque  and  Almagro  .... 

268 

Succours  sent  to  Pizarro  .... 

269 

He  continues  his  Voyage  ..... 

270 

Enters  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil 

271 

Lands  at  Tumbez  ...... 

272 

Kind  Reception  by  its  Inhabitants  . 

273 

Visit  of  an  Inca  Noble  ..... 

274 

Adventure  of  Molina  ..... 

276 

Pedro  de  Candia  sent  on  Shore  .... 

277 

Kindly  treated  by  the  Natives 

278 

Reports  of  the  Riches  of  the  Place 

279 

Joy  of  the  Spaniards  ..... 

280 

Pizarro  again  steers  for  the  South 

281 

Tossed  about  by  Tempests  .... 

282 

Touches  at  various  Points  of  the  Coast 

282 

Splendid  Accounts  of  the  Peruvian  Empire 

283 

Arrives  at  the  Port  of  Santa  .... 

284 

Homeward  Voyage  ..... 

285 

Lands  at  Santa  Cruz  ...... 

286 

Entertained  by  an  Indian  Princess  . 

287 

Continues  his  Voyage  to  Panama 

288 

Joy  and  Triumph  of  his  Associates 

289 

Coldness  of  the  Governor  ..... 

290 

Pizarro  goes  as  Envoy  to  Spain 

291 

Notice  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 

293 

His  Life  and  Writings  ..... 

294 

Character  of  his  Works  .... 

295 

CONTENTS. 


XXXI 


BOOK  III. 

CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 

CHAPTER  1. 

Page 

PizARRo's  Reception  at  Court.  — His  Capitulation  with 


THE  Crown.  — He  visits  his  Birthplace.  — Returns  to 
THE  New  World.  — Difficulties  with  Almagro. — His 
Third  Expedition.  — Rich  Indian  Booty.  — Battles  in 


the  Isle  of  Puna 

. 301 

Pizarro  in  Spain  ..... 

302 

Gracious  Reception  at  Court  . 

. 303 

Relates  his  Adventures  to  the  Emperor 

304 

His  Capitulation  with  the  Crown  . 

. 305 

Dignities  conferred  on  him 

300 

Provisions  in  Behalf  of  the  Natives 

..  307 

Grasping  Spirit  of  Pizarro 

308 

He  visits  his  Birthplace 

. 310 

The  Pizarro  Family  ..... 

311 

His  Brother  Hernando  .... 

. 312 

Obstacles  to  the  Expedition 

313 

Sails  and  crosses  to  Nombre  de  Dios 

. 314 

Almagro  greatly  discontented 

315 

A Rupture  with  Difficulty  prevented 

. 316 

Expedition  fitted  out  at  Panama  . 

318 

Pizarro’s  final  Voyage  to  Peru 

. 319 

Driven  into  Bay  of  St.  Matthew 

319 

Lands  his  Forces  ..... 

. 320 

Plunders  an  Indian  Village 

321 

Division  of  Spoil  ..... 

. 322 

He  marches  along  the  Coast 

323 

Sufferings  and  Discontent  of  the  Spaniards 

. 324 

They  reach  Puerto  Viejo  .... 

325 

Joined  by  Reinforcements 

. 326 

Cross  to  Isle  of  Puna  .... 

327 

Conspiracy  of  its  Inhabitants  . 

. 328 

They  attack  the  Spanish  Camp  . 

329 

Arrival  of  De  Soto  with  Recruits  . 

. 330 

XXXll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Peru  at  the  Time  of  the  Conquest.  — Reign  of  Huayna 
Capac. — The  Inca  Brothers.  — Contest  for  the  Em- 
pire.— Triumph  and  Cruelties  of  Atahuallpa  . 

The  Inca  Huayna  Capac  ....... 

His  Apprehensions  respecting  the  White  Men 
Prognostics  of  Trouble  in  Peru  ...... 

Atahuallpa  the  Inca’s  Son  ....... 

Shares  the  Empire  with  his  Brother  Huascar 

Causes  of  Jealousy  between  them  ...... 

Commencement  of  Hostilities  ...... 

Huascar’s  Forces  defeated  ....... 

Ravage  of  Canaris  ........ 

Atahuallpa  marches  on  Cuzco  ...... 

His  Victory  at  Quipaypan  ....... 

Capture  of  Huascar  ........ 

Accounts  of  Atahnallpa’s  Cruelties  ..... 

Reasons  for  doubting  their  Accuracy  .... 

Atahuallpa’s  Triumph  ....... 

His  Want  of  Foresight  ....... 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Spaniards  land  at  Tumbez.  — Pizarro  reconnoitres  the 
Country.  — Foundation  of  San  Miguel. — March  into 
THE  Interior.  — Embassy  from  the  Inca.  — Adventures 
ON  the  March.  — Reach  the  Foot  of  the  Andes 

Spaniards  pass  over  to  Tumbez  ...... 

The  Place  deserted  and  dismantled  ..... 

Its  Curaca  captured  ........ 

Pizarro  reconnoitres  the  Country  ...... 

His  conciliating  Policy  ....... 

He  founds  San  Miguel  ........ 

Learns  the  State  of  the  Kingdom  ..... 

Determines  to  strike  into  the  Interior  ..... 

His  probable  Intentions  ....... 

Boldness  of  the  Enterprise  ....... 

Marches  through  the  Level  Country  ..... 

Hospitality  of  the  Natives  ....... 


Page 

332 

333 

334 

335 

337 

338 

340 

341 

342 

343 

344 

345 

346 

347 

348 

350 

351 

352 

352 

353 

354 

3.56 

357 

358 

360 

361 

362 

363 

364 

365 


CONTENTS. 


xxxin 


Discontent  in  the  Army 

Page 

366 

Pizarro’s  Expedient  to  quiet  it  . . . 

. 367 

Reception  at  Zaran  ...... 

. ^ 368 

Envoy  from  the  Inca  . . 

. 369 

Courteously  received  by  Pizarro 

370 

His  Message  to  the  Inca  .... 

. 371 

De  Soto’s  Expedition  . . . . . 

372 

His  Accounts  of  the  Indian  Empire 

. 374 

March  towards  Caxamalca  . . . . 

375 

Contradictory  Information  .... 

. 376 

Emissary  to  Atahuallpa 

377 

Effective  Eloquence  of  Pizarro 

. 379 

CHAPTER  IV. 


Severe  Passage  of  the  Andes. — Embassies  from  Atahuall- 
PA. — The  Spaniards  reach  Caxamalca. — Embassy  to 
the  Inca.  — Interview  with  the  Inca.  — Despondency 


OF  THE  Spaniards  ..... 

381 

March  over  the  Andes  ...... 

. 382 

Fearful  Passes  of  the  Sierra  .... 

383 

Toilsome  and  dangerous  Ascent  . . . . 

. 383 

Mountain  Fortresses  ...... 

384 

The  Army  gain  the  Summit  . . . . . 

. 384 

Indian  Embassy  ...... 

385 

Lofty  Tone  of  Pizarro  ..... 

. 386 

Return  of  the  Spanish  Envoy  .... 

387 

Different  Accounts  of  Atahuallpa  . 

. 388 

Bold  Descent  of  the  Cordilleras 

389 

Beautiful  Valley  of  Caxamalca 

. 390 

Imposing  View  of  the  Peruvian  Camp 

391 

Entrance  into  Caxamalca  .... 

. . 392 

Description  of  the  City  ..... 

393 

De  Soto  sent  to  Atahuallpa  .... 

. 394 

His  Interview  with  the  Monarch 

396 

Haughty  Demeanour  of  the  Latter 

. 397 

His  Reply  to  Pizarro  ..... 

398 

Soto’s  Exhibition  of  Horsemanship 

. 399 

Gloomy  Forebodings  of  the  Spaniards 

401 

Courage  of  Pizarro  ..... 

. 402 

Daring  Plan  for  seizing  the  Inca 

403 

Reasons  for  its  Adoption  .... 

. 404 

VOL.  I.  E 


XXXIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Desperate  Plan  of  Pizarro. — Atahuallpa  visits  the  Span- 
iards.— Horrible  Massacre.  — The  Inca  a Prisoner. — 
Conduct  of  the  Conquerors.  — Splendid  Promises  of 

THE  Inca.  — Death  of  Huascar 

Disposition  of  the  Spanish  Troops  ..... 

Religious  Ceremonies  ........ 

Approach  of  the  Inca  ....... 

Designs  not  to  enter  the  Town  ...... 

Disappointment  of  the  Spaniards  .... 

Atahuallpa  changes  his  Purpose  ...... 

Leaves  his  W arriors  behind  ...... 

Enters  the  great  Square  ....... 

Urged  to  embrace  Christianity  ...... 

He  rejects  it  with  Disdain  ....... 

General  Attack  of  the  Spaniards  ... 

Bloody  Massacre  of  the  Peruvians  ..... 

Seizure  of  Atahuallpa  ....... 

Dispersion  of  his  Army  ....... 

Demeanour  of  the  Captive  Monarch  ..... 

His  probable  Designs  ........ 

Courteously  treated  by  Pizarro  ...... 

Indian  Prisoners  ......... 

Rich  Spoils  of  the  Inca  ....... 

Magnificent  Offer  of  Atahuallpa  ...... 

Accepted  by  Pizarro  ....... 

Inca’s  Mode  of  Life  in  Captivity  ...... 

Refuses  to  embrace  Christianity  ..... 

Assassination  of  his  Brother  Huascar  ..... 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Gold  arrives  for  the  Ranso.m.  — Visit  to  Pachacamac.  — 
Demolition  of  the  Idol.  — The  Inca’s  favorite  Gener- 
al. — The  Inca’s  Life  in  Confinement.  — Envoys’  Con- 
duct IN  Cuzco.  — Arrival  of  Almagro 
Slow  Arrival  of  the  Ransom  ...... 

Rumors  of  an  Indian  Rising  ....... 

Emissaries  sent  to  Cuzco  ....... 


Page 

407 

408 

409 

410 

411 

411 

412 

413 

414 

415 

417 

419 

420 

422 

423 

425 

426 

427 

429 

431 

432 

433 

435 

436 

438 

440 

440 

441 

442 


CONTENTS. 


XXXV 


Page 

City  and  Temple  of  Pachacamac 443 

Hernando  Pizarro’s  March  thither  ......  444 

Great  Road  of  the  Incas  . . . . . . .445 

Herds  of  Llamas  ........  445 

Rich  Cultivation  of  the  Valleys  ......  446 

Hernando’s  Arrival  at  the  City  ......  447 

Forcible  Entry  into  the  Temple  ......  448 

Horror  of  the  Natives  .......  448 

Destruction  of  the  Indian  Idol  ......  449 

Small  Amount  of  Booty  .......  450 

Hernando  marches  against  Challcuchima  . . . .451 

Persuades  him  to  visit  Caxamalca  .....  452 

Interview  of  Atahuallpa  with  his  General  ....  453 

The  Inca’s  absolute  Authority  ......  454 

His  Personal  Habits  and  Appearance  .....  455 

Return  of  the  Emissaries  from  Cuzco  ....  456 

Magnificent  Reports  of  the  City  ......  457 

They  stripped  the  Gold  from  the  Temples  ....  458 

Their  Insolence  and  Rapacity  ......  458 

Return  with  Loads  of  Treasure  .....  459 

Almagro  arrives  in  Peru  .......  459 

Brings  a large  Reinforcement  ......  460 

Joins  Pizarro’s  Camp  . . . . . . . .461 

Superstitious  Bodings  of  Atahuallpa 462 


CHAPTER  VII. 

I.vi.MENSE  Amount  of  Trea.sure.  — Its  Division  among  the 
Troops.  — Rumors  of  a Rising.  — Trial  of  the  Inca. — 


His  Execution.  — Reflections 463 

Division  of  the  Inca’s  Ransom  ......  464 

Hernando  takes  the  Royal  Fifth  to  Spain  ....  465 

His  Jealousy  of  Almagro  .......  466 

Enormous  Amount  of  the  Treasure  .....  467 

Difficulties  in  its  Distribution  ......  469 

Shares  of  the  Pizarros  .......  470 

Those  of  the  Soldiers  .......  471 

Exclusion  of  Almagro  and  his  Followers  ....  472 

Preparations  for  the  March  to  Cuzco  .....  473 

The  Inca  demands  his  Liberty  ......  474 

Equivocal  Conduct  of  Pizarro  ......  475 


XXXVl 


CONTENTS. 


Pago 

The  Interpreter  Felipillo  .......  476 

The  Inca  charged  with  exciting  Insurrection  . . . 476 

His  Protestations  of  Innocence  ......  477 

His  Apprehensions  ........  478 

Fears  and  Murmurs  of  the  Spaniards  .....  479 

They  demand  the  Inca's  Death  ......  480 

He  is  brought  to  Trial  ........  481 

Charges  against  him  ........  482 

Condemned  to  be  burnt  alive  ......  483 

Some  protest  against  the  Sentence  .....  484 

The  Inca  entirely  unmanned  .......  484 

His  earnest  Entreaties  for  Mercy  .....  485 

Led  to  Execution  . . . . . . . .486 

Abjures  his  Religion -.  . 486 

Perishes  by  the  Ganote  .......  487 

His  Character  and  Appearance  ......  488 

Funeral  Obsequies  ........  489 

Return  of  De  Soto  ........  490 

His  Indignation  and  Astonishment  .....  491 

Reflections  on  the  Inca’s  Treatment  .....  492 

Responsibility  of  Pizarro  .......  493 

Motives  of  Personal  Pique  ......  495 

Views  of  Chroniclers  respecting  the  Execution  . . . 496 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Disorders  in  Peru. — March  to  Cuzco.  — Encounter  with 
THE  Natives.  — Challcuchima  burnt.  — Arrival  in  Cuz- 
co.— Description  of  the  City.  — Treasure  found  there  498 


Authority  of  the  Inca  in  Peru 

. 498 

Effects  of  Atahuallpa's  Death  . 

499 

New  Inca  appointed  by  Pizarro 

. 500 

March  to  Cuzco  ..... 

501 

Formidable  Mountain  Passes 

. 502 

Tedious  and  painful  Route 

503 

Conflict  with  the  Indians  .... 

. 504 

Pizarro  halts  at  Xauxa  .... 

505 

De  Soto  sent  forward  ..... 

. 506 

Furiously  assaulted  in  the  Sierra 

506 

Fierce  Battle  with  the  Indians 

. 507 

Apprehensions  of  the  Spaniards 

508 

CONTENTS. 


xxxvu 


Page 

Arrival  of  Succours  ........  509 

The  Peruvians  retreat  .......  510 

Challcuchima  accused  of  Conspiracy  . . . . . 511 

Death  of  the  Inca  Toparca  ......  512 

Rich  Vale  of  Xaquixaguana  . . . . . . .513 

Trial  and  Condemnation  of  Challcuchima  . . . . 514 

Burned  alive  before  the  Army 515 

Spaniards  arrive  at  Cuzco 516 

Entrance  into  the  Capital  517 

Its  large  Population 518 

Gorgeous  Edifices 519 

Its  massive  Fortress 520 

Temple  of  the  Sun 522 

Plunder  of  the  Public  Buildings 523 

Amount  of  Treasure  secured 524 

Its  Division  among  the  Troops 525 

Its  Effect  upon  the  Spaniards 526 


1 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PORTRAIT  PREFIXED  TO  VOLUME  FIRST. 

I HAVE  not  found  it  easy  to  procure  an  authentic  portrait  of  Francisco 
Pizarro.  There  are  some  very  old  prints  of  him  ; and  among  them,  one 
in  Thevet’s  collection,  published  in  Paris,  in  1580;  but  it  is  probably 
not  the  most  ancient.  I know  not  how  far  the  likeness  can  be  depended 
on.  An  artist  wbo  has  made  the  comparison  informs  me,  that  it  was 
probably  from  one  of  these  ancient  prints  that  the  portrait  of  Pizarro  which 
bangs  up  in  the  royal  gallery  of  Versailles  was  originally  taken.  I have 
been  furnished  with  copies  of  both  the  print  and  the  painting ; but,  not 
confiding  in  their  authenticity,  I sent  to  Lima,  where,  in  the  viceregal 
palace,  the  portraits  of  the  Peruvian  viceroys  were  preserved,  in  an  un- 
broken series,  from  Pizarro  to  Pezuela,  who  closed  the  long  train  on  the 
breaking  out  of  the  War  of  Independence.  A full-length  copy  was  painted 
for  me  in  oils  from  the  original,  by  one  of  the  best  artists  in  the  capital. 
But,  if  the  copy  does  justice  to  the  original,  one  can  hardly  doubt  that 
this  latter  was  the  work  of  one  of  the  rude  followers  of  Pizarro,  who  un- 
derstood the  use  of  his  lance  much  better  than  that  of  his  brush.  The 
features  have  little  expression,  and  the  person  is  rigid.  The  Conqueror  is 
represented  in  a civil  costume,  — the  capa  y espada  of  a Spanish  cavalier 
of  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  cloak  is  of  dark  velvet ; 
and  on  both  the  cloak  and  the  doublet  is  embroidered  the  scarlet  cross  of 
the  knightly  order  of  St.  James.  In  his  hand  is  a letter,  which  the  painter 
might  have  spared,  since  the  subject  of  his  pencil  could  neither  read  nor 
write.  Perhaps  it  was  to  intimate  that  he  could  do  so,  that  the  cunning 
artist  introduced  the  letter,  — by  way  of  flattery  to  his  commander. 


PORTRAIT  PREFIXED  TO  VOLUME  SECOND. 

This  print  is  taken  from  a portrait  of  Gasca,  that  hangs  up  in  the 
sacristy  of  the  church  of  Santa  JIaria  Magdalena,  at  Valladolid ; which 
was  founded  and  liberally  endowed  by  the  President.  A copy  of  this 
picture  was  made  for  me  by  Don  Valentin  Carderera,  an  artist  well  known 
by  his  beautiful  illustrations  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  his  country,  and 
to  whose  pencil  I have  been  greatly  indebted  on  several  occasions.  The 
portrait  of  Gasca,  in  his  judgment,  though  of  a later  date  than  the  subject 
of  it,  bears  all  the  marks  of  authenticity.  The  sedate  and  modest  expres- 


xl 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


sion  of  the  countenance  is  in  harmony  with  his  character.  The  mitre  and 
the  coat  of  mail  intimate  the  opposite  vocations  to  which  he  was  called  in 
the  course  of  his  eventful  career.  This  painting  has  not,  to  ray  knowledge, 
been  before  engraved.  In  the  same  church  of  Santa  Maria  Magdalena  is 
a marble  monument,  raised  over  the  remains  of  the  President,  with  his 
effigy,  arrayed  in  his  pontifical  robes,  reposing  on  the  top  of  it.  The  whole 
work  is  executed  in  the  best  style  of  art.  But  the  image  of  death  does  not 
furnish  the  most  suitable  subject  for  the  illustration  of  a man’s  life. 


ARMS  OF  PIZARRO. 

The  stamp  on  the  back  of  the  volume  represents  the  arms  granted  by 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  to  Pizarro.  The  centre  of  the  shield  is  occupied 
with  the  ancient  arras  of  his  famil}’,  in  which  the  common  slate-stone  is 
introduced  as  emblematical  of  the  family  name.  Pizarra,  in  Castilian, 
means  a slate.  The  Conqueror  of  Peru  was  allowed  to  quarter  his  own 
arms  with  those  of  his  sovereign,  and  we  see  the  spread  eagle  holding  in 
his  talons  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  with  the  motto,  inscribed  on  them.  Plus 
ultra,  — which  Pizarro  did  as  much  as  any  other  Spaniard  to  verify. 
Below  is  a city  of  silver,  seated  on  a mountain,  and  the  border  of  the  shield 
is  garnished  with  figures  representing  small  camels,  — the  llama  of  Peru, 
and  a legend  bearing  these  words,  “ Caroli  Ccesaris  auspicio,  et  labore,  inge- 
nio,  ac  impeusa  Duels  Piqarro  inventa  et  pacata.”  In  the  lower  part  of  the 
escutcheon  is  the  figure  of  an  Indian  prince,  designed  for  Atahuallpa; 
while  the  heads  of  seven  chiefs  of  the  Inca  race,  held  together  by  a chain, 
denote  the  triumphs  of  Pizarro.  It  is  the  same  number  of  heads  which,  in 
like  manner,  decorated  the  scutcheon  of  Cortes,  — though  with  more  sig- 
nificance. Other  symbols  intimate  the  rank  of  marquess,  to  which  the 
Conqueror  was  raised. 


/Jtus 


f-d^^apci 


^Jiarharom 


^^mbat4y 


tui>rto 


I.OS  CAJ\ 


ELQS 


^O/'S'CI* 

C tie  . . 


Coxosk. 


de  lUicara. 


olluaruia 


•itjrseJ.'.-j’-Jc 


Uiston-  of  the  ronqucj^t  of  IVru 


BOOK  FIRST. 

INTRODUCTION. 

VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


VOL.  I. 


I 


I 


' «.  ■ 


1 


^ ,'y  3 ' 


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* f ■ ■ ■/  * '! 


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7 / ZQi'i’U^OOJl  /I 


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) 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


BOOK  I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Physical  Aspect  of  the  Country.  — Sources  of  Peruvian  Civ- 
ilization. — Empire  of  the  Incas.  — Royal  Family.  — No- 
bility. 

Of  the  numerous  nations  which  occupied  the  great 
American  continent  at  the  time  of  its  discovery  by 
the  Europeans,  the  two  most  advanced  in  power  and 
refinement  were  undoubtedly  those  of  Mexico  and 
Peru.  But,  though  resembling  one  another  in  extent 
of  civilization,  they  differed  widely  as  to  the  nature 
of  it ; and  the  philosophical  student  of  his  species 
may  feel  a natural  curiosity  to  trace  the  different 
steps  by  which  these  two  nations  strove  to  emerge 
from  the  state  of  barbarism,  and  place  themselves 
on  a higher  point  in  the  scale  of  humanity.  — In 
a former  work  I have  endeavoured  to  exhibit  the 
institutions  and  character  of  the  ancient  Mexicans, 
and  the  story  of  their  conquest  by  the  Spaniards. 
The  present  will  be  devoted  to  the  Peruvians  ; and. 


4 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


if  their  history  shall  be  found  to  present  less  strange 
anomalies  and  striking  contrasts  than  that  of  the 
Aztecs,  it  may  interest  us  quite  as  much  by  the 
pleasing  picture  it  offers  of  a well-regulated  govern- 
ment and  sober  habits  of  industry  under  the  patri- 
archal sway  of  the  Incas. 

The  empire  of  Peru,  at  the  period  of  the  Spanish 
invasion,  stretched  along  the  Pacific  from  about  the 
second  degree  north  to  the  thirty-seventh  degree  of 
south  latitude  ; a line,  also,  which  describes  the  west- 
ern boundaries  of  the  modern  republics  of  Ecuador, 
Peru,  Bolivia,  and  Chili.  Its  breadth  cannot  so 
easily  be  determined  ; for,  though  bounded  every- 
where by  the  great  ocean  on  the  west,  towards  the 
east  it  spread  out,  in  many  parts,  considerably  be- 
yond the  mountains,  to  the  confines  of  barbarous 
states,  whose  exact  position  is  undetermined,  or 
whose  names  are  effaced  from  the  map  of  history. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  its  breadth  was  altogether 
disproportioned  to  its  length.^ 

The  topographical  aspect  of  the  country  is  very 
remarkable.  A strip  of  land,  rarely  exceeding  twen- 
ty leagues  in  width,  runs  along  the  coast,  and  is 
hemmed  in  through  its  whole  extent  by  a colossal 
range  of  mountains,  which,  advancing  from  the 
Straits  of  Magellan,  reaches  its  highest  elevation  — 


I Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  According  to  the  last  authority, 
65.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica  del  the  empire,  in  its  greatest  breadth, 
Peru,  (Anvers,  1554,)  cap.  41. — did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  Common-  twenty  leagues.  But  Garcilasso’s 
tarios  Reales,  (Lisboa,  1609,)  geography  will  not  bear  criticism. 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  8. 


Ch.  L]  physical  aspect  of  the  country. 


5 


indeed,  the  highest  on  the  American  continent  — 
about  the  seventeenth  degree  south,®  and,  after  cross- 
ing the  line,  gradually  subsides  into  hills  of  inconsid- 
erable magnitude,  as  it  enters  the  Isthmus  of  Pana- 
md.  This  is  the  famous  Cordillera  of  the  Andes,  or 
“ copper  mountains,”  ^ as  termed  by  the  natives, 
though  they  might  with  more  reason  have  been 
called  “ mountains  of  gold.”  Arranged  sometimes 
in  a single  line,  though  more  frequently  in  two 
or  three  lines  running  parallel  or  obliquely  to  each 
other,  they  seem  to  the  voyager  on  the  ocean  but 
one  continuous  chain ; while  the  huge  volcanoes, 
which  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  table-land  look  like 
solitary  and  independent  masses,  appear  to  him  only 
like  so  many  peaks  of  the  same  vast  and  magnificent 
range.  So  immense  is  the  scale  on  which  Nature 
works  in  these  regions,  that  it  is  only  when  viewed 
from  a great  distance,  that  the  spectator  can,  in  any 
degree,  comprehend  the  relation  of  the  several  parts 
to  the  stupendous  whole.  Few  of  the  works  of 
Nature,  indeed,  are  calculated  to  produce  impressions 
of  higher  sublimity  than  the  aspect  of  this  coast,  as 
it  is  gradually  unfolded  to  the  eye  of  the  mariner 
sailing  on  the  distant  waters  of  the  Pacific ; where 

2 According  to  Malte-Brun,  it  is  enormous  height  of  25,250  feet, 
under  the  equator  that  we  meet  and  the  Illimani  to  24,300. 
with  the  loftiest  summits  of  this  3 least,  the  word  anta,  which 
chain.  (Universal  Geography,  has  been  thought  to  furnish  the 
Eng.  trans.,  book  86.)  But  more  etymology  of  Andes,  in  the  Peru- 
recent  measurements  have  shown  vian  tongue,  signified  “copper.” 
this  to  be  between  fifteen  and  sev-  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
enteen  degrees  south,  where  the  lib.  5,  cap.  15. 

Nevado  de  Sorata  rises  to  the 


6 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


mountain  is  seen  to  rise  above  mountain,  and  Chim- 
borazo, with  its  glorious  canopy  of  snow,  glittering 
far  above  the  clouds,  crowns  the  whole  as  with  a 
celestial  diadem.^ 

The  face  of  the  country  would  appear  to  be  pecu- 
liarly unfavorable  to  the  purposes  both  of  agriculture 
and  of  internal  communication.  The  sandy  strip 
along  the  coast,  where  rain  never  falls,  is  fed  only  by 
a few  scanty  streams,  that  furnish  a remarkable  con- 
trast to  the  vast  volumes  of  water  which  roll  down 
the  eastern  sides  of  the  Cordilleras  into  the  Atlantic. 
The  precipitous  steeps  of  the  sierra,  with  its  splin- 
tered sides  of  porphyry  and  granite,  and  its  higher 
regions  wrapped  in  snows  that  never  melt  under 
the  fierce  sun  of  the  equator,  uidess  it  be  from  the 
desolating  action  of  its  own  volcanic  fires,  might 
seem  equally  unpropitious  to  the  labors  of  the 
husbandman.  And  all  communication  between 
the  parts  of  the  long-extended  territory  might  be 
thought  to  be  precluded  by  the  savage  character 
of  the  region,  broken  up  by  precipices,  furious  tor- 
rents, and  impassable  quehradas,  — those  hideous 
rents  in  the  mountain  chain,  whose  depths  the 
eye  of  the  terrified  traveller,  as  he  winds  along 


Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordil- 
leres  et  Monumens  des  Peuples 
Indigenes  de  I’Amerique,  (Paris, 
1810,)  p.  106.  — Malte-Brun,  book 
88. 

The  few  brief  sketches  which 
M.  de  Humboldt  has  given  of  the 


scenery  of  the  Cordilleras,  showing 
the  hand  of  a great  painter,  as  well 
as  of  a philosopher,  make  us  regret 
the  more,  that  he  has  not  given 
the  results  of  his  observations  in 
this  interesting  region  as  minutely 
as  he  has  done  in  respect  to  Mexico. 


Ch.  I ] PHYSICAL  ASPECT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


7 


his  aerial  pathway,  vainly  endeavours  to  fathom.® 
Yet  the  industry,  we  might  almost  say,  the  genius, 
of  the  Indian  was  sufficient  to  overcome  all  these 
impediments  of  Nature. 

By  a judicious  system  of  canals  and  subterraneous 
aqueducts,  the  waste  places  on  the  coast  were  re- 
freshed by  copious  streams,  that  clothed  them  in  fer- 
tility and  beauty.  Terraces  were  raised  upon  the 
steep  sides  of  the  Cordillera ; and,  as  the  different 
elevations  had  the  effect  of  difference  of  latitude, 
they  exhibited  in  regular  gradation  every  variety  of 
vegetable  form,  from  the  stimulated  growth  of  the 
tropics,  to  the  temperate  products  of  a north- 
ern clime;  while  flocks  of  llamas  — the  Peruvian 
sheep  — wandered  with  their  shepherds  over  the 
broad,  snow-covered  wastes  on  the  crests  of  the 
sierra,  which  rose  beyond  the  limits  of  cultivation. 
An  industrious  population  settled  along  the  lofty  re- 
gions of  the  plateaus,  and  towns  and  hamlets,  clus- 
tering amidst  orchards  and  wide-spreading  gardens, 
seemed  suspended  in  the  air  far  above  the  ordinary 
elevation  of  the  clouds.®  Intercourse  was  main- 
tained between  these  numerous  settlements  by 
means  of  the  great  roads  which  traversed  the  moun- 

5 “ These  crevices  are  so  deep,”  ® The  plains  of  Quito  are  at  the 
says  M.  de  Humboldt,  with  his  height  of  between  nine  and  ten 
usual  vivacity  of  illustration,  ” that  thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  (See 
if  Vesuvius  or  the  Puy  de  Dome  Condamine,  Journal  d’un  Voyage 
were  seated  in  the  bottom  of  them,  a I’Equateur,  (Paris,  1751,)  p. 
they  would  not  rise  above  the  level  48.)  Other  valleys  or  plateaus  in 
of  the  ridges  of  the  neighbouring  this  vast  group  of  mountains  reach 
sierra.”  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  a still  higher  elevation. 


8 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


tain  passes,  and  opened  an  easy  communication  be- 
tween the  capital  and  the  remotest  extremities  of 
the  empire. 

The  source  of  this  civilization  is  traced  to  the 
valley  of  Cuzco,  the  central  region  of  Peru,  as  its 
name  implies.^  The  origin  of  the  Peruvian  empire, 
like  the  origin  of  all  nations,  except  the  very  few 
which,  like  our  own,  have  had  the  good  fortune  to 
date  from  a civilized  period  and  people,  is  lost  in 
the  mists  of  fable,  which,  in  fact,  have  settled  as 
darkly  round  its  history  as  round  that  of  any  na- 
tion, ancient  or  modern,  in  the  Old  World.  Ac- 
cording to  the  tradition  most  familiar  to  the  Euro- 
pean scholar,  the  time  was,  when  the  ancient  races 
of  the  continent  were  all  plunged  in  deplorable  bar- 
barism ; when  they  worshipped  nearly  every  object 
in  nature  indiscriminately ; made  war  their  pastime, 
and  feasted  on  the  flesh  of  their  slaughtered  cap- 
tives. The  Sun,  the  great  luminary  and  parent  of 
mankind,  taking  compassion  on  their  degraded  con- 
dition, sent  two  of  his  children,  Manco  Capac  and 
Mama  Oello  Huaco,  to  gather  the  natives  into  com- 
munities, and  teach  them  the  arts  of  civilized  life. 
The  celestial  pair,  brother  and  sister,  husband  and 
wife,  advanced  along  the  high  plains  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Lake  Titicaca,  to  about  the  sixteenth  degree 
south.  They  bore  with  them  a golden  wedge,  and 
were  directed  to  take  up  their  residence  on  the  spot 
where  the  sacred  emblem  should  without  effort  sink 

7 “ Cuzco,  in  the  language  of  nifies  navel."  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
the  Incas,”  says  Garcilasso,  “ sig-  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  18. 


Ch.  I.]  SOURCES  OF  PERUVIAN  CIVILIZATION. 


9 


into  the  ground.  They  proceeded  accordingly  but  a 
short  distance,  as  far  as  the  valley  of  Cuzco,  the 
spot*  indicated  by  the  performance  of  the  miracle, 
since  there  the  wedge  speedily  sank  into  the  earth 
and  disappeared  for  ever.  Here  the  children  of  the 
Sun  established  their  residence,  and  soon  entered 
upon  their  beneficent  mission  among  the  rude  inhab- 
itants of  the  country;  Manco  Capac  teaching  the 
men  the  arts  of  agriculture,  and  Mama  Oello®  ini- 
tiating her  own  sex  in  the  mysteries  of  weaving 
and  spinning.  The  simple  people  lent  a willing  ear 
to  the  messengers  of  Heaven,  and,  gathering  to- 
gether in  considerable  numbers,  laid  the  foundations 
of  the  city  of  Cuzco.  The  same  wise  and  benevo- 
lent maxims,  which  regulated  the  conduct  of  the 
first  Incas,®  descended  to  their  successors,  and  under 


® Mama,  with  the  Peruvians, 
signified  “ mother.”  (Garcilasso, 
Cora.  Real.,  Parte  I,  hb.  4,  cap. 
I .)  The  identity  of  this  term  with 
that  used  by  Europeans  is  a cu- 
rious coincidence.  It  is  scarcely 
less  so,  however,  than  that  of  the 
corresponding  word,  papa,  which 
with  the  ancient  Mexicans  denoted 
a priest  of  high  rank ; reminding  us 
of  the  papa,  “pope,”  of  the  Italians. 
With  both,  the  term  seems  to  em- 
brace in  its  most  comprehensive 
sense  the  paternal  relation,  in  which 
it  is  more  familiarly  employed  by 
most  of  the  nations  of  Europe. 
Nor  was  the  use  of  it  hmited  to 
modern  times,  being  applied  in  the 
same  way  both  by  Greeks  and 
Romans  ; “ ndinra  ^iXe,”  says 

2 


Nausikaa,  addressing  her  father, 
in  the  simple  language  which  the 
modem  versifiers  have  thought  too 
simple  to  render  literally. 

9 Inca  signified  king  or  lord. 
Capac  meant  great  or  powerful. 
It  was  applied  to  several  of  the 
successors  of  Manco,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  epithet  Yupanqui, 
signifying  rich  in  all  virtues,  was 
added  to  the  names  of  several  In- 
cas. (Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
cap.  41.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  17.)  The 
good  quahties  commemorated  by 
the  cognomens  of  most  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian princes  afford  an  honorable, 
though  not  altogether  unsuspicious, 
tribute  to  the  excellence  of  their 
characters. 


VOL.  I. 


10 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


their  mild  sceptre  a community  gradually  extended  it- 
self along  the  broad  surface  of  the  table-land,  which 
asserted  its  superiority  over  the  surrounding  tribes. 
Such  is  the  pleasing  picture  of  the  origin  of  the 
Peruvian  monarchy,  as  portrayed  by  Garcilasso  de 
la  Vega,  the  descendant  of  the  Incas,  and  through 
him  made  familiar  to  the  European  reader.*® 

But  this  tradition  is  only  one  of  several  current 
among  the  Peruvian  Indians,  and  probably  not 
the  one  most  generally  received.  Another  legend 
speaks  of  certain  white  and  bearded  men,  who,  ad- 
vancing from  the  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca,  estab- 
lished an  ascendency  over  the  natives,  and  imparted 
to  them  the  blessings  of  civilization.  It  may  re- 
mind us  of  the  tradition  existing  among  the  Aztecs 
in  respect  to  Quetzalcoatl,  the  good  deity,  who  with 
a similar  garb  and  aspect  came  up  the  great  pla- 
teau from  the  east  on  a like  benevolent  mission  to 
the  natives.  The  analogy  is  the  more  remarkable, 
as  there  is  no  trace  of  any  communication  with,  or 
even  knowledge  of,  each  other  to  be  found  in  the 
two  nations.** 

The  date  usually  assigned  for  these  extraordinary 
events  was  about  four  hundred  years  before  the 


Com.  Real.,  Parte  I,  lib.  1, 
cap.  9 - 16. 

u These  several  traditions,  all 
of  a very  puerile  character,  are  to 
be  found  in  Ondegardo,  Relacion 
Segunda,  MS.,  — Sarmiento,  Re- 
lacion, MS.,  cap.  1, — Cieza  de 
Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  105,  — Con- 


quista  i Poblacion  del  Piru,MS.,  — 
Declaracion  de  los  Presidente  e 
Oydores  de  la  Audiencia  Reale  del 
Peru,  MS.,  — all  of  them  authori- 
ties contemporary  with  the  Con- 
quest. The  story  of  the  bearded 
white  men  finds  its  place  in  most 
of  their  legends. 


Ch.  I]  SOURCES  OF  PERUVIAN  CIVILIZATION. 


11 


coming  of  the  Spaniards,  or  early  in  the  twelfth 
century.'®  But,  however  pleasing  to  the  imagination, 
and  however  popular,  the  legend  of  Manco  Capac, 
it  requires  but  little  reflection  to  show  its  improba- 
bility, even  when  divested  of  supernatural  accom- 
paniments. On  the  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca  exten- 
sive ruins  exist  at  the  present  day,  which  the  Peru- 
vians themselves  acknowledge  to  be  of  older  date 
than  the  pretended  advent  of  the  Incas,  and  to  have 
furnished  them  with  the  models  of  their  architect- 
ure.'^ The  date  of  their  appearance,  indeed,  is 


12  Some  writers  carry  back  the 
date  500,  or  even  550,  years  before 
the  Spanish  invasion.  (Balboa, 
Histoire  du  Perou,  chap.  1.  — Ve- 
lasco, Histoire  du  Royaume  de  Qui- 
to, tom.  I.  p.  81.  — Ambo  auct.  ap. 
Relations  et  Memoires  Orig-inaux 
pour  servir  a I’Histoire  de  la  De- 
couverte  de  I’Amerique,  par  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  (Paris,  1840.) ) In 
the  Report  of  the  Royal  Audi- 
ence of  Peru,  the  epoch  is  more 
modestly  fixed  at  200  years  before 
the  Conquest.  Dec.  de  la  Aud. 
Real.,  MS. 

13  “ Otras  cosas  ay  mas  que 
dezir  deste  Tiaguanaco,  que  passo 
por  no  detenerme  : concluyedo  que 
yo  para  mi  tengo  esta  antigualla 
por  la  mas  antigua  de  todo  el  Peru. 
Y assi  se  tiene  que  antes  q los  In- 
gas reynassen  con  muchos  tiempos 
estavan  hechos  algunos  edificios 
destos  : porque  yo  he  oydo  afirmar 
a Indios,  que  los  Ingas  hizieron  los 
edificios  grandes  del  Cuzco  por  la 
forma  que  vieron  tener  la  muralla 


o pared  que  se  vee  en  este  pueblo.” 
(Ciezade  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  105.) 
See  also  Garcilasso,  (Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  1,)  who  gives 
an  account  of  these  remains,  on  the 
authority  of  a Spanish  ecclesiastic, 
which  might  compare,  for  the  mar- 
vellous, with  any  of  the  legends  of 
his  order.  Other  ruins  of  similar 
traditional  antiquity  are  noticed  by 
Herrera,  (Historia  General  de  los 
Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en  las  Is- 
las  y Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oceano, 
(Madrid,  1730,)  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap. 
9.)  McCulloh,  in  some  sensible 
reflections  on  the  origin  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian civilization,  adduces,  on  the 
authority  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
the  famous  temple  of  Pachacamac, 
not  far  from  Lima,  as  an  example 
of  architecture  more  ancient  than 
that  of  the  Incas.  (Researches,  Phi- 
losophical and  Antiquarian,  con- 
cerning the  Aboriginal  History  of 
America,  (Baltimore,  1829,)  p. 
405.)  This,  if  true,  would  do 
much  to  confirm  the  views  in  our 


12 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


manifestly  irreconcilable  with  their  subsequent  his- 
tory. No  account  assigns  to  the  Inca  dynasty  more 
than  thirteen  princes  before  the  Conquest.  But 
this  number  is  altogether  too  small  to  have  spread 
over  four  hundred  years,  and  would  not  carry  back  the 
foundations  of  the  monarchy,  on  any  probable  com- 
putation, beyond  two  centuries  and  a half,  — an 
antiquity  not  incredible  in  itself,  and  which,  it  may 
be  remarked,  does  not  precede  by  more  than  half  a 
century  the  alleged  foundation  of  the  capital  of  Mex- 
ico. The  fiction  of  Manco  Capac  and  his  sister- 
wife  was  devised,  no  doubt,  at  a later  period,  to 
gratify  the  vanity  of  the  Peruvian  monarchs,  and  to 
give  additional  sanction  to  their  authority  by  deriv- 
ing it  from  a celestial  origin. 

We  may  reasonably  conclude  that  there  existed 
in  the  country  a race  advanced  in  civilization  before 
the  time  of  the  Incas ; and,  in  conformity  with 
nearly  every  tradition,  we  may  derive  this  race  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Titicaca ; a conclusion 
strongly  confirmed  by  the  imposing  architectural 


text.  But  M^Culloh  is  led  into  an 
error  by  his  blind  guide,  Rycaut, 
the  translator  of  Garcilasso,  for  the 
latter  does  not  speak  of  the  temple 
as  existing  before  the  time  of  the 
Incas,  but  before  the  time  when 
the  country  was  conquered  by  the 
Incas.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
6,  cap.  30. 

1'*  Among  other  authorities  for 
this  tradition,  see  Sarmiento,  Re- 
lacion,  MS.,  cap.  3,  4,  — Herrera, 
Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap. 


6,  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.,  — 
Zarate,  Historia  del  Descubrimien- 
to  y de  la  Conquista  del  Peru, 
lib.  1,  cap.  10,  ap.  Barcia,  Histo- 
riadores  Primitivos  de  las  Indias 
Occidentales,  (Madrid,  1749,)  tom. 
3. 

In  most,  not  all,  of  the  traditions, 
Manco  Capac  is  recognized  as  the 
name  of  the  founder  of  l.he  Peru- 
vian monarchy,  though  his  history 
and  character  are  related  with  suf- 
ficient discrepancy. 


Ch.  I.] 


EMPIRE  OF  THE  INCAS. 


13 


remains  which  still  endure,  after  the  lapse  of  so 
many  years,  on  its  borders.  Who  this  race  were, 
and  whence  they  came,  may  afford  a tempting 
theme  for  inquiry  to  the  speculative  antiquarian. 
But  it  is  a land  of  darkness  that  lies  far  beyond  the 
domain  of  history.*® 

The  same  mists  that  hang  round  the  origin  of  the 
Incas  continue  to  settle  on  their  subsequent  annals ; 
and,  so  imperfect  were  the  records  employed  by 
the  Peruvians,  and  so  confused  and  contradictory 
their  traditions,  that  the  historian  finds  no  firm  foot- 
ing on  which  to  stand  till  within  a century  of  the 
Spanish  conquest.*®  At  first,  the  progress  of  the 


Mr.  Ranking, 

“ Who  can  deep  mysteries  unriddle, 

As  easily  as  thread  a needle,” 

finds  it  “ highly  probable  that  the 
first  Inca  of  Peru  was  a son  of  the 
Grand  Khan  Kublai”!  (Histori- 
cal Researches  on  the  Conquest  of 
Peru,  &c.,  by  the  Moguls,  (Lon- 
don, 1827,)  p.  170.)  The  coinci- 
dences are  curious,  though  we 
shall  hardly  jump  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  adventurous  author.  Every 
scholar  will  agree  with  Humboldt, 
in  the  wish  that  “ some  learned 
traveller  would  visit  the  borders  of 
the  lake  of  Titicaca,  the  district  of 
Callao,  and  the  high  plains  of  Tia- 
huanaco,  the  theatre  of  the  ancient 
American  civilization.”  (Vuesdes 
Cordilldres,  p.  199.)  And  yet  the 
architectural  monuments  of  the 
aborigines,  hitherto  brought  to 
light,  have  furnished  few  materials 
for  a bridge  of  communication  across 


the  dark  g^lf  that  still  separates 
the  Old  World  from  the  New. 

A good  deal  within  a century, 
to  say  truth.  Garcilasso  and  Sar- 
miento,  for  example,  the  two  an- 
cient authorities  in  highest  repute, 
have  scarcely  a point  of  contact  in 
their  accounts  of  the  earlier  Peru- 
vian princes  ; the  former  represent- 
ing the  sceptre  as  gliding  down  in 
peaceful  succession  from  hand  to 
hand,  through  an  unbroken  dynas- 
ty, while  the  latter  garnishes  his 
tale  with  as  many  conspiracies,  de- 
positions, and  revolutions,  as  belong 
to  most  barbarous,  and,  unhappily, 
most  civilized  communities.  When 
to  these  two  are  added  the  various 
writers,  contemporary  and  of  the 
succeeding  age,  who  have  treated 
of  the  Peruvian  annals,  we  shall 
find  ourselves  in  such  a conflict  of 
traditions,  that  criticism  is  lost  in 
conjecture.  Yet  this  uncertainty 


14 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


Peruvians  seems  to  have  been  slow,  and  almost 
imperceptible.  By  their  wise  and  temperate  policy, 
they  gradually  won  over  the  neighbouring  tribes  to 
their  dominion,  as  these  latter  became  more  and 
more  convinced  of  the  benefits  of  a just  and  well- 
regulated  government.  As  they  grew  stronger,  they 
were  enabled  to  rely  more  directly  on  force  ; but, 
still  advancing  under  cover  of  the  same  beneficent 
pretexts  employed  by  their  predecessors,  they  pro- 
claimed peace  and  civilization  at  the  point  of  the 
sword.  The  rude  nations  of  the  country,  without 
any  principle  of  cohesion  among  themselves,  fell  one 
after  another  before  the  victorious  arm  of  the  Incas. 
Yet  it  was  not  till  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  centu- 
ry that  the  famous  Topa  Inca  Yupanqui,  grand- 
father of  the  monarch  who  occupied  the  throne  at 
the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  led  his  armies  across 
the  terrible  desert  of  Atacama,  and,  penetrating  to 
the  southern  region  of  Chili,  fixed  the  permanent 
boundary  of  his  dominions  at  the  river  Maule.  His 
son,  Huayna  Capac,  possessed  of  ambition  and  mil- 
itary talent  fully  equal  to  his  father’s,  marched  along 
the  Cordillera  towards  the  north,  and,  pushing  his 
conquests  across  the  equator,  added  the  powerful 
kingdom  of  Quito  to  the  empire  of  Peru.”^ 


as  to  historical  events  fortunately 
does  not  extend  to  the  history  of 
arts  and  institutions,  which  were 
in  existence  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards. 

Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  57,  64.  — Conq.  i Fob.  del 


Pirn,  MS.  — Velasco,  Hist,  de 
Quito,  p.  59.  — Dec.  de  la  Aud. 
Real.,  MS.  — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  18,  19  ; 
lib.  8,  cap.  5-8. 

The  last  historian,"  and,  indeed, 
some  others,  refer  the  conquest  of 


Ch.  I.] 


EMPIRE  OF  THE  INCAS. 


15 


The  ancient  city  of  Cuzco,  meanwhile,  had  been 
gradually  advancing  in  wealth  and  population,  till 
it  had  become  the  worthy  metropolis  of  a great  and 
flourishing  monarchy.  It  stood  in  a beautiful  valley 
on  an  elevated  region  of  the  plateau,  which,  among 
the  Alps,  would  have  been  buried  in  eternal  snows, 
but  which  within  the  tropics  enjoyed  a genial  and 
salubrious  temperature.  Towards  the  north  it  was 
defended  by  a lofty  eminence,  a spur  of  the  great 
Cordillera;  and  the  city  was  traversed  by  a river,  or 
rather  a small  stream,  over  which  bridges  of  timber, 
covered  with  heavy  slabs  of  stone,  furnished  an 
easy  means  of  communication  with  the  opposite 
banks.  The  streets  were  long  and  narrow;  the 
houses  low,  and  those  of  the  poorer  sort  built  of 
clay  and  reeds.  But  Cuzco  was  the  royal  resi- 
dence, and  was  adorned  with  the  ample  dwellings  of 
the  great  nobility ; and  the  massy  fragments  still 
incorporated  in  many  of  the  modern  edifices  bear 
testimony  to  the  size  and  solidity  of  the  ancient.'® 


Chili  to  Yupanqui,  the  father  of 
Topa  Inca.  The  exploits  of  the 
two  monarchs  are  so  blended  to- 
gether by  the  different  annalists,  as 
in  a manner  to  confound  their  per- 
sonal identity. 

18  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  lib. 
7,  cap.  8-  II.  — Cieza  de  Leon, 
Cronica,  cap.  92. 

“ El  Cuzco  tuuo  gran  manera  y 
calidad,  deuio  ser  fundada  por 
gente  de  gran  ser.  Auia  grandes 
calles,  saluo  q era  angostas,  y las 
casas  hechas  de  piedra  pura  c6  tan 


lindas  junturas,  q illustra  el  anti- 
guedad  del  edificio,  pues  estauan 
piedras  tan  grades  muy  bien  assen- 
tadas.”  (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  Com- 
pare with  this  Miller’s  account  of 
the  city,  as  existing  at  the  present 
day.  “ The  walls  of  many  of  the 
houses  have  remained  unaltered  for 
centuries.  The  great  size  of  the 
stones,  the  variety  of  their  shapes, 
and  the  inimitable  workmanship 
they  display,  give  to  the  city  that 
interesting  air  of  antiquity  and  ro- 
mance, which  fills  the  mind  with 


16 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I 


The  health  of  the  city  was  promoted  by  spacious 
openings  and  squares,  in  which  a numerous  popula- 
tion from  the  capital  and  the  distant  country  assem- 
bled to  celebrate  the  high  festivals  of  their  religion. 
For  Cuzco  was  the  “ Holy  City  and  the  great 
temple  of  the  Sun,  to  which  pilgrims  resorted  from 
the  furthest  borders  of  the  empire,  was  the  most 
magnificent  structure  in  the  New  World,  and  unsur- 
passed, probably,  in  the  costliness  of  its  decorations 
by  any  building  in  the  Old. 

Towards  the  north,  on  the  sierra  or  rugged  emi- 
nence already  noticed,  rose  a strong  fortress,  the 
remains  of  which  at  the  present  day,  by  their  vast 
size,  excite  the  admiration  of  the  traveller.^”  It 
was  defended  by  a single  wall  of  great  thickness, 
and  twelve  hundred  feet  long  on  the  side  facing  the 
city,  where  the  precipitous  character  of  the  ground 
was  of  itself  almost  sufficient  for  its  defence.  On 
the  other  quarter,  where  the  approaches  were  less 
difficult,  it  was  protected  by  two  other  semicircular 
walls  of  the  same  length  as  the  preceding.  They 
were  separated,  a considerable  distance  from  one 
another  and  from  the  fortress  ; and  the  interven- 


pleasing  though  painful  veneration.” 
Memoirs  of  Gen.  Miller  in  the  Ser- 
vice of  the  Republic  of  Peru,  (Lon- 
don, 1829,  2d  ed.)  vol.  II.  p.  225. 

19  “La  Imperial  Ciudad  de  Coz- 
co,  que  la  adoravan  los  Indies,  como 
a Cosa  Sagrada.”  Garcilasso, 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  20. 
— Also  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

90  See,  among  others,  the  Me- 


moirs, above  cited,  of  Gen.  Miller, 
which  contain  a minute  and  very 
interesting  notice  of  modern  Cuzco. 
(Vol.  II.  p.  223,  et  seq.)  Ulloa, 
who  visited  the  country  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  last  century,  is  unbound- 
ed in  his  expressions  of  admiration. 
Voyage  to  South  America,  Eng. 
trans.,  (London,  1806,)  book  VII. 
ch.  12. 


Ch.  I.] 


EMPIRE  OF  THE  INCAS. 


17 


ing  ground  was  raised  so  that  the  walls  afforded  a 
breastwork  for  the  troops  stationed  there  in  times  of 
assault.  The  fortress  consisted  of  three  towers, 
detached  from  one  another.  One  was  appropriated 
to  the  Inca,  and  was  garnished  with  the  sumptuous 
decorations  befitting  a royal  residence,  rather  than  a 
military  post.  The  other  two  were  held  by  the 
garrison,  drawn  from  the  Peruvian  nobles,  and  com- 
manded by  an  officer  of  the  blood  royal ; for  the 
position  was  of  too  great  importance  to  be  intrusted 
to  inferior  hands.  The  hill  was  excavated  below 
the  towers,  and  several  subterraneous  galleries  com- 
municated with  the  city  and  the  palaces  of  the 
Inca.®* 

The  fortress,  the  walls,  and  the  galleries  were  all 
built  of  stone,  the  heavy  blocks  of  which  were  not 
laid  in  regular  courses,  but  so  disposed  that  the  small 
ones  might  fill  up  the  interstices  between  the  great. 
They  formed  a sort  of  rustic  work,  being  rough- 
hewn  except  towards  the  edges,  which  were  finely 
wrought ; and,  though  no  cement  was  used,  the  sev- 
eral blocks  were  adjusted  with  so  much  exactness 
and  united  so  closely,  that  it  was  impossible  to  in- 
troduce even  the  blade  of  a knife  between  them.®® 


21  Betanzos,  Suma  y Narracion 
de  los  Yngas,  MS.,  cap.  12. — 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I, 
iib.  7,  cap.  27-29. 

The  demolition  of  the  fortress, 
begun  immediately  after  the  Con- 
quest, provoked  the  remonstrance 
of  more  than  one  enlightened  Span- 
iard, whose  voice,  however,  was 
VOL.  I.  3 


impotent  against  the  spirit  of  eu- 
pidity  and  violence.  See  Sarmi- 
ento,  Relaeion,  MS.,  cap.  48. 

22  R)id.,  ubi  supra.  — Inscrip- 
cion'es,  Medallas,  Templos,  Edifi- 
cios,  Antiguedades,  y Monumentos 
del  Peru,  MS.  This  manuscript, 
which  formerly  belonged  to  Dr. 
Robertson,  and  which  is  now  in 


18 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


Many  of  these  stones  were  of  vast  size ; some  of 
them  being  full  thirty-eight  feet  long,  by  eighteen 
broad,  and  six  feet  tliick.®^ 

We  are  filled  with  astonishment,  when  we  con- 
sider, that  these  enormous  masses  were  hewn  from 
their  native  bed  and  fashioned  into  shape,  by  a 
people  ignorant  of  the  use  of  iron ; that  they  were 
brought  from  quarries,  from  four  to  fifteen  leagues 
distant,^^  without  the  aid  of  beasts  of  burden ; 
were  transported  across  rivers  and  ravines,  raised 
to  their  elevated  position  on  the  sierra,  and  finally 
adjusted  there  with  the  nicest  accuracy,  without  the 
knowledge  of  tools  and  machinery  familiar  to  the 
European.  Twenty  thousand  men  are  said  to  have 
been  employed  on  this  great  structure,  and  fifty 
years  consumed  in  the  building.^  However  this 
may  be,  we  see  in  it  the  workings  of  a despotism 


the  British  Museum,  is  the  work 
of  some  unknown  author,  some- 
where probably  about  the  time  of 
Charles  III. ; a period  when,  as 
the  sagacious  scholar  to  whom  I 
am  indebted  for  a copy  of  it  re- 
marks, a spirit  of  sounder  criticism 
was  visible  in  the  Castilian  histo- 
rians. 

Acosta,  Naturall  and  Morall 
Historic  of  the  East  and  West  In- 
dies, Eng.  trans.,  (London,  1004,) 
lib.  6,  cap.  14.  — He  measured  the 
stones  himself.  — See  also  Garci- 
lasso.  Com.  Real.,  loc.  cit. 

24  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap. 
93. — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

Many  hundred  blocks  of  granite 


may  still  be  seen,  it  is  said,  in  an 
unfinished  state,  in  a quarry  near 
Cuzco. 

• 25  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  48.  — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg., 
MS.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  27,  28. 

The  Spaniards,  puzzled  by  the 
execution  of  so  great  a work  with 
such  apparently  inadequate  means, 
referred  it  all,  in  their  summary 
way,  to  the  Devil  ; an  opinion 
which  Garcilasso  seems  willing  to 
indorse.  The  author  of  the  Antig. 
y Monumentos  del  Peru,  MS.,  re- 
jects this  notion  with  becoming 
gravity. 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


19 


which  had  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  its  vassals  at  its 
absolute  disposal,  and  which,  however  mild  in  its 
general  character,  esteemed  these  vassals,  when  em- 
ployed in  its  service,  as  lightly  as  the  brute  animals 
for  which  they  served  as  a substitute. 

The  fortress  of  Cuzco  was  but  part  of  a system  of 
fortifications  established  throughout  their  dominions 
by  the  Incas.  This  system  formed  a prominent  fea- 
ture in  their  military  policy ; but  before  entering  on  this 
latter,  it  will  be  proper  to  give  the  reader  some  view 
of  their  civil  institutions  and  scheme  of  government. 

The  sceptre  of  the  Incas,  if  we  may  credit  their 
historian,  descended  in  unbroken  succession  from  fa- 
ther to  son,  through  their  whole  dynasty.  Whatev- 
er we  may  think  of  this,  it  appears  probable  that  the 
right  of  inheritance  might  be  claimed  by  the  eldest 
son  of  the  Coija,  or  lawful  queen,  as  she  was  styled, 
to  distinguish  her  from  the  host  of  concubines  who 
shared  the  affections  of  the  sovereign.^  The  queen 
was  further  distinguished,  at  least  in  later  reigns,  by 
the  circumstance  of  being  selected  from  the  sisters 
of  the  Inca,  an  arrangement  which,  however  revolt- 
ing to  the  ideas  of  civilized  nations,  was  recom- 
mended to  the  Peruvians  by  its  securing  an  heir  to 
the  crown  of  the  pure  heaven-born  race,  uncontam- 
inated by  any  mixture  of  earthly  mould. 

26  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  ed  the  Peravian  -\vith  the  Aztec 
cap.  7.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  usa^e.  The  Report  of  the  Royal 
Parte  1,  hb.  1,  cap.  26.  Audience  states  that  a brother  suc- 

Acosta  speaks  of  the  eldest  ceeded  in  default  of  a son.  Dec. 
brother  of  the  Inca  as  succeeding  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 
in  preference  to  the  son.  (lib.  6,  27  Et  soror  et  conjux.'^  — Ac- 

cap.  12.)  He  may  have  confound-  cording  to  Garcilasso,  the  heir-ap- 


20 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


In  his  early  years,  the  royal  offspring  was  in- 
trusted to  the  care  of  the  amautas,  or  “wise  men,” 
as  the  teachers  of  Peruvian  science  were  called,  who 
instructed  him  in  such  elements  of  knowledge  as 
they  possessed,  and  especially  in  the  cumbrous  cere- 
monial of  their  religion,  in  which  he  was  to  take  a 
prominent  part.  Great  care  was  also  bestowed 
on  his  military  education,  of  the  last  importance  in 
a state  which,  with  its  professions  of  peace  and 
good-will,  was  ever  at  war  for  the  acquisition  of 
empire. 

In  this  military  school  he  was  educated  with  such 
of  the  Inca  nobles  as  were  nearly  of  his  own  age  ; 
for  the  sacred  name  of  Inca  — a fruitful  source  of 
obscurity  in  their  annals  — was  applied  indifferently 
to  all  who  descended  by  the  male  line  from  the 
founder  of  the  monarchy.’^  At  the  age  of  sixteen 
the  pupils  underwent  a public  examination,  previous 
to  their  admission  to  what  may  be  called  the  order 
of  chivalry.  This  examination  was  conducted  by 
some  of  the  oldest  and  most  illustrious  Incas.  The 
candidates  were  required  to  show  their  prowess  in 
the  athletic  exercises  of  the  warrior ; in  wrestling 
and  boxing,  in  running  such  long  courses  as  fully 
tried  their  agility  and  strength,  in  severe  fasts  of 
several  days’  duration,  and  in  mimic  combats,  which, 

parent  always  married  a sister,  however,  is  confirmed  in  his  extra- 
(Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  ordinary  statement  by  Sarmiento. 
9.)  Ondegardo  notices  this  as  an  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  7. 
innovation  at  the  close  of  the  fif-  28  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
teenth  century.  (Relacion  Primera,  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  26. 

MS.)  The  historian  of  the  Incas, 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


21 


although  the  weapons  were  blunted,  were  always 
attended  with  wounds,  and  sometimes  with  death. 
During  this  trial,  which  lasted  thirty  days,  the  royal 
neophyte  fared  no  better  than  his  comrades,  sleep- 
ing  on  the  bare  ground,  going  unshod,  and  wearing 
a mean  attire,  — a mode  of  life,  it  was  supposed, 
which  might  tend  to  inspire  him  with  more  sym- 
pathy with  the  destitute.  With  all  this  show  of 
impartiality,  however,  it  will  probably  be  doing 
no  injustice  to  the  judges  to  suppose  that  a poli- 
tic discretion  may  have  somewhat  quickened  their 
perceptions  of  the  real  merits  of  the  heir-ap- 
parent. 

At  the  end  of  the  appointed  time,  the  candidates 
selected  as  worthy  of  the  honors  of  their  barbaric 
chivalry  were  presented  to  the  sovereign,  who  con- 
descended to  take  a principal  part  in  the  ceremony 
of  inauguration.  He  began  with  a brief  discourse, 
in  which,  after  congratulating  the  young  aspirants 
on  the  proficiency  they  had  shown  in  martial  exer- 
cises, he  reminded  them  of  the  responsibilities  at- 
tached to  their  birth  and  station ; and,  addressing 
them  affectionately  as  “children  of  the  Sun,”  he 
exhorted  them  to  imitate  their  great  progenitor  in 
his  glorious  career  of  beneficence  to  mankind.  The 
novices  then  drew  near,  and,  kneeling  one  by  one 
before  the  Inca,  he  pierced  their  ears  with  a golden 
bodkin ; and  this  was  suffered  to  remain  there  till 
an  opening  had  been  made  large  enough  for  the 
enormous  pendants  which  were  peculiar  to  their 
order,  and  which  gave  them,  with  the  Spaniards, 


22 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


the  name  of  orejones.^^  This  ornament  was  so 
massy  in  the  ears  of  the  sovereign,  that  the  carti- 
lage was  distended  by  it  nearly  to  the  shoulder,  pro- 
ducing what  seemed  a monstrous  deformity  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Europeans,  though,  under  the  magical 
influence  of  fashion,  it  was  regarded  as  a beauty  by 
the  liatives. 

When  this  operation  was  performed,  one  of  the 
most  venerable  of  the  nobles  dressed  the  feet  of  the 
candidates  in  the  sandals  worn  by  the  order,  which 
may  remind  us  of  the  ceremony  of  buckling  on  the 
spurs  of  the  Christian  knight.  They  were  then 
allowed  to  assume  the  girdle  or  sash  around  the 
loins,  corresponding  with  the  toga  virilis  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  intimating  that  they  had  reached  the 
season  of  manhood.  Their  heads  were  adorned 
with  garlands  of  flowers,  which,  by  their  various  col- 
ors, were  emblematic  of  the  clemency  and  goodness 
that  should  grace  the  character  of  every  true  warrior ; 
and  the  leaves  of  an  evergreen  plant  were  mingled 
with  the  flowers,  to  show  that  these  virtues  should 


29  From  ore/a,  “ear.” — “Los 
Caballeros  de  la  sangre  Real  tenian 
orejas  horadadas,  y de  ellas  col- 
gando  grandes  rodetes  de  plata  y 
oro ; llamaronles  por  esto  los  ore- 
jones  los  Castellanos  la  primera 
vez  que  los  vieron.”  (Montesinos, 
Memorias  Antiguas  Historiales  del 
Peru,  MS.,  lib.  2,  cap.  6.)  The 
ornament,  which  was  in  the  form 
of  a wheel,  did  not  depend  from  the 
ear,  but  was  inserted  in  the  gristle 


of  it,  and  was  as  large  as  an  orange . 
“ La  hacen  tan  ancha  como  una 
gran  rosea  de  naranja ; los  Senores 
i Principales  traian  aquellas  roscas 
de  oro  lino  en  las  orejas.”  (Conq. 
i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS.  — Also  Gar- 
cilasso.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
1,  cap.  22.)  “ The  larger  the 

hole,”  says  one  of  the  old  Con- 
querors, “ the  more  of  a gentle- 
man ! ” Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


23 


endure  without  end.^°  The  prince’s  head  was  further 
ornamented  by  a fillet,  or  tasselled  fringe,  of  a yellow 
color,  made  of  the  fine  threads  of  the  vicuna  wool, 
which  encircled  the  forehead  as  the  peculiar  insignia 
of  the  heir-apparent.  The  great  body  of  the  Inca 
nobility  next  made  their  appearance,  and,  beginning 
with  those  nearest  of  kin,  knelt  down  before 'the 
prince,  and  did  him  homage  as  successor  to  the 
crown.  The  whole  assembly  then  moved  to  the 
great  square  of  the  capital,  where  songs,  and  dances, 
and  other  public  festivities  closed  the  important  cer- 
emonial of  the  huaracu.^'- 

The  reader  will  be  less  surprised  by  the  resem- 
blance which  this  ceremonial  bears  to  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a Christian  knight  in  the  feudal  ages,  if  he 
reflects, .that  a similar  analogy  may  be  traced  in  the 
institutions  of  other  people  more  or  less  civilized ; 
and  that  it  is  natural  that  nations,  occupied  with  the 
one  great  business  of  war,  should  mark  the  period, 
when  the  preparatory  education  for  it  was  ended, 
by  similar  characteristic  ceremonies. 

Having  thus  honorably  passed  through  his  ordeal, 
the  heir-apparent  was  deemed  worthy  to  sit  in  the 
councils  of  his  father,  and  was  employed  in  offices 
of  trust  at  home,  or,  more  usually,  sent  on  distant 
expeditions  to  practise  in  the  field  the  lessons 

3®  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  something  like  a cross  embroidered 
1,  lib.  6,  cap.  27.  in  front!  (Historia  del  Peru,  (Se- 

31  Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  villa,  1571,)  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap. 
24-28.  6.)  We  may  fancy  ourselves  oc- 

According  to  Fernandez,  the  copied  •with  some  chivalrous  cere- 
candidates  -wore  ■white  shirts,  with  monial  of  the  Middle  Ages. 


24 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


which  he  had  hitherto  studied  only  on  the  mimic 
theatre  of  war.  His  first  campaigns  were  conducted 
under  the  renowned  commanders  who  had  grown 
grey  in  the  service  of  his  father ; until,  advancing 
in  years  and  experience,  he  was  placed  in  command 
himself,  and,  like  Huayna  Capac,  the  last  and  most 
illustrious  of  his  line,  carried  the  banner  of  the  rain- 
bow, the  armorial  ensign  of  his  house,  far  over  the 
borders,  among  the  remotest  tribes  of  the  plateau. 

The  government  of  Peru  was  a despotism,  mild 
in  its  character,  but  in  its  form  a pure  and  unmiti- 
gated despotism.  The  sovereign  was  placed  at  an 
immeasurable  distance  above  his  subjects.  Even 
the  proudest  of  the  Inca  nobility,  claiming  a descent 
from  the  same  divine  original  as  himself,  could  not 
venture  into  the  royal  presence,  unless  barefoot, 
and  bearing  a light  burden  on  his  shoulders  in  token 
of  homage.^^  As  the  representative  of  the  Sun,  he 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  priesthood,  and  presided 
at  the  most  important  of  the  religious  festivals.^^  He 


® Zaxate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
l,cap.  11.  — Sarmiento,  Relacion, 
MS.,  cap.  7. 

“ Porque  verdaderamente  4 lo 
que  yo  he  averiguado  toda  la  pre- 
tension de  los  Ingas  fue  una  sub- 
jeccion  en  toda  la  gente,  qual  yo 
nunca  he  oido  decir  de  ninguna  otra 
nacion  en  tanto  grado,  que  por  muy 
principal  que  un  Sefior  fuese,  dende 
que  entrava  cerca  del  Cuzco  en 
cierta  seiial  que  estava  puesta  en 
cada  camino  de  quatro  que  hay, 
havia  dende  alii  de  venir  cargado 


hasta  la  presencia  del  Inga,  y alU 
dejava  la  carga  y hacia  su  obedien- 
cia.”  Ondegardo, Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

33  It  was  only  at  one  of  these 
festivals,  and  hardly  authorizes  the 
sweeping  assertion  of  Carli,  that 
the  royal  and  sacerdotal  authority 
were  blended  together  in  Peru. 
We  shall  see,  hereafter,  the  im- 
portant and  independent  position 
occupied  by  the  high-priest.  “ La 
Sacerdoce  et  TEmpire  etoient  di- 
vises au  Mexique;  au  lieu  qu’ils 
etoient  reunis  au  Perou,  comme 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


25 


raised  armies,  and  usually  commanded  them  in  per- 
son. He  imposed  taxes,  made  laws,  and  provided 
for  their  execution  by  the  appointment  of  judges, 
whom  he  removed  at  pleasure.  He  was  the  source 
from  which  every  thing  flowed,  — all  dignity,  all 
power,  all  emolument.  He  was,  in  short,  in  the 
well-known  phrase  of  the  European  despot,  “ him- 
self the  state.” ^ 

The  Inca  asserted  his  claims  as  a superior  being 
by  assuming  a pomp  in  his  manner  of  living  well 
calculated  to  impose  on  his  people.  His  dress  was 
of  the  finest  wool  of  the  vicuna,  richly  dyed,  and  or- 
namented with  a profusion  of  gold  and  precious 
stones.  Round  his  head  was  wreathed  a turban  of 
many-colored  folds,  called  the  llautu;  and  a tasselled 
fringe,  like  that  worn  by  the  prince,  but  of  a scarlet 
color,  with  two  feathers  of  a rare  and  curious  bird, 
called  the  coraquenque,  placed  upright  in  it,  were  the 
distinguishing  insignia  of  royalty.  The  birds  from 
which  these  feathers  were  obtained  were  found  in 
a desert  country  among  the  mountains ; and  it  was 
death  to  destroy  or  to  take  them,  as  they  were  re- 
served for  the  exclusive  purpose  of  supplying  the 
royal  head-gear.  Every  succeeding  monarch  was 

au  Tibet  et  a la  Chine,  et  comme  este  titulo  se  hacia  adorar,  i gover- 
il  le  fut  a Rome,  loisqu’  Auguste  nava  principalmente  en  tanto  grado 
jetta  les  fondemens  de  I’Empire,  que  nadie  se  le  atrevia,  i su  palabra 
en  y reunissant  le  Sacerdoce  ou  la  era  ley,  i nadie  osaba  ir  contra  su 
dignite  de  Souverain  Pontife.”  palabra  ni  voluntad ; aunque  obiese 
Lettres  Americaines,  (Paris,  1788,)  de  matar  cient  mill  Indies,  no  havia 
trad.  Franq.,  tom  I.  let.  7.  ninguno  en  su  Reino  que  le  osase 

34  “ Porque  el  Inga  dava  a en-  decir  que  no  lo  hiciese.”  Conq.  i 
tender  que  era  hijo  del  Sol,  con  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

VOL.  I.  4 


26 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


provided  with  a new  pair  of  these  plumes,  and  his 
credulous  subjects  fondly  believed  that  only  two  in- 
dividuals of  the  species  had  ever  existed  to  furnish 
the  simple  ornament  for  the  diadem  of  the  Incas.^ 

Although  the  Peruvian  monarch  was  raised  so  far 
above  the  highest  of  his  subjects,  he  condescended 
to  mingle  occasionally  with  them,  and  took  great 
pains  personally  to  inspect  the  condition  of  the  hum- 
bler classes.  He  presided  at  some  of  the  religious 
celebrations,  and  on  these  occasions  entertained  the 
great  nobles  at  his  table,  when  he  complimented 
them,  after  the  fashion  of  more  civilized  nations,  by 
drinking  the  health  of  those  whom  he  most  delight- 
ed to  honor.^® 

But  the  most  effectual  means  taken  by  the  Incas 
for  communicating  with  their  people  were  their 
progresses  through  the  empire.  These  were  con- 
ducted, at  intervals  of  several  years,  with  great 
state  and  magnificence.  The  sedan,  or  litter,  in 
which  they  travelled,  richly  emblazoned  with  gold 
and  emeralds,  was  guarded  by  a numerous  escort. 
The  men  who  bore  it  on  their  shoulders  were  pro- 

35  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  table.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
114.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  6,  cap.  23.)  The  only  hours  of 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  22;  lib.  6,  eating  were  at  eight  or  nine  in  the 
cap.  28.  — Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  12.  morning,  and  at  sunset,  which  took 

36  One  would  hardly  expect  to  place  at  nearly  the  same  time,  in 
find  among  the  American  Indians  all  seasons,  in  the  latitude  of  Cuzco, 
this  social  and  kindly  custom  of  The  historian  of  the  Incas  admits 
our  Saxon  ancestors,  — now  fallen  that,  though  temperate  in  eating, 
somewhat  out  of  use,  in  the.  capri-  they  indulged  freely  in  their  cups, 
cious  innovations  of  modem  fashion,  frequently  prolonging  their  revelry 
Garcilasso  is  diffuse  in  his  account  to  a late  hour  of  the  night.  Ibid., 
of  the  forms  observed  at  the  royal  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  I. 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


27 


vided  by  two  cities,  specially  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose. It  was  a post  to  be  coveted  by  no  one,  if,  as 
is  asserted,  a fall  was  punished  with  death. They 
travelled  with  ease  and  expedition,  halting  at  the 
tambos,  or  inns,  erected  by  government  along  the 
route,  and  occasionally  at  the  royal  palaces,  which  in 
the  great  towns  afforded  ample  accommodations  to 
the  whole  of  the  monarch’s  retinue.  The  noble 
roads  which  traversed  the  table-land  were  lined 
with  people,  who  swept  away  the  stones  and  stubble 
from  their  surface,  strewung  them  with  sweet-scented 
flowers,  and  vying  with  each  other  in  carrying  for- 
ward the  baggage  from  one  village  to  another.  The 
monarch  halted  from  time  to  time  to  listen  to  the 
grievances  of  his  subjects,  or  to  settle  some  points 
which  had  been  referred  to  his  decision  by  the  regu- 
lar tribunals.  As  the  princely  train  wound  its  way 
along  the  mountain  passes,  every  place  was  thronged 
with  spectators  eager  to  catch  a glimpse  of  their 
sovereign  ; and,  when  he  raised  the  curtains  of  his 
litter,  and  showed  himself  to  their  eyes,  the  air  was 
rent  with  acclamations  as  they  invoked  blessings  on 
his  head.^^  Tradition  long  commemorated  the  spots 

37  “ In  lectic4,  aureo  tabulate  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1, 
constrata,  humeris  ferebant ; in  cap.  11. 

ummsi,  ea  erat  observantia,  vt  \ti1-  According  to  this  writer,  the 
turn  ejus  intueri  maxime  incivile  litter  was  carried  by  the  nobles ; 
putarent,  et  inter  baiulos,quicunque  one  thousand  of  w’hom  were  spe- 
vel  leviter  pede  offenso  haesitaret,  e cially  reser\-ed  for  the  humihating 
vestigio  interficerent.”  Levinus  honor.  Ubi  supra. 

Apollonius,  De  Peruviae  Regionis  38  The  acclamations  must  have 
Inventione,  et  Rebus  in  eadem  been  potent  indeed,  if,  as  Sarmien- 
gestis,  (Antverpioe,  1567,)  fol.  37.  to  tells  us,  they  sometimes  brought 


28 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


at  which  he  halted,  and  the  simple  people  of  the 
country  held  them  in  reverence  as  places  consecrat- 
ed by  the  presence  of  an  Inca.^® 

The  royal  palaces  were  on  a magnificent  scale, 
and,  far  from  being  confined  to  the  capital  or  a few 
principal  towns,  were  scattered  over  all  the  prov- 
inces of  their  vast  empire.^^  The  buildings  were 
low,  but  covered  a wide  extent  of  ground.  Some 
of  the  apartments  were  spacious,  but  they  were 
generally  small,  and  had  no  communication  with  one 
another,  except  that  they  opened  into  a common 
square  or  court.  The  walls  were  made  of  blocks 
of  stone  of  various  sizes,  like  those  described  in 
the  fortress  of  Cuzco,  rough-hewn,  but  carefully 
wrought  near  the  line  of  junction,  which  was  scarce- 
ly visible  to  the  eye.  The  roofs  were  of  wood  or 
rushes,  which  have  perished  under  the  rude  touch 
of  time,  that  has  shown  more  respect  for  the  walls 
of  the  edifices.  The  whole  seems  to  have  been 


characterized  by  solidity  and  strength,  rather  than 
by  any  attempt  at  architectural  elegance.^^ 


the  birds  down  from  the  sky ! “ De 
esta  manera  eran  tan  temidos  los 
Reyes  que  si  salian  por  el  Reyno  y 
permitian  alzar  alg-un  paho  de  los 
que  iban  en  las  andas  para  dejarse 
ver  de  sus  vasallos,  alzaban  tan 
gran  alarido  que  hacian  caer  las 
aves  de  lo  alto  donde  iban  volando 
a ser  tomadas  a manos.”  (Rela- 
cion,  MS.,  cap.  10.)  The  same 
author  has  given  in  another  place 
a more  credible  account  of  the  roy- 
al progresses,  which  the  Spanish 


reader  will  find  extracted  in  Ap- 
pendix, No.  1. 

39  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 

I,  lib.  3,  cap.  14  ; lib.  6,  cap.  3.  — 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap. 

II. 

“*9  Velasco  has  given  some  ac- 
count of  several  of  these  palaces 
situated  in  different  places  in  the 
kingdom  of  Quito.  Hist,  de  Quito, 
tom.  I.  pp.  195-  197. 

Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap. 
44.  — Antig.  y Monumentos  del 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


29 


But  whatever  want  of  elegance  there  may  have 
been  in  the  exterior  of  the  imperial  dwellings,  it  was 
amply  compensated  by  the  interior,  in  which  all  the 
opulence  of  the  Peruvian  princes  was  ostentatious- 
ly displayed.  The  sides  of  the  apartments  were 
thickly  studded  with  gold  and  silver  ornaments. 
Niches,  prepared  in  the  walls,  were  filled  with  im- 
ages of  animals  and  plants  curiously  wrought  of  the 
same  costly  materials  ; and  even  much  of  the  do- 
mestic furniture,  including  the  utensils  devoted  to 
the  most  ordinary  menial  services,  displayed  the  like 
wanton  magnificence  ! ^ With  these  gorgeous  dec- 
orations were  mingled  richly  colored  stuffs  of  the 
delicate  manufacture  of  the  Peruvian  wool,  which 
were  of  so  beautiful  a texture,  that  the  Spanish 
sovereigns,  with  all  the  luxuries  of  Europe  and  Asia 
at  their  command,  did  not  disdain  to  use  them.^^ 


Peru,  MS.  — See,  among  others, 
the  description  of  the  remains  still 
existing  of  the  royal  buildings  at 
Callo,  about  ten  leagues  south  of 
Quito,  by  Ulloa,  Voyage  to  S. 
America,  book  6,  ch.  11,  and  since, 
more  carefully,  by  Humboldt,  Vues 
des  Cordilldres,  p.  197. 

■^2  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  6,  cap.  1. 

“Tanto  que  todo  el  servicio  de 
la  Casa  del  Rey  asi  de  cantaras 
para  su  vino,  como  de  cozina,  todo 
era  oro  y plata,  y esto  no  en  un 
lugar  y en  una  parte  lo  tenia,  sino 
en  muchas.”  (Sarmiento,  Rela- 
cion,  MS.,  cap.  11.)  See  also  the 
flaming  accounts  of  the  palaces  of 


Bilcas,  to  the  west  of  Cuzco,  by 
Cieza  de  Leon,  as  reported  to  him 
by  Spaniards  who  had  seen  them 
in  their  glory.  (Cronica,  cap.  89.) 
The  niches  are  still  described  by 
modern  travellers  as  to  be  found 
in  the  walls.  (Humboldt,  Vues 
des  Cordilleres,  p.  197.) 

43  “ La  ropa  de  la  cama  toda  era 
de  mantas,  y fre^adas  de  lana  de 
Vicuna,  que  es  tan  fina,  y tan  re- 
galada,  que  entre  otras  cosas  pre- 
ciadas  de  aquellas  Tierras,  se  las 
han  traido  para  la  cama  del  Rey 
Don  Phelipe  Segundo.”  Garci- 
lasso, Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  6, 
cap.  1. 


30 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


The  royal  household  consisted  of  a throng  of  me- 
nials, supplied  by  the  neighbouring  towns  and  vil- 
lages, which,  as  in  Mexico,  were  bound  to  furnish 
the  monarch  with  fuel  and  other  necessaries  for  the 
consumption  of  the  palace. 

But  the  favorite  residence  of  the  Incas  was  at 
Yucay,  about  four  leagues  distant  from  the  capital. 
In  this  delicious  valley,  locked  up  within  the  friendly 
arms  of  the  sierra,  which  sheltered  it  from  the  rude 
breezes  of  the  east,  and  refreshed  by  gushing  foun- 
tains and  streams  of  running  water,  they  built 
the  most  beautiful  of  their  palaces.  Here,  when 
wearied  with  the  dust  and  toil  of  the  city,  they 
loved  to  retreat,  and  solace  themselves  with  the 
society  of  their  favorite  concubines,  wandering 
amidst  gi'oves  and  airy  gardens,  that  shed  around 
their  soft,  intoxicating  odors,  and  lulled  the  senses 
to  voluptuous  repose.  Here,  too,  they  loved  to  in- 
dulge in  the  luxury  of  their  baths,  replenished  by 
streams  of  crystal  water  which  were  conducted 
through  subterraneous  silver  channels  into  basins 
of  gold.  The  spacious  gardens  were  stocked  with 
numerous  varieties  of  plants  and  flowers  that  grew 
without  effort  in  this  temperate  region  of  the  tropics, 
while  parterres  of  a more  extraordinary  kind  were 
planted  by  their  side,  glowing  with  the  various 
forms  of  vegetable  life  skilfully  imitated  in  gold  and 
silver ! Among  them  the  Indian  corn,  the  most 
beautiful  of  American  grains,  is  particularly  com- 
memorated, and  the  curious  workmanship  is  noticed 
with  which  the  golden  ear  was  half  disclosed  amidst 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


31 


the  broad  leaves  of  silver,  and  the  light  tassel  of  the 
same  material  that  floated  gracefully  from  its  top.'*^ 

If  this  dazzling  picture  staggers  the  faith  of  the 
reader,  he  may  reflect  that  the  Peruvian  mountains 
teemed  with  gold ; that  the  natives  understood  the 
art  of  working  the  mines,  to  a considerable  extent ; 
that  none  of  the  ore,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  was 
converted  into  coin,  and  that  the  whole  of  it  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  sovereign  for  his  own  exclu- 
sive benefit,  whether  for  purposes  of  utility  or  orna- 
ment. Certain  it  is  that  no  fact  is  better  attested 
by  the  Conquerors  themselves,  who  had  ample  means 
of  information,  and  no  motive  for  misstatement.  — 
The  Italian  poets,  in  their  gorgeous  pictures  of  the 
gardens  of  Alcina  and  Morgana,  came  nearer  the 
truth  than  they  imagined. 

Our  surprise,  however,  may  reasonably  be  ex 
cited,  when  we  consider  that  the  wealth  displayed 
by  the  Peruvian  princes  was  only  that  which  each 
had  amassed  individually  for  himself.  He  owed 
nothing  to  inheritance  from  his  predecessors.  On 
the  decease  of  an  Inca,  his  palaces  were  abandoned , 
all  his  treasures,  except  what  were  employed  in  Iris 
obsequies,  his  furniture  and  apparel,  were  suffered 
to  remain  as  he  left  them,  and  his  mansions,  save 

Gtircilasso,  Com.  Real., Parte  as  used  in  the  royal  buildings  of 
1,  lib.  5,  cap.  26  ; lib.  6,  cap.  2. — Tambo,  a valley  not  far  from  Yu- 
Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  cay!  (Ubi  supra.)  We  may  ex- 
24.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cuse  the  Spaniards  for  demolishing 
cap.  94.  such  edifices,  — if  they  ever  met 

The  last  writer  speaks  of  a ce-  with  them, 
ment,  made  in  part  of  hquid  gold. 


32 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


one,  were  closed  up  for  ever.  The  new  sovereign 
was  to  provide  himself  with  every  thing  new  for  his 
royal  state.  The  reason  of  this  was  the  popular 
belief,  that  the  soul  of  the  departed  monarch  would 
return  after  a time  to  reanimate  his  body  on  earth ; 
and  they  wished  that  he  should  find  every  thing  to 
which  he  had  been  used  in  life  prepared  for  his 
reception.^® 

When  an  Inca  died,  or,  to  use  his  own  language, 
“ was  called  home  to  the  mansions  of  his  father,  the 
Sim,”^®  his  obsequies  were  celebrated  with  great 
pomp  and  solemnity.  The  bowels  were  taken  from 
the  body,  and  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Tampu, 
about  five  leagues  from  the  capital.  A quantity  of 
his  plate  and  jewels  was  buried  with  them,  and  a 
number  of  his  attendants  and  favorite  concubines, 
amounting  sometimes,  it  is  said,  to  a thousand,  were 
immolated  on  his  tomb.'*’^  Some  of  them  showed 
the  natural  repugnance  to  the  sacrifice  occasionally 
manifested  by  the  victims  of  a similar  superstition 
in  India.  But  these  were  probably  the  menials  and 
more  humble  attendants ; since  the  women  have 
been  known,  in  more  than  one  instance,  to  lay 
violent  hands  on  themselves,  when  restrained  from 


^5  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  12.  — 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  6,  cap.  4. 

The  Aztecs,  also,  believed 
that  the  soul  of  the  warrior  who 
fell  in  battle  went  to  accompany 
the  Sun  in  Ixis  bright  progress 
through  the  heavens.  (See  Con- 
quest of  Mexico,  book  1,  chap.  3.) 


47  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.  — 
Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  6. 

Four  thousand  of  these  victims, 
according  to  Sarmiento,  — we  may 
hope  it  is  an  exaggeration,  — 
graced  the  funeral  obsequies  of 
Huayna  Capac,  the  last  of  the 
Incas  before  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards.  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65 


Ch.  I.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY. 


33 


testifying  their  fidelity  by  this  act  of  conjugal  mar- 
tyrdom. This  melancholy  ceremony  was  followed 
by  a general  mourning  throughout  the  empire.  At 
stated  intervals,  for  a year,  the  people  assembled  to 
renew  the  expressions  of  their  sorrow ; processions 
were  made,  displaying  the  banner  of  the  departed 
monarch ; bards  and  minstrels  were  appointed  to 
chronicle  his  achievements,  and  their  songs  contin- 
ued to  be  rehearsed  at  high  festivals  in  the  presence 
of  the  reigning  monarch,  — thus  stimulating  the 
living  by  the  glorious  example  of  the  dead.^ 

The  body  of  the  deceased  Inca  was  skilfully  em- 
balmed, and  removed  to  the  great  temple  of  the 
Sun  at  Cuzco.  There  the  Peruvian  sovereign,  on 
entering  the  awful  sanctuary,  might  behold  the 
effigies  of  his  royal  ancestors,  ranged  in  opposite 
files,  — the  men  on  the  right,  and  their  queens  on  the 
left,  of  the  great  luminary  which  blazed  in  refulgent 
gold  on  the  walls  of  the  temple.  The  bodies, 
clothed  in  the  princely  attire  which  they  had  been  ac- 
customed to  wear,  were  placed  on  chairs  of  gold,  and 
sat  with  their  heads  inclined  downward,  their  hands 
placidly  crossed  over  their  bosoms,  their  countenances 
exhibiting  their  natural  dusky  hue,  — less  liable  to 
change  than  the  fresher  coloring  of  a European  com- 
plexion,— and  their  hair  of  raven  black,  or  silvered 
over  with  age,  according  to  the  period  at  which  they 
died  ! It  seemed  like  a company  of  solemn  worship- 
pers fixed  in  devotion,  — so  true  were  the  forms  and 

Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  5.  — Sarmien- 
62.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  to,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  8. 

VOL  I.  5 


34 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


lineaments  to  life.  The  Peruvians  were  as  success- 
ful as  the  Egyptians  in  the  miserable  attempt  to  per- 
petuate the  existence  of  the  body  beyond  the  limits 
assigned  to  it  by  nature.'*^ 

They  cherished  a still  stranger  illusion  in  the  at- 
tentions which  they  continued  to  pay  to  these  insen- 
sible remains,  as  if  they  were  instinct  with  life. 
One  of  the  houses  belonging  to  a deceased  Inca  was 
kept  open  and  occupied  by  his  guard  and  attend- 
ants, with  all  the  state  appropriate  to  royalty.  On 
certain  festivals,  the  revered  bodies  of  the  sovereigns 
were  brought  out  with  great  ceremony  into  the 
public  square  of  the  capital.  Invitations  were  sent 
by  the  captains  of  the  guard  of  the  respective  Incas 
to  the  different  nobles  and  officers  of  the  court ; and 
entertainments  were  provided  in  the  names  of  their 
masters,  which  displayed  all  the  profuse  magnifi- 


49  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
I,  lib.  5,  eap.  29. 

The  Peruvians  secreted  these 
mummies  of  their  sovereigns  after 
the  Conquest,  that  they  might  not 
be  profaned  by  the  insults  of  the 
Spaniards.  Ondegardo,  when  cor- 
regidnr  of  Cuzco,  discovered  five 
of  them,  three  male  and  two  fe- 
male. The  former  were  the  bodies 
of  Viracocha,  of  the  great  Tupac 
Inca  Yupanqui,  and  of  his  son  IIu- 
ayna  Capac.  Garcilasso  saw  them 
in  1560.  They  were  dressed  in 
their  regal  robes,  with  no  insignia 
but  the  llautu  on  their  heads.  They 
were  in  a sitting  posture,  and,  to 


use  his  own  expression,  “ perfect 
as  life,  vrithout  so  much  as  a hair 
or  an  eyebrow  wanting.”  As 
they  were  carried  through  the 
streets,  decently  shrouded  with  a 
mantle,  the  Indians  threw  them- 
selves on  their  knees,  in  sign  of 
reverence,  with  many  tears  and 
groans,  and  were  still  more  touched 
as  they  beheld  some  of  the  Span- 
iards themselves  doffing  their  caps, 
in  token  of  respect  to  departed 
royalty.  (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  The 
bodies  were  subsequently  removed 
to  Lima  ; and  Father  Acosta,  who 
saw  them  there  some  twenty  years 
later,  speaks  of  them  as  stiU  in 
perfect  preservation. 


Ch.  L] 


NOBILITY. 


35 


cence  of  their  treasures,  — and  “ such  a display,” 
says  an  ancient  chronicler,  “ was  there  in  the  great 
square  of  Cuzco,  on  this  occasion,  of  gold  and  silver 
plate  and  jewels,  as  no  other  city  in  the  world  ever 
witnessed.”™  The  banquet  was  served  by  the 
menials  of  the  respective  households,  and  the  guests 
partook  of  the  melancholy  cheer  in  the  presence  of 
the  royal  phantom  with  the  same  attention  to  the 
forms  of  courtly  etiquette  as  if  the  living  monarch 
had  presided ! 

The  nobility  of  Peru  consisted  of  two  orders,  the 
first  and  by  far  the  most  important  of  which  was 
that  of  the  Incas,  who,  boasting  a common  descent 
with  their  sovereign,  lived,  as  it  were,  in  the  re- 
flected light  of  his  glory.  As  the  Peruvian  mon- 
archs  availed  themselves  of  the  right  of  polygamy  to 
a very  liberal  extent,  leaving  behind  them  families 
of  one  or  even  two  hundred  children,™  the  nobles  of 


50  “ Tenemos  por  muy  cierto 
que  ni  en  Jerusalem,  Roma,  ni  en 
Persia,  ni  en  ninguna  parte  del 
mundo  por  ninguna  Republica  ni 
Rey  de  el,  se  juntaba  en  un  lugar 
tanta  riqueza  de  Metales  de  oro  y 
Plata  y Pedreria  como  en  esta  Plaza 
del  Cuzco ; quando  estas  fiestas  y 
otras  semejantes  se  hacian.”  Sar- 
miento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  27. 

51  Idem,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  8, 
27. — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

It  was  only,  however,  the  great 
and  good  princes  that  were  thus 
honored,  according  to  Sarmiento, 
“ whose  souls  the  siUy  people  fond- 
ly believed,  on  account  of  their 


virtues,  were  in  heaven,  although, 
in  truth,”  as  the  same  writer  as- 
sures us,  “ they  were  aU  the  time 
burning  in  the  flames  of  hell  ” ! 
“ Digo  los  que  haviendo  sido  en  vida 
buenos  y valerosos,  generosos  con 
los  Indios  en  les  hacer  mercedes,  per- 
donadores  de  injurias,  porque  a es- 
tos  tales  canonizaban  en  su  ceguedad 
por  Santos  y honrraban  sus  huesos, 
sin  entender  que  las  animas  ardian 
en  los  Ynfiernos  y creian  que  esta- 
ban  en  el  Cielo.”  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

52  Garcilasso  says  over  three 
hundred  ! (Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
hb.  3,  cap.  19.)  The  fact,  though 
rather  startling,  is  not  incredible. 


36 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[ Book  I. 


the  blood  royal,  though  comprehending  only  their 
descendants  in  the  male  line,  came  in  the  course  of 
years  to  be  very  numerous.®^  They  were  divided 
into  different  lineages,  each  of  which  traced  its  ped- 
igree to  a different  member  of  the  royal  dynasty, 
though  all  terminated  in  the  divine  founder  of  the 
empire. 

They  were  distinguished  by  many  exclusive  and 
very  important  privileges ; they  wore  a peculiar  dress ; 
spoke  a dialect,  if  we  may  believe  the  chronicler, 
peculiar  to  themselves ; and  had  the  choicest 
portion  of  the  public  domain  assigned  for  their 
support.  They  lived,  most  of  them,  at  court,  near 
the  person  of  the  prince,  sharing  in  his  coun- 
sels, dining  at  his  board,  or  supplied  from  his  table. 
They  alone  were  admissible  to  the  great  offices  in 
the  priesthood.  They  were  invested  with  the  com- 
mand of  armies,  and  of  distant  garrisons,  were 
placed  over  the  provinces,  and,  in  short,  filled  every 
station  of  high  trust  and  emolument.®^  Even  the 


if,  like  Huayna  Capac,  they  count- 
ed seven  hundred  wives  in  their 
seraglio.  See  Sarmiento,  Relacion, 
MS.,  cap.  7. 

53  Garcilasso  mentions  a class 
of  Incas  por  privilegio,  who  were 
allowed  to  possess  the  name  and 
many  of  the  immunities  of  the  blood 
royal,  though  only  descended  from 
the  great  vassals  that  first  served 
under  the  banner  of  Manco  Capac. 
(Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap. 
22.)  This  important  fact,  to  which 
he  often  refers,  one  would  be  glad 


to  see  confirmed  by  a single  au- 
thority. 

S'!  “ Los  Incas  tuvieron  otra 
Lengua  particular,  que  hablavan 
entre  ellos,  que  no  la  entendian  los 
demas  Indios,  ni  les  era  licito 
aprenderla,  como  Lenguage  Divino. 
Esta  me  escriven  del  Peril,  que  se 
ha  perdido  totalmente  ; porque 
como  perecio  la  Republica  particu- 
lar de  los  Incas,  perecio  tambien 
el  Lenguage  dellos.”  Garcilasso, 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7, cap.  1. 

55  “ Una  sola  gente  hallo  yo  que 


Ch.  I.] 


NOBILITY. 


37 


laws,  severe  in  their  general  tenor,  seem  not  to  have 
been  framed  with  reference  to  them  ; and  the  people, 
investing  the  whole  order  with  a portion  of  the  sa- 
cred character  which  belonged  to  the  sovereign,  held 
that  an  Inca  noble  was  incapable  of  crime.®® 

The  other  order  of  nobility  was  the  Curacas,  the 
caciques  of  the  conquered  nations,  or  their  descend- 
ants. They  were  usually  continued  by  the  govern- 
ment in  their  places,  though  they  were  required  to 
visit  the  capital  occasionally,  and  to  allow  their  sons 
to  be  educated  there  as  the  pledges  of  their  loyalty. 
It  is  not  easy  to  define  the  nature  or  extent  of  their 
privileges.  They  were  possessed  of  more  or  less 
power,  according  to  the  extent  of  their  patrimony, 
and  the  number  of  their  vassals.  Their  authority  was 
usually  transmitted  from  father  to  son,  though  some- 
times the  successor  was  chosen  by  the  people.®^ 
They  did  not  occupy  the  highest  posts  of  state,  or 
those  nearest  the  person  of  the  sovereign,  like  the 
nobles  of  the  blood.  Their  authority  seems  to  have 
been  usually  local,  and  always  in  subordination  to 


era  exenta,  que  eran  los  Ingas  del 
Cuzco  y por  alii  al  rededor  de  am- 
bas  parcialidades,  porque  estos  no 
solo  no  pagavan  tributo,  pero  aun 
comian  de  lo  que  traian  al  Inga  de 
todo  el  reino,  y estos  eran  por  la 
mayor  parte  los  Governadores  en 
todo  el  reino,  y por  donde  quiera 
que  iban  se  les  hacia  mucha  hon- 
rra.”  Ondegardo,Rel.  Prim.,MS. 

Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  2,  cap.  15. 


57  In  this  event,  it  seems,  the 
successor  named  ■was  usually  pre- 
sented to  the  Inca  for  confirmation. 
(Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.)  At 
other  times,  the  Inca  himself  select- 
ed the  heir  from  among  the  children 
of  the  deceased  Curaca.  “ In 
short,”  says  Ondegardo,  “ there 
was  no  rule  of  succession  so  sure, 
but  it  might  be  set  aside  by  the 
supreme  will  of  the  sovereign.” 
Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


38 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  great  provincial 
governors,  who  were  taken  from  the  Incas.®® 

It  was  the  Inca  nobility,  indeed,  who  constituted 
the  real  strength  of  the  Peruvian  monarchy.  At- 
tached to  their  prince  by  ties  of  consanguinity,  they 
had  common  sympathies  and,  to  a considerable  ex- 
tent, common  interests  with  him.  Distinguished  by 
a peculiar  dress  and  insignia,  as  well  as  by  language 
and  blood,  from  the  rest  of  the  community,  they 
were  never  confounded  with  the  other  tribes  and  na- 
tions who  were  incorporated  into  the  great  Peruvian 
monarchy.  After  the  lapse  of  centuries,  they  still 
retained  their  individuality  as  a peculiar  people. 
They  were  to  the  conquered  races  of  the  country 
what  the  Romans  were  to  the  barbarous  hordes  of 
the  Empire,  or  the  Normans  to  the  ancient  inhab- 
itants of  the  British  Isles.  Clustering  around  the 
throne,  they  formed  an  invincible  phalanx,  to  shield 
it  alike  from  secret  conspiracy  and  open  insurrec- 
tion. Though  living  chiefly  in  the  capital,  they 
were  also  distributed  throughout  the  country  in  all 
its  high  stations  and  strong  military  posts,  thus  es- 
tablishing lines  of  communication  with  the  court, 
which  enabled  the  sovereign  to  act  simultaneously 
and  with  effect  on  the  most  distant  quarters  of  his 
empire.  They  possessed,  moreover,  an  intellectual 
preeminence,  which,  no  less  than  their  station,  gave 
them  authority  with  the  people.  Indeed,  it  may  be 

^ Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.  — Cieza  de 
1,  lib.  4,  cap.  10.  — Sarmiento,  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  93.  — Conq. 
Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  11.  — Dec.  de  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


Ch.  I.] 


NOBILITY. 


39 


said  to  have  been  the  principal  foundation  of  their 
authority.  The  crania  of  the  Inca  race  show  a 
decided  superiority  over  the  other  races  of  the  land 
in  intellectual  power ; and  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  it  was  the  fountain  of  that  peculiar  civilization 
and  social  polity,  which  raised  the  Peruvian  mon- 
archy ^above  every  other  state  in  South  America. 
Whence  this  remarkable  race  came,  and  what  was 
its  early  history,  are  among  those  mysteries  that 
meet  us  so  frequently  in  the  annals  of  the  New 
World,  and  which  time  and  the  antiquary  have  as 
yet  done  little  to  explain. 

59  Dr.  Morton’s  valuable  work  great,  was  much  larger  than  that 
contains  several  engravings  of  both  in  the  latter,  which  was  singularly 
the  Inca  and  the  common  Peruvian  flat  and  deficient  in  intellectual  char- 
skull,  showing  that  the  facial  angle  acter.  Crania  Americana,  (Phila- 
in  the  former,  though  by  no  means  delphia,  1829.) 


CHAPTER  II. 


Orders  of  the  State.  — Provisions  for  Justice.  — Division  of 
Lands. — Revenues  and  Registers.  — Great  Roads  and  Posts. 
— Military  Tactics  and  Policy. 


If  we  are  surprised  at  the  peculiar  and  original 
features  of  what  may  be  called  the  Peruvian  aris- 
tocracy, we  shall  be  still  more  so  as  we  descend  to 
the  lower  orders  of  the  community,  and  see  the  very 
artificial  character  of  their  institutions,  — as  artificial 
as  those  of  ancient  Sparta,  and,  though  in  a differ- 
ent way,  quite  as  repugnant  to  the  essential  prin- 
ciples of  our  nature.  The  institutions  of  Lycurgus, 
however,  were  designed  for  a petty  state,  while 
those  of  Peru,  although  originally  intended  for  such, 
seemed,  like  the  magic  tent  in  the  Arabian  tale,  to 
have  an  indefinite  power  of  expansion,  and  were  as 
well  suited  to  the  most  flourishing  condition  of  the 
empire  as  to  its  infant  fortunes.  In  this  remark- 
able accommodation  to  change  of  circumstances  we 
see  the  proofs  of  a contrivance  that  argues  no  slight 
advance  in  civilization. 

The  name  of  Peru  was  not  known  to  the  natives. 
It  was  given  by  the  Spaniards,  and  originated,  it  is 
said,  in  a misapprehension  of  the  Indian  name  of 


Ch.  II  ] 


ORDERS  OF  THE  STATE. 


41 


“ river.”  ^ However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that 
the  natives  had  no  other  epithet  hy  which  to  desig- 
nate the  large  collection  of  tribes  and  nations  who 
were  assembled  under  the  sceptre  of  the  Incas,  than 
that  of  Tavantinsuyu,  or  “ four  quarters  of  the 
world.”  ^ This  will  not  surprise  a citizen  of  the 
United  States,  who  has  no  other  name  by  which  to 
class  himself  among  nations  than  what  is  borrowed 
from  a quarter  of  the  globe.^  The  kingdom,  con- 
formably to  its  name,  was  divided  into  four  parts, 
distinguished  each  by  a separate  title,  and  to  each 
of  which  ran  one  of  the  four  great  roads  that  di- 
verged from  Cuzco,  the  capital  or  navel  of  the 
Peruvian  monarchy.  The  city  was  in  like  manner 
divided  into  four  quarters ; and  the  various  races, 
which  gathered  there  from  the  distant  parts  of  the 
empire,  lived  each  in  the  quarter  nearest  to  its  re- 
spective province.  They  all  continued  to  wear  their 


1  Pelu,  according  to  Garcilasso, 
was  the  Indian  name  for  “ river,” 
and  was  given  by  one  of  the  natives 
in  answer  to  a question  put  to  him 
by  the  Spaniards,  who  conceived  it 
to  be  the  name  of  the  country. 
(Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap. 
6.)  Such  blunders  have  led  to  the 
names  of  many  places  both  in  North 
and  South  America.  Montesinos, 
however,  denies  that  there  is  such 
an  Indian  term  for  “ river.”  (Mem. 
Antiguas,  MS.,  lib.  1,  cap.  2.) 
According  to  this  writer,  Peru  was 
the  ancient  Ophir,  whence  Solo- 
mon drew  such  stores  of  wealth  ; 
and  which,  by  a very  natural  tran- 

6 


sition,  has  in  time  been  corrupted 
into  .Phiru,  Piru,  Peru ! The 
first  book  of  the  Memorias,  con- 
sisting of  thirty-two  chapters,  is 
devoted  to  this  precious  discov- 
ery. 

2 Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I, 
lib.  2,  cap.  II. 

3 Yet  an  American  may  find 
food  for  his  vanity  in  the  reflection, 
that  the  name  of  a quarter  of  the 
globe,  inhabited  by  so  many  civil- 
ized nations,  has  been  exclusively 
conceded  to  him. — Was  it  con- 
ceded or  assumed  1 


VOL.  I. 


42 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


peculiar  national  costume,  so  that  it  was  easy  to 
determine  their  origin ; and  the  same  order  and  sys- 
tem of  arrangement  prevailed  in  the  motley  popula- 
tion of  the  capital,  as  in  the  great  provinces  of  the 
empire.  The  capital,  in  fact,  was  a miniature  im- 
age of  the  empire.^ 

The  four  great  provinces  were  each  placed  under 
a viceroy  or  governor,  who  ruled  over  them  with 
the  assistance  of  one  or  more  councils  for  the  differ- 
ent departments.  These  viceroys  resided,  some 
portion  of  their  time,  at  least,  in  the  capital,  where 
they  constituted  a sort  of  council  of  state  to  the 
Inca.®  The  nation  at  large  was  distributed  into 
decades,  or  small  bodies  of  ten  ; and  every  tenth 
man,  or  head  of  a decade,  had  supervision  of  the 
rest,  — being  required  to  see  that  they  enjoyed  the 
rights  and  immunities  to  which  they  were  entitled, 
to  solicit  aid  in  their  behalf  from  government,  when 
necessary,  and  to  bring  offenders  to  justice.  To 
this  last  they  were  stimulated  by  a law  that  im- 
posed on  them,  in  case  of  neglect,  the  same  penalty 
that  would  have  been  incurred  by  the  guilty  party. 
With  this  law  hanging  over  his  head,  the  magis- 


Ibid.,  parte  1,  cap.  9,  10. — • 
Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  93. 

The  capital  was  further  divided 
into  two  parts,  the  Upper  and 
Lower  town,  founded,  as  pretend- 
ed, on  the  different  origin  of  the 
population  ; a division  recognized 
also  in  the  inferior  cities.  Onde- 
gardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

5 Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 


— GarcilassOjCom.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  2,  cap.  15. 

For  this  account  of  the  councils 
I am  indebted  to  Garcilasso,  who 
frequently  fills  up  gaps  that  have 
been  left  by  his  fellow-laborers. 
Whether  the  filling  up  will,  in  all 
cases,  bear  the  touch  of  time,  as 
well  as  the  rest  of  his  work,  one 
may  doubt. 


Ch.  II  ] 


PROVISIONS  FOR  JUSTICE. 


43 


trate  of  Peru,  we  may  well  believe,  did  not  often  go 
to  sleep  on  his  post.® 

The  people  were  still  further  divided  into  bodies 
of  fifty,  one  hundred,  five  hundred,  and  a thousand, 
with  each  an  officer  having  general  supervision  over 
those  beneath,  and  the  higher  ones  possessing,  to  a 
certain  extent,  authority  in  matters  of  police.  Last- 
ly, the  whole  empire  was  distributed  into  sections  or 
departments  of  ten  thousand  inhabitants,  with  a 
governor  over  each,  from  the  Inca  nobility,  who  had 
control  over  the  curacas  and  other  territorial  officers 
in  the  district.  There  were,  also,  regular  tribunals 
of  justice,  consisting  of  magistrates  in  each  of  the 
towns  or  small  communities,  with  Jurisdiction  over 
petty  offences,  while  those  of  a graver  character 
were  carried  before  superior  judges,  usually  the  gov- 
ernors or  rulers  of  the  districts.  These  judges  all 
held  their  authority  and  received  their  support  from 
the  Crown,  by  which  they  were  appointed  and  re- 
moved at  pleasure.  They  were  obliged  to  deter- 
mine every  suit  in  five  days  from  the  time  it  was 
brought  before  them ; and  there  w'as  no  appeal  from 
one  tribunal  to  another.  Yet  there  were  important 
provisions  for  the  security  of  justice.  A committee 
of  visitors  patrolled  the  kingdom  at  certain  times  to 
investigate  the  character  and  conduct  of  the  magis- 

® Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. — hundreds  and  tithings  ! But  the 
Montesinos,  Mem.  Antiguas,  MS.,  Saxon  law  was  more  humane, 
lib.  2,  cap.  6. — Ondegardo,  Rel.  which  imposed  only  a fine  on  the 
Prim.,  MS.  district,  in  case  of  a criminal’s 

How  analogous  is  the  Peruvian  escape, 
to  the  Anglo-Saxon  division  into 


44 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


trates ; and  any  neglect  or  violation  of  duty  was 
punished  in  the  most  exemplary  manner.  The  infe- 
rior courts  were  also  required  to  make  monthly 
returns  of  their  proceedings  to  the  higher  ones,  and 
these  made  reports  in  like  manner  to  the  viceroys  ; 
so  that  the  monarch,  seated  in  the  centre  of  his 
dominions,  could  look  abroad,  as  it  were,  to  their 
most  distant  extremities,  and  review  and  rectify  any 
abuses  in  the  administration  of  the  law.’^ 

The  laws  were  few  and  exceedingly  severe. 
They  related  almost  wholly  to  criminal  matters. 
Few  other  laws  were  needed  by  a people  who  had 
no  money,  little  trade,  and  hardly  any  thing  that 
could  be  called  fixed  property.  The  crimes  of  theft, 
adultery,  and  murder  were  all  capital;  though  it 
was  wisely  provided  that  some  extenuating  circum- 
stances might  be  allowed  to  mitigate  the  punish- 
ment.® Blasphemy  against  the  Sun,  and  maledic- 
tion of  the  Inca,  — offences,  indeed,  of  the  same 
complexion,  — were  also  punished  with  death.  Re- 


Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 

— Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim,  et  Seg., 
MSS.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  11-14. — 
Montesinos,  Mem.  Antiguas,  MS., 
lib.  2,  cap.  6. 

The  accounts  of  the  Peruvian 
tribunals  by  the  early  authorities 
are  very  meagre  and  unsatisfactory. 
Even  the  lively  imagination  of 
Garcilasso  has  failed  to  supply  the 
blank. 

® Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

— Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  5, 
lib.  4,  cap.  3. 


Theft  was  punished  less  severe- 
ly, if  the  offender  had  been  really 
guilty  of  it  to  supply  the  necessi- 
ties of  life.  It  is  a singular  cir- 
cumstance, that  the  Peruvian  law 
made  no  distinction  between  forni- 
cation and  adultery,  both  being 
equally  punished  with  death.  Yet 
the  law  could  hardly  have  been 
enforced,  since  prostitutes  were 
assigned,  or  at  least  allowed,  a 
residence  in  the  suburbs  of  the 
cities.  See  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  34. 


Ch.  II.] 


PROVISIONS  FOR  JUSTICE. 


45 


moving  landmarks,  turning  the  water  away  from  a 
neighbour’s  land  into  one’s  own,  burning  a house, 
were  all  severely  punished.  To  burn  a bridge  was 
death.  The  Inca  allowed  no  obstacle  to  those  facil- 
ities of  communication  so  essential  to  the  main- 
tenance of  public  order.  A rebellious  city  or  prov- 
ince was  laid  waste,  and  its  inhabitants  exterminated. 
Rebellion  against  the  “ Child  of  the  Sun  ” was  the 
greatest  of  all  crimes.® 

The  simplicity  and  severity  of  the  Peruvian  code 
may  be  thought  to  infer  a state  of  society  but  little 
advanced ; which  had  few  of  those  complex  in- 
terests and  relations  that  grow  up  in  a civilized 
community,  and  which  had  not  proceeded  far  enough 
in  the  science  of  legislation  to  economize  human 
suffering  by  proportioning  penalties  to  crimes.  But 
the  Peruvian  institutions  must  be  regarded  from  a 
different  point  of  view  from  that  in  which  we  study 
those  of  other  nations.  The  laws  emanated  from 
the  sovereign,  and  that  sovereign  held  a divine  com- 
mission, and  was  possessed  of  a divine  nature.  To 
violate  the  law  was  not  only  to  insult  the  majesty 
of  the  throne,  but  it  was  sacrilege.  The  slightest 
offence,  viewed  in  this  light,  merited  death  ; and 
the  gravest  could  incur  no  heavier  penalty.’®  Yet, 

9 Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  “ En  las  rebeliones  y alzamientos 
cap.  23.  se  hicieron  los  castigos  tan  asperos, 

“I  los  traidores  entre  ellos  11a-  que  algunas  veces  asolaron  las  pro- 
mava  aucaes,  i esta  palabra  es  la  vincias  de  todos  los  varones  de 
mas  abiltada  de  todas  quantas  pue-  edad  sin  quedar  ninguno.”  On- 
den  decir  aun  Indio  del  Pirii,  que  degardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
quiere  decir  traidor  a su  Senor.”  “ El  castigo  era  riguroso,  que 

(Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.)  por  la  mayor  parte  era  de  muerle, 


46 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


in  the  infliction  of  their  punishments,  they  showed 
no  unnecessary  cruelty ; and  the  sufferings  of  the 
victim  were  not  prolonged  by  the  ingenious  torments 
so  frequent  among  barbarous  nations." 

These  legislative  provisions  may  strike  us  as  very 
defective,  even  as  compared  with  those  of  the  semi- 
civilized  races  of  Anahuac,  where  a gradation  of 
courts,  moreover,  with  the  right  of  appeal,  afforded  a 
tolerable  security  for  justice.  But  in  a country  like 
Peru,  where  few  but  criminal  causes  were  known,  the 
right  of  appeal  was  of  less  consequence.  The  law" 
was  simple,  its  application  easy;  and,  w"here  the  judge 
was  honest,  the  case  was  as  likely  to  be  determined 
correctly  on  the  first  hearing  as  on  the  second.  The 
inspection  of  the  board  of  visitors,  and  the  monthly 
returns  of  the  tribunals,  afforded  no  slight  guaranty 
for  their  integrity.  The  law  which  required  a de- 
cision within  five  days  would  seem  little  suited  to 
the  complex  and  embarrassing  litigation  of  a modern 
tribunal.  But,  in  the  simple  questions  submitted  to 
the  Peruvian  judge,  delay  would  have  been  useless  ; 
and  the  Spaniards,  familiar  with  the  evils  growing 
out  of  long-protracted  suits,  where  the  successful  lit- 
igant is  too  often  a ruined  man,  are  loud  in  their 


por  liviano  que  fuese  el  delito  ; 
porque  decian,  que  no  los  castiga- 
van  por  el  delito  que  avian  hecho, 
ni  por  la  ofensa  agena,  sino  por 
aver  quebrantado  el  mandamiento, 
y rompido  la  palabra  del  Inca,  que 
lo  respetavan  como  a Dios.”  Gar- 
e.ilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
2,  cap.  12. 


One  of  the  punishments  most 
frequent  for  minor  offences  was  to 
carry  a stone  on  the  back.  A pun- 
ishment attended  with  no  suffering 
but  what  arises  from  the  disgrace 
attached  to  it  is  very  justly  char- 
acterized by  M<^Culloh  as  a proof 
of  sensibility  and  refinement.  Re- 
searches, p.  361. 


Ch.  II.] 


DIVISION  OF  LANDS. 


47 


encomiums  of  this  swift-handed  and  economical 
justice.^^ 

The  fiscal  regulations  of  the  Incas,  and  the  laws 
respecting  property,  are  the  most  remarkable  fea- 
tures in  the  Peruvian  polity.  The  whole  territory 
of  the  empire  was  divided  into  three  parts,  one  for 
the  Sun,  another  for  the  Inca,  and  the  last  for  the 
people.  Which  of  the  three  was  the  largest  is 
doubtful.  The  proportions  differed  materially  in 
different  provinces.  The  distribution,  indeed,  was 
made  on  the  same  general  principle,  as  each  new 
conquest  was  added  to  the  monarchy ; but  the 
proportion  varied  according  to  the  amount  of  pop- 
ulation, and  the  greater  or  less  amount  of  land  con- 
sequently required  for  the  support  of  the  inhabi- 
tants.’^ 

The  lands  assigned  to  the  Sun  furnished  a rev- 
enue to  support  the  temples,  and  maintain  the 
costly  ceremonial  of  the  Peruvian  worship  and  the 


^2  The  Royal  Audience  of  Peru 
under  Philip  II.  — there  cannot  be 
a higher  authority  — bears  em- 
phatic testimony  to  the  cheap  and 
efficient  administration  of  justice 
under  the  Incas.  “ De  suerte  que 
los  vicios  eran  bien  castigados  y la 
gente  estaba  bien  sujeta  y obediente ; 
y aunque  en  las  dichas  penas  havia 
esceso,  redundaba  en  buen  govierno 
y policia  suya,  y mediante  ella  eran 

aumentados Porque  los 

Yndios  alababan  la  govemacion  del 
Ynga,  y aun  los  Espaiioles  que 
algo  alcanzan  de  ella,  es  porque 


todas  las  cosas  susodichas  se  de- 
terminaban  sin  hacerles  costas.” 
Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 

13  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  15. — 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  5,  cap.  1. 

“ Si  estas  partes  fuesen  iguales, 
0 qual  fuese  mayor,  yo  lo  he  pro- 
curado  averiguar,  y en  unas  es 
diferente  de  otras,  y finalmte  yo 
tengo  entendido  que  se  hacia  con- 
forme  a la  disposicion  de  la  tierra 
y a la  calidad  de  los  Indios.”  On- 
degardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


48 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


multitudinous  priesthood.  Those  reserved  for  the 
Inca  went  to  support  the  royal  state,  as  well  as  the 
numerous  members  of  his  household  and  his  kindred, 
and  supplied  the  various  exigencies  of  government. 
The  remainder  of  the  lands  was  divided,  per  capita, 
in  equal  shares  among  the  people.  It  was  provided 
by  law,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  that  every  Peru- 
vian should  marry  at  a certain  age.  When  this 
event  took  place,  the  community  or  district  in  which 
he  lived  furnished  him  with  a dwelling,  which,  as  it 
was  constructed  of  humble  materials,  was  done  at 
little  cost.  A lot  of  land  was  then  assigned  to  him 
sufficient  for  his  own  maintenance  and  that  of  his 
wife.  An  additional  portion  was  granted  for  every 
child,  the  amount  allowed  for  a son  being  the  double 
of  that  for  a daughter.  The  division  of  the  soil  was 
renewed  every  year,  and  the  possessions  of  the 
tenant  were  increased  or  diminished  according  to 
the  numbers  in  his  family.*^  The  same  arrangement 
was  observed  with  reference  to  the  curacas,  except 
only  that  a domain  was  assigned  to  them  corre- 
sponding with  the  superior  dignity  of  their  stations.'® 


I'*  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I, 
lib.  5,  cap.  2. 

The  portion  granted  to  each  new- 
married  couple,  according  to  Gar- 
cilasso, was  a fanega  and  a half  of 
land.  A similar  quantity  was 
added  for  each  male  child  that  was 
bom  ; and  half  of  the  quantity  for 
each  female.  The  fanega  was  as 
much  land  as  could  be  planted  with 


a hundred  weight  of  Indian  com. 
In  the  fruitful  soil  of  Peru,  this  was 
a liberal  allowance  for  a family. 

15  Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  .5,  cap.  3. 

It  is  singular,  that  while  so  much 
is  said  of  the  Inca  sovereign,  so 
little  should  be  said  of  the  Inca 
nobility,  of  their  estates,  or  the 
tenure  by  which  they  held  them. 
Their  historian  tells  us,  that  they 
had  the  best  of  the  lands,  wherever 


Ch.  II.] 


DIVISION  OF  LANDS. 


49 


A more  thorough  and  effectual  agrarian  law  than 
this  cannot  be  imagined.  In  other  countries  where 
such  a law  has  been  introduced,  its  operation,  after 
a time,  has  given  way  to  the  natural  order  of  events, 
and,  under  the  superior  intelligence  and  thrift  of 
some  and  the  prodigality  of  others,  the  usual  vicissi- 
tudes of  fortune  have  been  allowed  to  take  their 
course,  and  restore  things  to  their  natural  inequality. 
Even  the  iron  law  of  Lycurgus  ceased  to  operate 
after  a time,  and  melted  away  before  the  spirit  of 
luxury  and  avarice.  The  nearest  approach  to  the 
Peruvian  constitution  was  probably  in  Judea,  where, 
on  the  recurrence  of  the  great  national  jubilee,  at 
the  close  of  every  half-century,  estates  reverted  to 
their  original  proprietors.  There  was  this  important 
difference  in  Peru  ; that  not  only  did  the  lease,  if 
we  may  so  call  it,  terminate  with  the  year,  but  dur- 
ing that  period  the  tenant  had  no  power  to  alienate 
or  to  add  to  his  possessions.  The  end  of  the  brief 
term  found  him  in  precisely  the  same  condition  that 
he  was  in  at  the  beginning.  Such  a state  of  things 
might  be  supposed  to  be  fatal  to  any  thing  like  at- 
tachment to  the  soil,  or  to  that  desire  of  improving 
it,  which  is  natural  to  the  permanent  proprietor, 
and  hardly  less  so  to  the  holder  of  a long  lease.  But 

they  resided,  besides  the  interest  But  this  is  very  loose  language, 
which  they  had  in  those  of  the  Sun  The  student  of  history  will  learn, 
and  the  Inca,  as  children  of  the  on  the  threshold,  that  he  is  not  to 
one,  and  kinsmen  of  the  other.  He  expect  precise,  or  even  very  con- 
informs  us,  also,  that  they  were  sistent,  accounts  of  the  institutions 
supplied  from  the  royal  table,  when  of  a barbarous  age  and  people, 
living  at  court,  (lib.  6,  cap.  3.)  from  contemporary  annalists. 

7 


VOL.  I. 


50 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


the  practical  operation  of  the  law  seems  to  have  been 
otherwise  ; and  it  is  probable,  that,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  that  love  of  order  and  aversion  to  change 
which  marked  the  Peruvian  institutions,  each  new 
partition  of  the  soil  usually  confirmed  the  occupant 
in  his  possession,  and  the  tenant  for  a year  was 
converted  into  a proprietor  for  life. 

The  territory  was  cultivated  wholly  by  tbe  people. 
The  lands  belonging  to  the  Sun  were  first  attended 
to.  They  next  tilled  the  lands  of  the  old,  of  the 
sick,  of  the  widow  and  the  orphan,  and  of  soldiers 
engaged  in  actual  service ; in  short,  of  all  that  part 
of  the  community  who,  from  bodily  infirmity  or 
any  other  cause,  were  unable  to  attend  to  their 
own  concerns.  The  people  were  then  allowed  to 
work  on  their  own  ground,  each  man  for  himself,  but 
with  the  general  obligation  to  assist  his  neigh- 
bour, when  any  circumstance  — the  burden  of  a 
young  and  numerous  family,  for  example  — might 
demand  it.’®  Lastly,  they  cultivated  the  lands  of  the 
Inca.  This  was  done,  with  great  ceremony,  by  the 
whole  population  in  a body.  At  break  of  day,  they 
were  summoned  together  by  proclamation  from  some 
neighbouring  tower  or  eminence,  and  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  district,  men,  women,  and  children,  ap- 
peared dressed  in  their  gayest  apparel,  bedecked 
with  their  little  store  of  finery  and  ornaments,  as  if 

Garcilasso  relates  that  an  In-  poor.  The  gallows  was  erected 
dian  was  hanged  by  Huayna  Capac  on  the  curaca’s  own  land.  Ibid., 
for  tilling  a curaca's  ground,  his  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  2. 
near  relation,  before  that  of  the 


Ch.  II  ] 


DIVISION  OF  LANDS. 


51 


for  some  great  jubilee.  They  went  through  the 
labors  of  the  day  with  the  same  Joyous  spirit,  chant- 
ing their  popular  ballads  which  commemorated  the 
heroic  deeds  of  the  Incas,  regulating  their  move- 
ments by  the  measure  of  the  chant,  and  all  mingling 
in  the  chorus,  of  which  the  word  hailli,  or  “ tri- 
umph,” was  usually  the  burden.  These  national  airs 
had  something  soft  and  pleasing  in  their  character, 
that  recommended  them  to  the  Spaniards  ; and 
many  a Peruvian  song  was  set  to  music  by  them 
after  the  Conquest,  and  was  listened  to  by  the  un- 
fortunate natives  with  melancholy  satisfaction,  as  it 
called  up  recollections  of  the  past,  when  their  days 
glided  peacefully  away  under  the  sceptre  of  the 
Incas.*^ 

A similar  arrangement  prevailed  with  respect  to 
the  different  manufactures  as  to  the  agricultural 
products  of  the  country.  The  flocks  of  llamas,  or 
Peruvian  sheep,  were  appropriated  exclusively  to  the 
Sun  and  to  the  Inca.'®  Their  number  was  immense. 
They  were  scattered  over  the  different  provinces, 
chiefly  in  the  colder  regions  of  the  country,  where 
they  were  intrusted  to  the  care  of  experienced  shep- 
herds, who  conducted  them  to  different  pastures  ac- 


Ibid.,  Parte  l,lib.  5,  cap.  1-3.  of  llamas,  — never  many.  These 
— Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS.  were  not  to  be  disposed  of  or  killed 
Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  by  their  owners,  but  descended  as 
Yet  sometimes  the  sovereign  common  property  to  their  heirs, 
would  recompense  some  great  chief.  This  strange  arrangement  proved  a 
or  even  some  one  among  the  pco-  fruitful  source  of  litigation  after 
pie,  who  had  rendered  him  a ser-  the  Conquest.  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
vice,  by  the  grant  of  a small  number 


52 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


cording  to  the  change  of  season.  A large  number 
was  every  year  sent  to  the  capital  for  the  consump- 
tion of  the  Court,  and  for  the  religious  festivals  and 
sacrifices.  But  these  were  only  the  males,  as  no 
female  was  allowed  to  be  killed.  The  regula- 
tions for  the  care  and  breeding  of  these  flocks 
were  prescribed  with  the  greatest  minuteness,  and 
with  a sagacity  which  excited  the  admiration  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  were  familiar  with  the  management 
of  the  great  migratory  flocks  of  merinos  in  their  own 
country.^® 

At  the  appointed  season,  they  were  all  sheared, 
and  the  wool  was  deposited  in  the  public  magazines. 
It  was  then  dealt  out  to  each  family  in  such  quanti- 
ties as  sufficed  for  its  wants,  and  was  consigned  to 
the  female  part  of  the  household,  who  were  well  in- 
structed in  the  business  of  spinning  and  weaving. 
When  this  labor  was  accomplished,  and  the  family 
was  provided  with  a coarse  but  warm  covering, 
suited  to  the  cold  climate  of  the  mountains,  — for, 
in  the  lower  country,  cotton,  furnished  in  like  man- 
ner by  the  Crown,  took  the  place,  to  a certain  extent, 
of  wool,  — the  people  were  required  to  labor  for  the 
Inca.  The  quantity  of  the  cloth  needed,  as  well  as 
the  peculiar  kind  and  quality  of  the  fabric,  was 
first  determined  at  Cuzco.  The  work  was  then  ap- 
portioned among  the  different  provinces.  Officers, 
appointed  for  the  purpose,  superintended  the  distri- 

19  See  especially  the  account  of  contemporary  writer,  concerning 
the  Licentiate  Ondegardo,  who  the  management  of  the  Peruvian 
goes  into  more  detail  than  any  flocks.  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


Ch.  II.] 


REVENUES  AND  REGISTERS. 


53 


bution  of  the  wool,  so  that  the  manufacture  of  the 
different  articles  should  be  intrusted  to  the  most 
competent  hands.^  They  did  not  leave  the  matter 
here,  but  entered  the  dwellings,  from  time  to  time, 
and  saw  that  the  work  was  faithfully  executed. 
This  domestic  inquisition  was  not  confined  to  the 
labors  for  the  Inca.  It  included,  also,  those  for  the 
several  families  ; and  care  was  taken  that  each  house- 
hold should  employ  the  materials  furnished  for  its 
own  use  in  the  manner  that  was  intended,  so 
that  no  one  should  be  unprovided  with  necessary 
apparel.^*  In  this  domestic  labor  all  the  female 
part  of  the  establishment  was  expected  to  join. 
Occupation  was  found  for  all,  from  the  child  five 
years  old  to  the  aged  matron  not  too  infirm  to  hold  a 
distaff.  No  one,  at  least  none  but  the  decrepit  and 
the  sick,  was  allowed  to  eat  the  bread  of  idleness  in 
’Peru.  Idleness  was  a crime  in  the  eye  of  the  law, 
and,  as  such,  severely  punished ; while  industry 
was  publicly  commended  and  stimulated  by  re- 
wards.^ 

The  like  course  was  pursued  with  reference  to  the 
other  requisitions  of  the  government.  All  the  mines 
in  the  kingdom  belonged  to  the  Inca.  They  were 
wrought  exclusively  for  his  benefit,  by  persons  famil- 


20  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim,  et  any  other  Peruvian.  Garcilasso, 
Seg.,  MSS.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  l,lib.  5,  cap.  6. 

The  manufacture  of  cloths  for  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

the  Inca  included  those  for  the  — Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  15. 
numerous  persons  of  the  blood  22  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
royal,  who  wore  garments  of  a — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I, 
finer  texture  than  was  permitted  to  lib.  5,  cap.  II. 


54 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I 


iar  with  this  service,  and  selected  from  the  districts 
where  the  mines  were  situated. “ Every  Peruvian 
of  the  lower  class  was  a husbandman,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  those  already  specified,  was  expected 
to  provide  for  his  own  support  by  the  cultivation 
of  his  land.  A small  portion  of  the  community, 
however,  was  instructed  in  mechanical  arts;  some 
of  them  of  the  more  elegant  kind,  subservient  to  the 
purposes  of  luxury  and  ornament.  The  demand  for 
these  was  chiefly  limited  to  the  sovereign  and  his 
Court ; but  the  labor  of  a larger  number  of  hands 
was  exacted  for  the  execution  of  the  great  public 
works  which  covered  the  land.  The  nature  and 
amount  of  the  services  required  w^ere  all  determined 
at  Cuzco  by  commissioners  well  instructed  in  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  in  the  character  of  the 
inhabitants  of  different  provinces.®^ 

This  information  was  obtained  by  an  admirable 
regulation,  which  has  scarcely  a counterpart  in  the 
annals  of  a semi-civilized  people.  A register  was 
kept  of  all  the  births  and  deaths  throughout  the 
country,  and  exact  returns  of  the  actual  population 


Garcilasso  would  have  us  be- 
lieve that  the  Inca  was  indebted  to 
the  curacas  for  his  gold  and  silver, 
which  were  furnished  by  the  great 
vassals  as  presents.  (Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  7.)  This  im- 
probable statement  is  contradicted 
by  the  Report  of  the  Royal  Au- 
dience, MS.,  by  Sarmiento,  (Rela- 
cion,  MS.,  cap.  15,)  and  by  On- 
degardo,  (Rel.  Prim., MS.)  who  all 


speak  of  the  mines  as  the  proper- 
ty of  the  government,  and  wrought 
exclusively  for  its  benefit.  From 
this  reservoir  the  proceeds  were 
liberally  dispensed  in  the  form  of 
presents  among  the  great  lords, 
and  still  more  for  the  embelUsh- 
ment  of  the  temples. 

24  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  5,  cap.  13-16. — Onde- 
gardo,  Rel.  Prim,  et  Seg.,  MSS. 


Ch.  II.] 


REVENUES  AND  REGISTERS. 


55 


were  made  to  government  every  year,  by  means  of 
the  quipus,  a curious  invention,  which  will  be  ex- 
plained hereafter.^  At  certain  intervals,  also,  a 
general  survey  of  the  country  was  made,  exhibiting 
a complete  view  of  the  character  of  the  soil,  its  fer- 
tility, the  nature  of  its  products,  both  agricultural 
and  mineral,  — in  short,  of  all  that  constituted  the 
physical  resources  of  the  empire.'®  Furnished  with 
these  statistical  details,  it  was  easy  for  the  govern- 
ment, after  determining  the  amount  of  requisitions,  to 
distribute  the  work  among  the  respective  provinces 
best  qualified  to  execute  it.  The  task  of  apportion- 
ing the  labor  was  assigned  to  the  local  authorities, 
and  great  care  was  taken  that  it  should  be  done  in 
such  a manner,  that,  while  the  most  competent 
hands  were  selected,  it  should  not  fall  dispropor- 
tionately heavy  on  any.'*’’ 

The  different  provinces  of  the  country  furnished 
persons  peculiarly  suited  to  different  employments, 
which,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  usually  descended 


25  Montesinos,  Mem.  Antig^as, 
MS.,  lib.  2,  cap.  6.  — Pedro  Pi- 
zarro,  Relacion  del  Descubrimiento 
y Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del 
Peru,  MS. 

“ Cada  provincia,  en  fin  del  afio, 
mandava  asentar  en  los  quipos,  por 
la  cuenta  de  sus  nudos,  todos  los 
hombres  que  habian  muerto  en  ella 
en  aquel  ano,  y por  el  consiguiente 
los  que  habian  nacido,  y por  prin- 
cipio  del  ano  que  entraba,  venian 
con  los  quipos  al  Cuzco.”  Sar- 
miento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  16. 


26  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  2,  cap.  14. 

27  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
— Sarmiento,  Rel.,  MS.,  cap.  15. 

“ Presupuesta  y entendida  la 
dicha  division  que  el  Inga  tenia 
hecha  de  su  gente,  y orden  que  te- 
nia puesta  en  el  goviemo  de  ella, 
era  muy  facil  haverla  en  la  division 
y cobranza  de  los  dichos  tributos; 
porque  era  claro  y cierto  lo  que  a 
cada  uno  cabia  sin  que  hubiese 
desigualdad  ni  engano.”  Dec.  de 
la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 


56 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


from  father  to  son.  Thus,  one  district  supplied 
those  most  skilled  in  working  the  mines,  another 
the  most  curious  workers  in  metals,  or  in  wood, 
and  so  on.*^^  The  artisan  was  provided  by  gov- 
ernment with  the  materials ; and  no  one  was  re- 
quired to  give  more  than  a stipulated  portion  of  his 
time  to  the  public  service.  He  was  then  succeeded 
by  another  for  the  like  term ; and  it  should  be  ob- 
served, that  all  who  were  engaged  in  the  employ- 
ment of  the  government  — and  the  remark  applies 
equally  to  agricultural  labor  — were  maintained,  for 
the  time,  at  the  public  expense.®^  By  this  constant 
rotation  of  labor,  it  was  intended  that  no  one  should 
be  overburdened,  and  that  each  man  should  have 
time  to  provide  for  the  demands  of  his  own  house- 
hold. It  was  impossible  — in  the  judgment  of  a 
high  Spanish  authority  — to  improve  on  the  system 
of  distribution,  so  carefully  was  it  accommodated  to 
the  condition  and  comfort  of  the  artisan.*’  The 
security  of  the  working  classes  seems  to  have  been 
ever  kept  in  view  in  the  regulations  of  the  govern- 
ment ; and  these  were  so  discreetly  arranged,  that 
the  most  wearing  and  unwholesome  labors,  as  those 
of  the  mines,  occasioned  no  detriment  to  the  health 

28  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  moderado,  y con  el  menos  riesgo 

cap.  15. — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  que  fuese  posible Era 

MS.  tanta  la  orden  que  tuvieron  estos 

29  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  Indies,  que  a mi  parecer  aunque 

— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  mucho  se  piense  en  ello  seria  difi- 
lib.  5,  cap.  5.  cultoso  mejorarla  conocida  su  con- 

39  “ Y tambien  se  tenia  cuenta  dicion  y costumbres.”  Ondegar- 
que  el  trabajo  que  pasavan  fuese  do,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


Ch.  II  ] REVENUES  AND  REGISTERS.  57 

of  the  laborer  ; a striking  contrast  to  his  subsequent 
condition  under  the  Spanish  rule.^* 

A part  of  the  agricultural  produce  and  manufac- 
tures was  transported  to  Cuzco,  to  minister  to  the  im- 
mediate demands  of  the  Inca  and  his  Court.  But  far 
the  greater  part  was  stored  in  magazines  scattered 
over  the  different  provinces.  These  spacious  build- 
ings, constructed  of  stone,  were  divided  between 
the  Sun  and  the  Inca,  though  the  greater  share 
seems  to  have  been  appropriated  by  the  monarch. 
By  a wise  regulation,  any  deficiency  in  the  contri- 
butions of  the  Inca  might  be  supplied  from  the 
granaries  of  the  Sun.^^  But  such  a necessity  could 
rarely  have  happened  ; and  the  providence  of  the 
government  usually  left  a large  surplus  in  the  royal 
depositories,  whicli  was  removed  to  a third  class  of 
magazines,  whose  design  was  to  supply  the  people 
in  seasons  of  scarcity,  and,  occasionally,  to  furnish 
relief  to  individuals,  whom  sickness  or  misfortune 
had  reduced  to  poverty  ; thus,  in  a manner,  justify- 
ing the  assertion  of  a Castilian  document,  that  a 
large  portion  of  the  revenues  of  the  Inca  found  its 


31  “ The  working  of  the  mines,” 
says  the  President  of  the  Council 
of  the  Indies,  “ was  so  regulated 
that  no  one  felt  it  a hardship,  much 
less  was  his  life  shortened  by  it.” 
(Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap. 
15.)  It  is  a frank  admission  for  a 
Spaniard. 

32  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  5,  cap.  34. — Ondegardo, 
Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


“E  asi  esta  parte  del  Inga  no 
hay  duda  sino  que  de  todas  tres  era 
la  mayor,  y en  los  depositos  se  pa- 
rece  bien  que  yo  visite  muchos  en 
diferentes  partes,  e son  mayores  e 
mas  largos  que  no  los  de  su  religion 
sin  comparasion.”  Idem,  Rel. 
Seg.,  MS. 


VOL.  I. 


8 


68 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


way  back  again,  through  one  channel  or  another, 
into  the  hands  of  the  people.^  These  magazines 
were  found  by  the  Spaniards,  on  their  arrival,  stored 
with  all  the  various  products  and  manufactures  of 
the  country,  — with  maize,  coca,  quinua,  woollen 
and  cotton  stuffs  of  the  finest  quality,  with  vases 
and  utensils  of  gold,  silver,  and  copper,  in  short, 
with  every  article  of  luxury  or  use  within  the  com- 
pass of  Peruvian  skill.®^  The  magazines  of  grain, 
in  particular,  would  frequently  have  sufficed  for  the 
consumption  of  the  adjoining  district  for  several 
years.^^  An  inventory  of  the  various  products  of 
the  country,  and  the  quarters  whence  they  were  ob- 
tained, was  every  year  taken  by  the  royal  officers, 
and  recorded  by  the  quipucamayus  on  their  registers, 
with  surprising  regularity  and  precision.  These 
registers  were  transmitted  to  the  capital,  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  Inca,  who  could  thus  at  a glance,  as  it 


33  “ Todos  los  dichos  tributes  y 
servicios  que  el  Inga  imponia  y 
Uevaba  como  dicho  es  eran  con 
color  y para  efecto  del  govierno  y 
pro  comun  de  todos  asi  como  lo  que 
se  ponia  en  depositos  todo  se  com- 
bertia  y distribuia  entre  los  mismos 
naturales.”  Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real., 
MS. 

3<  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  15. 

“No  podre  decir,”  says  one  of 
the  Conquerors,  “ los  depositos. 
Vide  de  rropas  y de  todos  generos 
de  rropas  y vestidos  que  en  este 
reino  se  hacian  y vsavan  que  fal- 
tava  tiempo  para  vello  y entendi- 
miento  para  comprender  tanta  cosa. 


muchos  depositos  de  barretas  de 
cobre  para  las  minas  y de  costales 
y sogas  de  vasos  de  palo  y platos 
del  oro  y plata  que  aqui  se  hallo 
hera  cosa  despanto.”  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

33  For  ten  years,  sometimes,  if 
we  may  credit  Ondegardo,  who 
had  every  means  of  knowing. 
“ E ansi  cuando  no  era  menester 
se  estaba  en  los  depositos  e habia 
algunas  vezes  comida  de  diez  anos. 

Los  cuales  todos  se  halla- 

ron  llenos  cuando  llegaron  los  Es- 
panoles  desto  y de  todas  las  cosas 
necesarias  para  la  vida  humana.” 
Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


Ch.  II.] 


REVENUES  AND  REGISTERS. 


59 


were,  embrace  the  whole  results  of  the  national  in- 
dustry, and  see  how  far  they  corresponded  with  the 
requisitions  of  government.^® 

Such  are  some  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of 
the  Peruvian  institutions  relating  to  property,  as 
delineated  by  writers  who,  however  contradictory 
in  the  details,  have  a general  conformity  of  outline. 
These  institutions  are  certainly  so  remarkable,  that 
it  is  hardly  credible  they  should  ever  have  been  en- 
forced throughout  a great  empire,  and  for  a long 
period  of  years.  Yet  we  have  the  most  unequivocal 
testimony  to  the  fact  from  the  Spaniards,  who 
landed  in  Peru  in  time  to  witness  their  operation; 
some  of  whom,  men  of  high  judicial  station  and 
character,  were  commissioned  by  the  government 
to  make  investigations  into  the  state  of  the  country 
under  its  ancient  rulers. 

The  impositions  on  the  Peruvian  people  seem 
to  have  been  sufficiently  heavy.  On  them  rested 
the  whole  burden  of  maintaining,  not  only  their 
own  order,  but  every  other  order  in  the  state. 
The  members  of  the  royal  house,  the  great  nobles, 
even  the  public  functionaries,  and  the  numerous 
body  of  the  priesthood,  were  all  exempt  from  taxa- 
tion.^^  The  whole  duty  of  defraying  the  expenses 
of  the  government  belonged  to  the  people.  Yet  this 

36  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  menudo  lo  manifestaron  que  S2 

“ Por  tanta  orden  6 cuenta  que  pudiera  por  estenso.”  Idem,  Rel. 
seria  dificultoso  creerlo  ni  darlo  a Seg.,  MS. 

entender  como  ellos  lo  tienen  en  Garcilasso,' Com.  Real.,  Parte 

su  cuenta  e por  registros  e por  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  15. 


60  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS.  [Book  I. 

was  not  materially  different  from  the  condition  of 
things  formerly  existing  in  most  parts  of  Europe, 
where  the  various  privileged  classes  claimed  ex- 
emption — not  always  with  success,  indeed  — from 
bearing  part  of  the  public  burdens.  The  great 
hardship  in  the  case  of  the  Peruvian  was,  that  he 
could  not  better  his  condition.  His  labors  were  for 
others,  rather  than  for  himself.  However  industri- 
ous, he  could  not  add  a rood  to  his  own  possessions, 
nor  advance  himself  one  hair’s  breadth  in  the  social 
scale.  The  great  and  universal  motive  to  honest 
industry,  that  of  bettering  one’s  lot,  was  lost  upon 
him.  The  great  law  of  human  progress  was  not 
for  him.  As  he  was  born,  so  he  was  to  die.  Even 
his  time  he  could  not  properly  call  his  own.  With- 
out money,  with  little  property  of  any  kind,  he  paid 
his  taxes  in  labor.^®  No  wonder  that  the  govern- 
ment should  have  dealt  with  sloth  as  a crime.  It 
was  a crime  against  the  state,  and  to  be  wasteful  of 
time  was,  in  a manner,  to  rob  the  exchequer.  The 
Peruvian,  laboring  all  his  life  for  others,  might  be 
compared  to  the  convict  in  a treadmill,  going  the 
same  dull  round  of  incessant  toil,  with  the  con- 
sciousness, that,  however  profitable  the  results  to 
the  state,  they  were  nothing  to  him. 

But  this  is  the  dark  side  of  the  picture.  If  no  man 
could  become  rich  in  Peru,  no  man  could  become 
poor.  No  spendthrift  could  waste  his  substance  in 


38  “ Solo  el  trabajo  de  las  per-  porque  ellos  no  poseian  otra  cosa.” 
sonas  era  el  tribute  que  se  dava,  Ondegardo,  Eel.  Prim.,  MS. 


Ch.  II.] 


REVENUES  AND  REGISTERS. 


61 


riotous  luxury.  No  adventurous  schemer  could  im- 
poverish his  family  by  the  spirit  of  speculation. 
The  law  was  constantly  directed  to  enforce  a steady 
industry  and  a sober  management  of  his  affairs. 
No  mendicant  was  tolerated  in  Peru.  When  a man 
was  reduced  by  poverty  or  misfortune,  (it  could 
hardly  be  by  fault,)  the  arm  of  the  law  was  stretched 
out  to  minister  relief ; not  the  stinted  relief  of 
private  charity,  nor  that  which  is  doled  out,  drop 
by  drop,  as  it  were,  from  the  frozen  reservoirs  of 
“the  parish,”  but  in  generous  measure,  bringing  no 
humiliation  to  the  object  of  it,  and  placing  him  on  a 
level  with  the  rest  of  his  countrymen.^^ 

No  man  could  be  rich,  no  man  could  be  poor,  in 
Peru  ; but  all  might  enjoy,  and  did  enjoy,  a compe- 
tence. Ambition,  avarice,  the  love  of  change,  the 
morbid  spirit  of  discontent,  those  passions  which 
most  agitate  the  minds  of  men,  found  no  place 
in  the  bosom  of  the  Peruvian.  The  very  condi- 


39  “ Era  tanta  la  orden  que  te- 
nia en  todos  sus  Reinos  y provin- 
cias,  que  no  consentia  haver  ningun 
Indio  pobre  ni  menesteroso,  porque 
havia  orden  i formas  para  ello  sin 
que  los  pueblos  reciviesen  vexacion 
ni  molestia,  porque  el  Inga  lo  suplia 
de  sus  tributes.”  (Conq.  i Fob. 
del  Piru,  MS.)  The  Licentiate 
Ondegardo  sees  only  a device  of 
Satan  in  these  provisions  of  the 
Peruvian  law,  by  which  the  old, 
the  infirm,  and  the  poor  were  ren- 
dered, in  a manner,  independent  of 
their  children,  and  those  nearest  of 
kin,  on  whom  they  would  naturally 


have  leaned  for  support ; no  surer 
way  to  harden  the  heart,  he  con- 
siders, than  by  thus  disengaging  it 
from  the  sympathies  of  humanity ; 
and  no  circumstance  has  done  more, 
he  concludes,  to  counteract  the  in- 
fluence and  spread  of  Christianity 
among  the  natives.  (Rel.  Seg., 
MS.)  The  views  are  ingenious  ; 
but,  in  a country  where  the  people 
had  no  property,  as  in  Peru,  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  alternative  for 
the  supernumeraries,  but  to  receive 
support  from  government  or  to 
starve. 


62 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


tion  of  his  being  seemed  to  be  at  war  with  change. 
He  moved  on  in  the  same  unbroken  circle  in  which 
his  fathers  had  moved  before  him,  and  in  which  his 
children  were  to  follow,  it  was  the  object  of  the 
Incas  to  infuse  into  their  subjects  a spirit  of  passive 
obedience  and  tranquillity,  — a perfect  acquiescence 
in  the  established  order  of  things.  In  this  they  fully 
succeeded.  The  Spaniards  who  first  visited  the 
country  are  emphatic  in  their  testimony,  that  no 
government  could  have  been  better  suited  to  the 
genius  of  the  people ; and  no  people  could  have 
appeared  more  contented  with  their  lot,  or  more 
devoted  to  their  government.'”’ 

Those  who  may  distrust  the  accounts  of  Peruvian 
industry  will  find  their  doubts  removed  on  a visit  to 
the  country.  The  traveller  still  meets,  especially  in 
the  central  regions  of  the  table-land,  with  memorials 
of  the  past,  remains  of  temples,  palaces,  fortresses, 
terraced  mountains,  great  military  roads,  aqueducts, 
and  other  public  works,  which,  whatever  degree  of 
science  they  may  display  in  their  execution,  astonish 
him  by  their  number,  the  massive  character  of  the 
materials,  and  the  grandeur  of  the  design.  Among 
them,  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  are  the  great 
roads,  the  broken  remains  of  which  are  still  in  suffi- 
cient preservation  to  attest  their  former  magnifi- 
cence. There  were  many  of  these  roads,  traversing 
different  parts  of  the  kingdom  ; but  the  most  con- 
siderable were  the  two  which  extended  from  Quito 


Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  12,  15.  — Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  10. 


Ch.  II.] 


GREAT  ROADS  AND  POSTS. 


63 


to  Cuzco,  and,  again  diverging  from  the  capita],  con- 
tinued in  a southern  direction  towards  Chili. 

One  of  these  roads  passed  over  the  grand  plateau, 
and  the  other  along  the  lowlands  on  the  borders  of 
the  ocean.  The  former  was  much  the  more  difficult 
achievement,  from  the  character  of  the  country.  It 
was  conducted  over  pathless  sierras  buried  in  snow ; 
galleries  were  cut  for  leagues  through  the  living 
rock  ; rivers  were  crossed  by  means  of  bridges  that 
swung  suspended  in  the  air  ; precipices  were  scaled 
by  stairways  hewn  out  of  the  native  bed ; ravines 
of  hideous  depth  were  filled  up  with  solid  masonry ; 
in  short,  all  the  difficulties  that  beset  a wild  and 
mountainous  region,  and  which  might  appall  the 
most  courageous  engineer  of  modern  times,  were 
encountered  and  successfully  overcome.  The  length 
of  the  road,  of  which  scattered  fragments  only  re- 
main, is  variously  estimated,  from  fifteen  hundred  to 
two  thousand  miles  ; and  stone  pillars,  in  the  man- 
ner of  European  milestones,  were  erected  at  stated 
intervals  of  somewhat  more  than  a league,  all  along 
the  route.  Its  breadth  scarcely  exceeded  twenty 
feet.'**  It  was  built  of  heavy  flags  of  freestone, 
and  in  some  parts,  at  least,  covered  with  a bitu- 

Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.  do,  por  junto  a los  Rios  sus  pare- 

“ Este  camino  hecho  por  valles  des,  entre  nieves  con  escalones  y 
ondos  y por  sierras  alias,  por  mon-  descanso,  por  todas  partes  limpio 
tes  de  nieve,  por  tremedales  de  barrido  descombrado,  lleno  de  apo- 
agua  y por  peaa  viva  y junto  a sentos,  de  depositos  de  tesoros,  de 
rios  furiosos  por  estas  partes  y Templos  del  Sol,  de  Postas  que 
ballano  y empedrado  por  las  lade-  havia  en  este  camino.”  Sarmien- 
ras,  bien  sacado  por  las  sierras,  to.  Relation,  MS.,  cap.  CO. 
deshecbado,  por  las  peaas  socava- 


64 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


minous  cement,  which  time  has  made  harder  than 
the  stone  itself.  In  some  places,  where  the  ra- 
vines had  been  filled  up  with  masonry,  the  moun- 
tain torrents,  wearing  on  it  for  ages,  have  gradually 
eaten  a way  through  the  base,  and  left  the  superin- 
cumbent mass  — such  is  the  cohesion  of  the  materi- 
als — still  spanning  the  valley  like  an  arch ! 

Over  some  of  the  boldest  streams  it  was  neces- 
sary to  construct  suspension  bridges,  as  they  are 
termed,  made  of  the  tough  fibres  of  the  maguey,  or 
of  the  osier  of  the  country,  which  has  an  extraordi- 
nary degree  of  tenacity  and  strength.  These  osiers 
were  woven  into  cables  of  the  thickness  of  a man’s 
body.  The  huge  ropes,  then  stretched  across  the 
water,  were  conducted  through  rings  or  holes  cut  in 
immense  buttresses  of  stone  raised  on  the  opposite 
banks  of  the  river,  and  there  secured  to  heavy  pieces 
of  timber.  Several  of  these  enormous  cables,  bound 
together,  formed  a bridge,  which,  covered  with 
planks,  well  secured  and  defended  by  a railing  of 
the  same  osier  materials  on  the  sides,  afforded  a safe 
passage  for  the  traveller.  The  length  of  this  aerial 


42  “On  avait  comble  les  vides 
et  les  ravins  par  de  grandes  masses 
de  ma^onnerie.  Les  torrents  qui 
descendent  des  hauteurs  apres  des 
pluies  abondantes,  avaient  creuse 
les  endroits  les  moins  solides,  et 
s’etaient  frayd  une  voie  sous  le 
chemin,  le  laissant  ainsi  suspendu 
en  I’air  comme  un  pont  fait  d’une 
seule  piece.”  (Velasco,  Hi.st.  de 
Quito,  tom.  I.  p.  206.)  This  writer 


speaks  from  personal  observation, 
having  examined  and  measured 
different  parts  of  the  road,  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  last  century.  The 
Spanish  scholar  will  find  in  Appen- 
dix, No.  2.,  an  animated  descrip- 
tion of  this  magnificent  work,  and 
of  the  obstacles  encountered  in  the 
execution  of  it,  in  a passage  bor- 
rowed from  Sarmiento,  who  saw  it 
in  the  days  of  the  Incas. 


Ch.  II.] 


GREAT  ROADS  AND  POSTS. 


65 


bridge,  sometimes  exceeding  two  hundred  feet, 
caused  it,  confined,  as  it  was,  only  at  the  extremities, 
to  dip  with  an  alarming  inclination  towards  the 
centre,  while  the  motion  given  to  it  by  the  passen- 
ger occasioned  an  oscillation  still  more  frightful,  as  his 
eye  wandered  over  the  dark  abyss  of  waters  that 
foamed  and  tumbled  many  a fathom  beneath.  Yet 
these  light  and  fragile  fabrics  were  crossed  without 
fear  by  the  Peruvians,  and  are  still  retained  by  the 
Spaniards  over  those  streams  which,  from  the  depth 
or  impetuosity  of  the  current,  would  seem  impracti- 
cable for  the  usual  modes  of  conveyance.  The 
wider  and  more  tranquil  waters  were  crossed  on 
balsas  — a kind  of  raft  still  much  used  by  the  natives 
— to  which  sails  were  attached,  furnishing  the  only 
instance  of  this  higher  kind  of  navigation  among  the 
American  Indians.^^ 

The  other  great  road  of  the  Incas  lay  through  the 
level  country  between  the  Andes  and  the  ocean.  It 
was  constructed  in  a different  manner,  as  demanded 
by  the  nature  of  the  ground,  which  was  for  the  most 
part  low,  and  much  of  it  sandy.  The  causeway 
was  raised  on  a high  embankment  of  earth,  and  de- 
fended on  either  side  by  a parapet  or  wall  of  clay; 
and  trees  and  odoriferous  shrubs  were  planted  along 
the  margin,  regaling  the  sense  of  the  traveller  with 

^ Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  Cordilldres,  p.  230,  et  seq.)  The 
I,  lib.  3,  cap.  7.  balsas  are  described  with  equal 

A particular  account  of  these  minuteness  by  Stevenson.  Resi- 
bridges,  as  they  are  still  to  be  seen  dence  in  America,  vol.  II.  p.  222, 
in  different  parts  of  Peru,  may  be  et  seq. 
found  in  Humboldt.  (Vues  des 

VOL.  I.  9 


66 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


their  perfumes,  and  refreshing  him  by  their  shades, 
so  grateful  under  the  burning  sky  of  the  tropics. 
In  the  strips  of  sandy  waste,  which  occasionally  in- 
tervened, where  the  light  and  volatile  soil  was  inca- 
pable of  sustaining  a road,  huge  piles,  many  of  them 
to  be  seen  at  this  day,  were  driven  into  the  ground 
to  indicate  the  route  to  the  traveller.^ 

All  along  these  highways,  caravansaries,  or  tambos, 
as  they  were  called,  were  erected,  at  the  distance 
of  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  each  other,  for  the  ac- 
commodation, more  particularly,  of  the  Inca  and  his 
suite,  and  those  who  journeyed  on  the  public  busi- 
ness. There  were  few  other  travellers  in  Peru. 
Some  of  these  buildings  were  on  an  extensive  scale, 
consisting  of  a fortress,  barracks,  and  other  military 
works,  surrounded  by  a parapet  of  stone,  and  cover- 
ing a large  tract  of  ground.  These  were  evidently 
destined  for  the  accommodation  of  the  imperial 
armies,  when  on  their  march  across  the  country.  — 
The  care  of  the  great  roads  was  committed  to  the 
districts  through  which  they  passed,  and  a large 
number  of  hands  was  constantly  employed  under 
the  Incas  to  keep  them  in  repair.  This  was  the 
more  easily  done  in  a country  where  the  mode  of 
travelling  was  altogether  on  foot ; though  the  roads 
are  said  to  have  been  so  nicely  constructed,  that  a 

■n  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  tains  a minute  and  probably  trust- 
60. — Relacion  del  Primer  Descu-  worthy  account  of  both  the  high 
brimiento  de  la  Costa  y Mar  del  roads,  which  the  writer  saw  in 
Sur,  MS.  their  glory,  and  which  he  ranks 

This  anon3rmous  document  of  among  the  greatest  wonders  of  the 
one  of  the  early  Conquerors  con-  world. 


Ch.  II.] 


GREAT  ROADS  AND  POSTS. 


67 


carriage  might  have  rolled  over  them  as  securely 
as  on  any  of  the  great  roads  of  Europe.^®  Still, 
in  a region  where  the  elements  of  fire  and  water 
are  both  actively  at  work  in  the  business  of  de- 
struction, they  must,  without  constant  supervision, 
have  gradually  gone  to  decay.  Such  has  been  their 
fate  under  the  Spanish  conquerors,  who  took  no 
care  to  enforce  the  admirable  system  for  their  pres- 
ervation adopted  by  the  Incas.  Yet  the  broken 
portions  that  still  survive,  here  and  there,  like  the 
fragments  of  the  great  Roman  roads  scattered  over 
Europe,  bear  evidence  to  their  primitive  grandeur, 
and  have  drawn  forth  the  eulogium  from  a discrimi- 
nating traveller,  usually  not  too  profuse  in  his  pane- 
gyric, that  “ the  roads  of  the  Incas  were  among  the 
most  useful  and  stupendous  works  ever  executed  by 
man.”^® 

The  system  of  communication  through  their  do- 
minions was  still  further  improved  by  the  Peruvian 
sovereigns,  by  the  introduction  of  posts,  in  the  same 
manner  as  was  done  by  the  Aztecs.  The  Peruvian 
posts,  however,  established  on  all  the  great  routes 
that  conducted  to  the  capital,  were  on  a much  more 
extended  plan  than  those  in  Mexico.  All  along 


'*5  Relacion  del  Primer  Descub., 
MS.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
cap.  37.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  1,  cap.  11. — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  13. 

■^6  “ Cette  chaussee,  bordee  de 
grandes  pierres  de  taille,  peut  etre 
comparee  aux  plus  belles  routes  des 


Remains  que  j’aie  vues  en  Italie, 

en  France  et  en  Espagne 

Le  grand  chemin  de  I’Inca,  un  des 
ouvrages  les  plus  utiles,  et  en 
meme  temps  des  plus  gigantesques 
que  les  hommes  aient  execute.” 
Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres, 
p.  294. 


68 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


these  routes,  small  buildings  were  erected,  at  the 
distance  of  less  than  five  miles  asunder,'*^  in  each 
of  which  a number  of  runners,  or  chasquis,  as  they 
were  called,  were  stationed  to  carry  forward  the 
despatches  of  government/®  These  despatches  were 
either  verbal,  or  conveyed  by  means  of  quipus,  and 
sometimes  accompanied  by  a thread  of  the  crimson 
fringe  worn  round  the  temples  of  the  Inca,  which 
was  regarded  with  the  same  implicit  deference  as 
the  signet  ring  of  an  Oriental  despot/® 

The  chasquis  were  dressed  in  a peculiar  livery, 
intimating  their  profession.  They  were  all  trained 
to  the  employment,  and  selected  for  their  speed  and 
fidelity.  As  the  distance  each  courier  had  to  per- 
form was  small,  and  as  he  had  ample  time  to  refresh 
himself  at  the  stations,  they  ran  over  the  ground  with 
great  swiftness,  and  messages  were  carried  through 
the  whole  extent  of  the  long  routes,  at  the  rate  of 
a hundred  and  fifty  miles  a day.  The  office  of  the 
chasquis  was  not  limited  to  carrying  despatches. 
They  frequently  brought  various  articles  for  the  use 


The  distance  between  the 
posthouses  is  variously  stated ; 
most  writers  not  estimating  it  at 
more  than  three  fourths  of  a league. 
I have  preferred  the  authority  of 
Ondegardo,  who  usually  writes 
with  more  conscientiousness  and 
knowledge  of  his  ground  than  most 
of  his  contemporaries. 

■^8  The  term  chasqui,  according 
to  Montesinos,  signifies  “ one  that 
receives  a thing.”  (Mem.  Anti- 
guas,  MS.,  cap.  7.)  But  Garci- 


lasso,  a better  authority  for  his  own 
tongue,  says  it  meant  “ one  who 
makes  an  exchange.”  Com.  Real., 
Parte  I,  lib.  6,  cap.  8. 

49  “ Con  vn  hilo  de  esta  Borla, 
entregado  k uno  de  aquellos  Ore- 
jones,  governaban  la  Tierra,  i pro- 
veian  lo  que  querian  con  maior 
obediencia,  que  en  ninguna  Pro- 
vincia  del  Mundo  se  ha  visto  tener 
a las  Provissiones  de  su  Rei.” 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1, 
cap.  9. 


Ch.  II  ] 


GREAT  ROADS  AND  POSTS. 


69 


of  the  Court ; and  in  this  way,  fish  from  the  distant 
ocean,  fruits,  game,  and  different  commodities  from 
the  hot  regions  on  the  coast,  were  taken  to  the  capi- 
tal in  good  condition,  and  served  fresh  at  the  royal 
table.®"  It  is  remarkable  that  this  important  institu- 
tion should  have  been  known  to  both  the  Mexicans 
and  the  Peruvians  without  any  correspondence  with 
one  another ; and  that  it  should  have  been  found 
among  two  barbarian  nations  of  the  New  World,  long 
before  it  was  introduced  among  the  civilized  nations 
of  Europe. 

By  these  wise  contrivances  of  the  Incas,  the  most 
distant  parts  of  the  long-extended  empire  of  Peru 
were  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  each  other. 
And  while  the  capitals  of  Christendom,  but  a few 
hundred  miles  apart,  remained  as  far  asunder  as  if 
seas  had  rolled  between  them,  the  great  capitals 


50  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  18.  — Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real., 
MS. 

If  we  may  trust  Montesinos,  the 
royal  table  was  served  with  fish, 
taken  a hundred  leagues  from  the 
capital,  in  twenty-four  hours  after 
it  was  drawn  from  the  ocean ! 
(Mem.  Antiguas,  MS.,  lib.  2,  cap. 
7.)  This  is  rather  too  expeditious 
for  any  thing  but  rail-cars. 

51  The  institution  of  the  Peru- 
vian posts  seems  to  have  made  a 
great  impression  on  the  minds  of 
the  Spaniards  who  first  visited  the 
country  ; and  ample  notices  of  it 
may  be  found  in  Sarmiento,  Rela- 
cion, MS.,  cap.  15.  — Dec.  de  la 


Aud.  Real.,  MS.  — Fernandez, 
Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  2,  lib.  3, 
cap.  5.  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru, 
MS.,  et  auct.  plurimis. 

The  establishment  of  posts  is  of 
old  date  among  the  Chinese,  and, 
probably,  still  older  among  the 
Persians.  (See  Herodotus,  Hist., 
Urania,  sec.  98.)  It  is  singular, 
that  an  invention  designed  for  the 
uses  of  a despotic  government 
should  have  received  its  full  appli- 
cation only  under  a free  one.  For 
in  it  we  have  the  germ  of  that 
beautiful  system  of  intercommuni- 
cation, which  binds  all  the  nations 
of  Christendom  together  as  one 
vast  commonwealth. 


70 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


Cuzco  and  Quito  were  placed  by  the  high  roads 
of  the  Incas  in  immediate  correspondence.  Intelli- 
gence from  the  numerous  provinces  was  transmitted 
on  the  wings  of  the  wind  to  the  Peruvian  me- 
tropolis, the  great  focus  to  which  all  the  lines  of 
communication  converged.  Not  an  insurrectionary 
movement  could  occur,  not  an  invasion  on  the 
remotest  frontier,  before  the  tidings  were  conveyed 
to  the  capital,  and  the  imperial  armies  were  on  their 
march  across  the  magnificent  roads  of  the  country 
to  suppress  it.  So  admirable  was  the  machinery 
contrived  by  the  American  despots  for  maintaining 
tranquillity  throughout  their  dominions ! It  may 
remind  us  of  the  similar  institutions  of  ancient 
Rome,  when,  under  the  Caesars,  she  was  mistress 
of  half  the  world. 

A principal  design  of  the  great  roads  was  to  serve 
the  purposes  of  military  communication.  It  formed 
an  important  item  of  their  military  policy,  which  is 
quite  as  well  worth  studying  as  their  municipal. 

Notwithstanding  the  pacific  professions  of  the 
Incas,  and  the  pacific  tendency,  indeed,  of  their 
domestic  institutions,  they  were  constantly  at  war. 
It  was  by  war  that  their  paltry  territory  had  been 
gradually  enlarged  to  a powerful  empire.  When 
this  was  achieved,  the  capital,  safe  in  its  central 
position,  was  no  longer  shaken  by  these  military 
movements,  and  the  country  enjoyed,  in  a great 
degree,  the  blessings  of  tranquillity  and  order. 
But,  however  tranquil  at  heart,  there  is  not  a reign 
upon  record  in  which  the  nation  was  not  engaged 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


71 


in  war  against  the  barbarous  nations  on  the  fron- 
tier. Religion  furnished  a plausible  pretext  for 
incessant  aggression,  and  disguised  the  lust  of  con- 
quest in  the  Incas,  probably,  from  their  own  eyes, 
as  well  as  from  those  of  their  subjects.  Like 
the  followers  of  Mahomet,  bearing  the  sword  in 
one  hand  and  the  Koran  in  the  other,  the  Incas  of 
Peru  offered  no  alternative  but  the  worship  of  the 
Sun  or  war. 

It  is  true,  their  fanaticism  — or  their  policy  — 
showed  itself  in  a milder  form  than  was  found  in 
the  descendants  of  the  Prophet.  Like  the  great 
luminary  which  they  adored,  they  operated  by  gen- 
tleness more  potent  than  violence.^^  They  sought 
to  soften  the  hearts  of  the  rude  tribes  around  them, 
and  melt  them  by  acts  of  condescension  and  kind- 
ness. Far  from  provoking  hostilities,  they  allowed 
time  for  the  salutary  example  of  their  own  institu- 
tions to  work  its  effect,  trusting  that  their  less  civ- 
ilized neighbours  would  submit  to  their  sceptre,  from 
a conviction  of  the  blessings  it  would  secure  to  them. 
When  this  course  failed,  they  employed  other 
measures,  but  still  of  a pacific  character;  and  en- 
deavoured by  negotiation,  by  conciliatory  treatment, 
and  by  presents  to  the  leading  men,  to  win  them 
over  to  their  dominion.  In  short,  they  practised  all 
the  arts  familiar  to  the  most  subtle  politician  of  a 
civilized  land  to  secure  the  acquisition  of  empire. 


52  Mas  se  hicieron  Senores  al  za.”  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim., 
principio  por  mafia,  que  por  fuer-  MS. 


72 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


When  all  these  expedients  failed,  they  prepared 
for  war. 

Their  levies  were  drawn  from  all  the  different 
provinces ; though  from  some,  where  the  character 
of  the  people  was  particularly  hardy,  more  than  from 
others.^  It  seems  probable  that  every  Peruvian, 
who  had  reached  a certain  age,  might  be  called  to 
bear  arms.  But  the  rotation  of  military  service,  and 
the  regular  drills,  which  took  place  twice  or  thrice 
in  a month,  of  the  inhabitants  of  every  village,  raised 
the  soldiers  generally  above  the  rank  of  a raw  mili- 
tia. The  Peruvian  army,  at  first  inconsiderable, 
came,  with  the  increase  of  population,  in  the  latter 
days  of  the  empire,  to  be  very  large,  so  that  their 
monarchs  could  bring  into  the  field,  as  contempora- 
ries assure  us,  a force  amounting  to  two  hundred 
thousand  men.  They  showed  the  same  skill  and 
respect  for  order  in  their  military  organization,  as 
in  other  things.  The  troops  were  divided  into 
bodies  corresponding  with  our  battalions  and  com- 
panies, led  by  officers,  that  rose,  in  regular  gradation, 
from  the  lowest  subaltern  to  the  Inca  noble,  who 
was  intrusted  with  the  general  command.^ 

Their  arms  consisted  of  the  usual  weapons  em- 
ployed by  nations,  whether  civilized  or  uncivilized, 
before  the  invention  of  powder,  — bows  and  arrows, 
lances,  darts,  a short  kind  of  sword,  a battle-axe  or 
partisan,  and  slings,  with  which  they  were  very  ex- 

53  Idem,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. — 54  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  195. 

Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


73 


pert.  Their  spears  and  arrows  were  tipped  with 
copper,  or,  more  commonly,  with  bone,  and  the 
weapons  of  the  Inca  lords  were  frequently  mounted 
with  gold  or  silver.  Their  heads  were  protected  by 
casques  made  either  of  wood  or  of  the  skins  of 
wild  animals,  and  sometimes  richly  decorated  with 
metal  and  with  precious  stones,  surmounted  by  the 
brilliant  plumage  of  the  tropical  birds.  These,  of 
course,  were  the  ornaments  only  of  the  higher  or- 
ders. The  great  mass  of  the  soldiery  were  dressed 
in  the  peculiar  costume  of  their  provinces,  and  their 
heads  were  wreathed  with  a sort  of  turban  or  roll  of 
different-colored  cloths,  that  produced  a gay  and  ani- 
mating effect.  Their  defensive  armor  consisted  of 
a shield  or  buckler,  and  a close  tunic  of  quilted 
cotton,  in  the  same  manner  as  with  the  Mexicans. 
Each  company  had  its  particular  banner,  and  the 
imperial  standard,  high  above  all,  displayed  the  glit- 
tering device  of  the  rainbow,  — the  armorial  ensign 
of  the  Incas,  intimating  their  claims  as  children  of 
the  skies.®® 

By  means  of  the  thorough  system  of  communica- 
tion established  in  the  country,  a short  time  sufficed 
to  draw  the  levies  together  ‘from  the  most  distant 
quarters.  The  army  was  put  under  the  direction  of 
some  experienced  chief,  of  the  blood  royal,  or,  more 

55  Gomara,  Cronica,  ubi  supra,  catalogue  of  the  ancient  Peruvian 
— Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  arms,  comprehending  nearly  every 
20.  — Velasco,  Hist,  de  Quito,  thing  familiar  to  the  European  sol- 
tom.  I.  pp.  176  - 179.  dier,  except  fire-arms.  — It  was  ju- 

This  last  writer  gives  a minute  dicious  in  him  to  omit  these. 

VOL.  I.  10 


74 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


frequently,  headed  by  the  Inca  in  person.  The 
march  was  rapidly  performed,  and  with  little  fatigue 
to  the  soldier ; for,  all  along  the  great  routes,  quarters 
were  provided  for  him,  at  regular  distances,  where 
he  could  find  ample  accommodations.  The  country 
is  still  covered  with  the  remains  of  military  works, 
constructed  of  porphyry  or  granite,  which  tradition 
assures  us  were  designed  to  lodge  the  Inca  and  his 
army.“ 

At  regular  intervals,  also,  magazines  were  estab- 
lished, filled  with  grain,  weapons,  and  the  different 
munitions  of  war,  with  which  the  army  was  sup- 
plied on  its  march.  It  was  the  especial  care  of 
the  government  to  see  that  these  magazines,  which 
were  furnished  from  the  stores  of  the  Incas,  were 
always  well  filled.  When  the  Spaniards  invaded 
the  country,  they  supported  their  own  armies  for 
a long  time  on  the  provisions  found  in  them.®^ 


5®  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
1,  cap.  11.  — Sarmiento,  Relacion, 
MS.,  cap.  60. 

Condamine  speaks  of  the  great 
number  of  these  fortified  places, 
scattered  over  the  country  between 
Quito  and  Lima,  which  he  saw  in 
his  visit  to  South  America  in  1737 ; 
some  of  which  he  has  described 
A'ith  great  minuteness.  Memoire 
sur  Quelques  Anciens  Monumens 
du  Perou,  du  Terns  des  Incas,  ap. 
Histoire  de  I’Academie  Royale  des 
Sciences  etde  Belles  Lettres,  (Ber- 
lin, 1748,)  tom.  II.  p.  438. 

“ E ansi  cuando,”  says  On- 
degardo,  speaking  from  his  own 


personal  knowledge,  “ el  Senor 
Presidente  Gasca  pass6  con  la 
gente  de  castigo  de  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro  por  el  valle  de  Jauja,  estuvo 
alii  siete  semanas  a lo  que  me 
acuerdo,  se  hallaron  en  deposito 
maiz  de  cuatro  y de  tres  y de  dos 
anos  mas  de  15  9.  hanegas  junto 
al  camino,  e alii  comio  la  gente,  y 
se  entendio  que  si  fuera  menester 
muchas  mas  no  faltaran  en  el  valle 
en  aquellos  depositos,  conforme  a 
la  orden  antigua,  porque  a mi  cargo 
estubo  el  repartirlas  y hacer  la 
cuenta  para  pagarlas.”  Rel.  Seg., 
MS. 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


75* 


The  Peruvian  soldier  was  forbidden  to  commit 
any  trespass  on  the  property  of  the  inhabitants 
whose  territory  lay  in  the  line  of  march.  Any 
violation  of  this  order  was  punished  with  death.'’® 
The  soldier  was  clothed  and  fed  by  the  industry 
of  the  people,  and  the  Incas  rightly  resolved  that 
he  should  not  repay  this  by  violence.  Far  from 
being  a tax  on  the  labors  of  the  husbandman,  or 
even  a burden  on  his  hospitality,  the  imperial  ar- 
mies traversed  the  country,  from  one  extremity  to 
the  other,  with  as  little  inconvenience  to  the  in- 
habitants, as  would  be  created  by  a procession  of 
peaceful  burghers,  or  a muster  of  holiday  soldiers 
for  a review. 

From  the  moment  war  was  proclaimed,  the  Pe- 
ruvian monarch  used  all  possible  expedition  in  as- 
sembling his  forces,  that  he  might  anticipate  the 
movements  of  his  enemies,  and  prevent  a combina- 
tion with  their  allies.  It  was,  however,  from  the 
neglect  of  such  a principle  of  combination,  that  the 
several  nations  of  the  country,  who  might  have  pre- 
vailed by  confederated  strength,  fell  one  after  an- 
other under  the  imperial  yoke.  Yet,  once  in  the 
field,  the  Inca  did  not  usually  show  any  disposition 
to  push  his  advantages  to  the  utmost,  and  urge  his 
foe  to  extremity.  In  every  stage  of  the  war,  he  was 
open  to  propositions  for  peace  ; and  although  he 
sought  to  reduce  his  enemies  by  carrying  off  their 

58  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y nica,  cap.  44.  — Sarmiento,  Rela- 
Conq.,  MS.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cro-  cion,  MS.,  cap.  14. 


76 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


harvests  and  distressing  them  by  famine,  he  allowed 
his  troops  to  commit  no  unnecessary  outrage  on  per- 
son or  property.  “ We  must  spare  our  enemies,”  one 
of  the  Peruvian  princes  is  quoted  as  saying,  “ or  it 
will  be  our  loss,  since  they  and  all  that  belongs  to 
them  must  soon  be  ours.”®®  It  was  a wise  maxim, 
and,  like  most  other  wise  maxims,  founded  equally 
on  benevolence  and  prudence.  The  Incas  adopted 
the  policy  claimed  for  the  Romans  by  their  country- 
man, who  tells  us  that  they  gained  more  by  clem- 
ency to  the  vanquished  than  by  their  victories.®® 

In  the  same  considerate  spirit,  they  were  most 
careful  to  provide  for  the  security  and  comfort  of 
their  own  troops ; and,  when  a war  was  long  pro- 
tracted, or  the  climate  proved  unhealthy,  they  took 
care  to  relieve  their  men  by  frequent  reinforce- 
ments, allowing  the  earlier  recruits  to  return  to  their 
homes.®'  But  while  thus  economical  of  life,  both  in 
their  own  followers  and  in  the  enemy,  they  did  not 
shrink  from  sterner  measures  when  provoked  by  the 
ferocious  or  obstinate  character  of  the  resistance ; 
and  the  Peruvian  annals  contain  more  than  one  of 
those  sanguinary  pages  which  cannot  be  pondered 
at  the  present  day  without  a shudder.  It  should  be 
added,  that  the  beneficent  policy,  which  I have  been 

59  “ Mandabase  que  en  los  man-  liviana  que  ser  pudiese.”  Sar- 
tenimientos  y casas  de  los  enemi-  miento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  14. 
gos  se  hiciese  poco  daiio,  diciendo-  60  “ Plus  pene  parcendo  victis, 
les  el  Senor,  presto  seran  estos  quam  vincendo  imperium  auxisse.” 
nuestros  como  los  que  ya  lo  son  ; Livy,  lib.  30,  cap.  42. 
como  esto  tenian  conocido,  procu-  Garcilasso,  Com. 'Real.,  Parte 

raban  que  la  gnerra  fuese  la  mas  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  18. 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


77 


delineating  as  characteristic  of  the  Incas,  did  not 
belong  to  all ; and  that  there  was  more  than  one  of 
the  royal  line  who  displayed  a full  measure  of  the 
bold  and  unscrupulous  spirit  of  the  vulgar  conqueror. 

The  first  step  of  the  government,  after  the  reduc- 
tion of  a country,  was  to  introduce  there  the  worship 
of  the  Sun.  Temples  were  erected,  and  placed 
under  the  care  of  a numerous  priesthood,  who  ex- 
pounded to  the  conquered  people  the  mysteries  of 
their  new  faith,  and  dazzled  them  by  the  display  of 
its  rich  and  stately  ceremonial.®^  Yet  the  religion 
of  the  conquered  was  not  treated  with  dishonor. 
The  Sun  was  to  be  worshipped  above  all ; but  the 
images  of  their  gods  were  removed  to  Cuzco  and 
established  in  one  of  the  temples,  to  hold  their  rank 
among  the  inferior  deities  of  the  Peruvian  Pantheon. 
Here  they  remained  as  hostages,  in  some  sort,  for 
the  conquered  nation,  which  would  be  the  less  in- 
clined to  forsake  its  allegiance,  when  by  doing  so  it 
must  leave  its  own  gods  in  the  hands  of  its  ene- 
mies.®^ 

The  Incas  provided  for  the  settlement  of  their 
new  conquests,  by  ordering  a census  to  be  taken  of 
the  population,  and  a careful  survey  to  be  made  of 
the  country,  ascertaining  its  products,  and  the  char- 
acter and  capacity  of  its  soil.®*  A division  of  the  ter- 

62  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  64  Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  13, 

cap.  14.  14.  — Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 

63  Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  12.  — cap.  15. 

Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 

lib.  5,  cap.  12. 


78 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


ritory  was  then  made  on  the  same  principle  with  that 
adopted  throughout  their  own  kingdom ; and  their  re- 
spective portions  were  assigned  to  the  Sun,  the  sover- 
eign, and  the  people.  The  amount  of  the  last  was 
regulated  by  the  amount  of  the  population,  but  the 
share  of  each  individual  was  uniformly  the  same.  It 
may  seem  strange,  that  any  people  should  patiently 
have  acquiesced  in  an  arrangement  which  involved 
such  a total  surrender  of  property.  But  it  was  a 
conquered  nation  that  did  so,  held  in  awe,  on  the 
least  suspicion  of  meditating  resistance,  by  armed  gar- 
risons, who  were  established  at  various  commanding 
points  throughout  the  country.®®  It  is  probable,  too, 
that  the  Incas  made  no  greater  changes  than  was 
essential  to  the  new  arrangement,  and  that  they  as- 
signed estates,  as  far  as  possible,  to  their  former 
proprietors.  The  curacas,  in  particular,  were  confirm- 
ed in  their  ancient  authority  ; or,  when  it  was  found 
expedient  to  depose  the  existing  curaca,  his  rightful 
heir  was  allowed  to  succeed  him.®®  Every  respect 
was  shown  to  the  ancient  usages  and  laws  of  the 
land,  as  far  as  was  compatible  with  the  fundamental 
institutions  of  the  Incas.  It  must  also  be  remem- 
bered, that  the  conquered  tribes  were,  many  of  them, 
too  little  advanced  in  civilization  to  possess  that  at- 
tachment to  the  soil  which  belongs  to  a cultivated 
nation.®^  But,  to  whatever  it  be  referred,  it  seems 

Sanniento,  Relacion,  MS.,  67  Sanniento  has  given  a very 
cap.  19.  full  and  interesting  account  of  the 

66  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  singularly  humane  policy  observed 
Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  11.  by  the  Incas  in  their  conquests, 


Ch.  II  ] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


79 


probable  that  the  extraordinary  institutions  of  the 
Incas  were  established  with  little  opposition  in  the 
conquered  territories.®® 

Yet  the  Peruvian  sovereigns  did  not  trust  alto- 
gether to  this  show  of  obedience  in  their  new  vas- 
sals ; and,  to  secure  it  more  effectually,  they  adopted 
some  expedients  too  remarkable  to  be  passed  by  in 
silence.  — Immediately  after  a recent  conquest,  the 
curacas  and  their  families  were  removed  for  a time 
to  Cuzco.  Here  they  learned  the  language  of  the 
capital,  became  familiar  with  the  manners  and  usages 
of  the  court,  as  well  as  with  the  general  policy  of 
government,  and  experienced  such  marks  of  favor 
from  the  sovereign  as  would  be  most  grateful  to  their 
feelings,  and  might  attach  them  most  warmly  to  his 
person.  Under  the  influence  of  these  sentiments, 
they  were  again  sent  to  rule  over  their  vassals,  but 
still  leaving  their  eldest  sons  in  the  capital,  to  remain 
there  as  a guaranty  for  their  own  fidelity,  as  well  as 
to  grace  the  court  of  the  Inca.®® 


forming  a striking  contrast  with  the 
usual  course  of  those  scourges  of 
mankind,  whom  mankind  are  wise 
enough  to  requite  with  higher  ad- 
miration, even,  than  it  bestows  on 
its  benefactors.  As  Sarmiento, 
who  was  President  of  the  Royal 
Council  of  the  Indies,  and  came 
into  the  country  soon  after  the 
Conquest,  is  a high  authority,  and 
as  his  work,  lodged  in  the  dark  re- 
cesses of  the  Escurial,  is  almost  un- 
known, I have  transferred  the  whole 
chapter  to  Appendix,  No.  3. 


According  to  Velasco,  even 
the  powerful  state  of  Quito,  suffi- 
ciently advanced  in  civilization  to 
have  the  law  of  property  well  rec- 
ognized by  its  people,  admitted  the 
institutions  of  the  Incas  “ not  only 
without  repugnance,  but  with  joy.” 
(Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  II.  p.  183.) 
But  Velasco,  a modem  authority, 
believed  easily,  — or  reckoned  on 
his  readers’  doing  so. 

Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  5,  cap.  12  ; lib.  7,  cap.  2. 


80 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


Another  expedient  was  of  a bolder  and  more 
original  character.  This  was  nothing  less  than  to 
revolutionize  the  language  of  the  country.  South 
America,  like  North,  was  broken  up  into  a great  va- 
riety of  dialects,  or  rather  languages,  having  little 
affinity  with  one  another.  This  circumstance  occa- 
sioned great  embarrassment  to  the  government  in  the 
administration  of  the  different  provinces,  with  whose 
idioms  they  were  unacquainted.  It  was  determined, 
therefore,  to  substitute  one  universal  language,  the 
Quichua,  — the  language  of  the  court,  the  capital, 
and  the  surrounding  country,  — the  richest  and 
most  comprehensive  of  the  South  American  dialects. 
Teachers  were  provided  in  the  towns  and  villages 
throughout  the  land,  who  were  to  give  instruction  to 
all,  even  the  humblest  classes  ; and  it  was  intimated 
at  the  same  time,  that  no  one  should  be  raised  to 
any  office  of  dignity  or  profit,  who  was  unacquainted 
with  this  tongue.  The  curacas  and  other  chiefs, 
who  attended  at  the  capital,  became  familiar  with 
this  dialect  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Court,  and, 
on  their  return  home,  set  the  example  of  conversing  , 
in  it  among  themselves.  This  example  was  imitated 
by  their  followers,  and  the  Quichua  gradually  became 
the  language  of  elegance  and  fashion,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Norman  French  was  affected  by  all 
those  who  aspired  to  any  consideration  in  England, 
after  the  Conquest.  By  this  means,  while  each 
province  retained  its  peculiar  tongue,  a beautiful 
medium  of  communication  was  introduced,  which 
enabled  the  inhabitants  of  one  part  of  the  country 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


81 


to  hold  intercourse  with  every  other,  and  the  Inca 
and  his  deputies  to  communicate  with  all.  This 
was  the  state  of  things  on  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
iards. It  must  be  admitted,  that  history  furnishes 
few  examples  of  more  absolute  authority  than  such 
a revolution  in  the  language  of  an  empire,  at  the 
bidding  of  a master.™ 

Yet  little  less  remarkable  was  another  device  of 
the  Incas  for  securing  the  loyalty  of  their  subjects. 
When  any  portion  of  the  recent  conquests  showed  a 
pertinacious  spirit  of  disaffection,  it  was  not  uncom- 
mon to  cause  a part  of  the  population,  amounting, 
it  might  be,  to  ten  thousand  inhabitants  or  more, 
to  remove  to  a distant  quarter  of  the  kingdom,  oc- 
cupied by  ancient  vassals  of  undoubted  fidelity  to 
the  crown.  A like  number  of  these  last  was  trans- 
planted to  the  territory  left  vacant  by  the  emigrants. 
By  this  exchange,  the  population  was  composed  of 
two  distinct  races,  who  regarded  each  other  with  an 
eye  of  jealousy,  that  served  as  an  effectual  check  on 
any  mutinous  proceeding.  In  time,  the  influence 
of  the  well-affected  prevailed,  supported,  as  they 
were,  by  royal  authority,  and  by  the  silent  working 

™ Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  35 ; deprender  mas  lenguas  de  las  suyas 
lib.  7,  cap.  1,  2.  — Ondegardo,  propias,  los  Reyes  pudieron  tanto 
Rel.  Seg.,  MS.  — Sarmiento,  Re-  que  salieron  con  su  intencion  y 
lacion,  MS.,  cap.  55.  ellos  tubieron  por  bien  de  cumplir 

“Ann  la  Criatura  no  hubiese  su  mandado  y tan  deveras  se  en- 
dejado  el  Pecho  de  su  Madre  quan-  tendio  en  ello  que  en  tiempo  de 
do  le  comenzasen  a mostrar  la  pocos  anos  se  savia  y usaba  una 
Lengua  que  havia  de  saber ; y aun-  lengua  en  mas  de  mil  y doscientas. 
que  al  principio  fue  dificultoso,  e leguas.”  Ibid.,  cap.  21. 
muchos  se  pusieron  en  no  querer 

11 


VOL.  I. 


82 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


of  the  national  institutions,  to  w^hich  the  strange 
races  became  gradually  accustomed.  A spirit  of 
loyalty  sprang  up  by  degrees  in  their  bosoms,  and, 
before  a generation  had  passed  away,  the  different 
tribes  mingled  in  harmony  together  as  members  of 
the  same  community.^*  Yet  the  different  races  con- 
tinued to  be  distinguished  by  difference  of  dress ; 
since,  by  the  law  of  the  land,  every  citizen  was 
required  to  wear  the  costume  of  his  native  prov- 
ince.^°  Neither  could  the  colonist,  who  had  been 
thus  unceremoniously  transplanted,  return  to  his 
native  district.  For,  by  another  law,  it  was  forbid- 
den to  any  one  to  change  his  residence  without 
license.^  He  was  settled  for  life.  The  Peruvian 
government  prescribed  to  every  man  his  local  habi- 
tation, his  sphere  of  action,  nay,  the  very  nature 
and  quality  of  that  action.  He  ceased  to  be  a free 
agent ; it  might  be  almost  said,  that  it  relieved  him 
of  personal  responsibility. 

In  following  out  this  singular  arrangement,  the 
Incas  showed  as  much  regard  for  the  comfort  and 
convenience  of  the  colonist  as  was  compatible  with 
the  execution  of  their  design.  They  were  careful 
that  the  mitimaes,  as  these  emigrants  were  styled, 
should  be  removed  to  climates  most  congenial  with 
their  own.  The  inhabitants  of  the  cold  countries 

71  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  be  of  great  importance  to  the  order 

— Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  and  right  government  of  the  realm.” 
2,  lib.  3,  cap.  11.  lib.  6,  cap.  16. 

72  “ This  regulation,”  says  Fa-  73  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
ther  Acosta,  “ the  Incas  held  to 


Ch.  II.] 


MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY. 


83 


were  not  transplanted  to  the  warm,  nor  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  warm  countries  to  the  cold/^  Even 
their  habitual  occupations  were  consulted,  and  the 
fisherman  was  settled  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
ocean,  or  the  great  lakes  ; while  such  lands  were 
assigned  to  the  husbandman  as  were  best  adapted 
to  the  culture  with  which  he  was  most  familiar.^^ 
And,  as  migration  by  many,  perhaps  by  most,  would 
be  regarded  as  a calamity,  the  government  was 
careful  to  show  particular  marks  of  favor  to  the 
mitimaes,  and,  by  various  privileges  and  immunities, 
to  ameliorate  their  condition,  and  thus  to  reconcile 
them,  if  possible,  to  their  lot.’® 

The  Peruvian  institutions,  though  they  may  have 
been  modified  and  matured  under  successive  sover- 
eigns, all  bear  the  stamp  of  the  same  original,  — were 
all  cast  in  the  same  mould.  The  empire,  strength- 
ening and  enlarging  at  every  successive  epoch  of  its 
history,  was,  in  its  latter  days,  but  the  development, 
on  a great  scale,  of  what  it  was  in  miniature  at  its 
commencement,  as  the  infant  germ  is  said  to  contain 
within  itself  all  the  ramifications  of  the  future  mon- 
arch of  the  forest.  Each  succeeding  Inca  seemed 

“ Trasmutaban  de  las  tales  '^5  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

Provincias  la  cantidad  de  gente  de  76  The  descendants  of  these 

que  de  ella  parecia  convenir  que  mitimaes  are  still  to  be  found  in 
saliese,  a los  cuales  mandaban  Quito,  or  were  so  at  the  close  of  the 
pasar  a poblar  otra  tierra  del  tern-  last  century,  according  to  Velasco, 
pie  y manera  de  donde  salian,  si  distinguished  by  this  name  from 
fria  fria,  si  caliente  caliente,  en  the  rest  of  the  population.  Hist, 
donde  les  daban  tierras,  y campos,  de  Quito,  tom.  I.  p.  175. 
y casas,  tanto,  y mas  como  deja- 
ron.”  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  19. 


84 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


desirous  only  to  tread  in  the  path,  and  carry  out  the 
plans,  of  his  predecessor.  Great  enterprises,  com- 
menced under  one,  were  continued  by  another,  and 
completed  by  a third.  Thus,  while  all  acted  on  a 
regular  plan,  without  any  of  the  eccentric  or  retro- 
grade movements  which  betray  the  agency  of  differ- 
ent individuals,  the  state  seemed  to  be  under  the 
direction  of  a single  hand,  and  steadily  pursued,  as 
if  through  one  long  reign,  its  great  career  of  civiliza- 
tion and  of  conquest. 

The  ultimate  aim  of  its  institutions  was  domestic 
quiet.  But  it  seemed  as  if  this  were  to  be  obtained 
only  by  foreign  war.  Tranquillity  in  the  heart  of  the 
monarchy,  and  war  on  its  borders,  was  the  condition 
of  Peru.  By  this  war  it  gave  occupation  to  a part 
of  its  people,  and,  by  the  reduction  and  civilization 
of  its  barbarous  neighbours,  gave  security  to  all. 
Every  Inca  sovereign,  however  mild  and  benevolent 
in  his  domestic  rule,  was  a warrior,  and  led  his  ar- 
mies in  person.  Each  successive  reign  extended 
still  wider  the  boundaries  of  the  empire.  Year 
after  year  saw  the  victorious  monarch  return  laden 
with  spoils,  and  followed  by  a throng  of  tributary 
chieftains  to  his  capital.  His  reception  there  was  a 
Roman  triumph.  The  whole  of  its  numerous  popu- 
lation poured  out  to  welcome  him,  dressed  in  the 
gay  and  picturesque  costumes  of  the  different  prov- 
inces, with  banners  waving  above  their  heads,  and 
strewing  branches  and  flowers  along  the  path  of  the 
conqueror.  The  Inca,  borne  aloft  in  his  golden  chair 
on  the  shoulders  of  his  nobles,  moved  in  solemn 


Ch.  II.]  MILITARY  TACTICS  AND  POLICY.  85 

procession,  under  the  triumphal  arches  that  were 
thrown  across  the  way,  to  the  great  temple  of  the 
Sun.  There,  without  attendants,  — for  all  but  the 
monarch  were  excluded  from  the  hallowed  precincts, 
— the  victorious  prince,  stripped  of  his  royal  in- 
signia, barefooted,  and  with  all  humility,  approached 
the  awful  shrine,  and  offered  up  sacrifice  and  thanks- 
giving to  the  glorious  Deity  who  presided  over  the 
fortunes  of  the  Incas.  This  ceremony  concluded, 
the  whole  population  gave  itself  up  to  festivity ; 
music,  revelry,  and  dancing  were  heard  in  every 
quarter  of  the  capital,  and  illuminations  and  bonfires 
commemorated  the  victorious  campaign  of  the  Inca, 
and  the  accession  of  a new  territory  to  his  empire. 

In  this  celebration  we  see  much  of  the  character 
of  a religious  festival.  Indeed,  the  character  of  re- 
ligion was  impressed  on  all  the  Peruvian  wars.  The 
life  of  an  Inca  was  one  long  crusade  against  the  in- 
fidel, to  spread  wide  the  worship  of  the  Sun,  to  re- 
claim the  benighted  nations  from  their  brutish  su- 
perstitions, and  impart  to  them  the  blessings  of  a 
well-regulated  government.  This,  in  the  favorite 
phrase  of  our  day,  was  the  “ mission  ” of  the  Inca. 
It  was  also  the  mission  of  the  Christian  conqueror 
who  invaded  the  empire  of  this  same  Indian  poten- 
tate. Which  of  the  two  executed  his  mission  most 
faithfully,  history  must  decide. 

Yet  the  Peruvian  monarchs  did  not  show  a child- 
ish impatience  in  the  acquisition  of  empire.  They 


Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  Parte  I,  lib.  3,  cap.  II,  17 ; lib.  G, 
cap.  65.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  cap.  16. 


86 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I 


paused  after  a campaign,  and  allowed  time  for  the 
settlement  of  one  conquest  before  they  undertook 
another;  and,  in  this  interval,  occupied  themselves 
with  the  quiet  administration  of  their  kingdom,  and 
with  the  long  progresses,  which  brought  them  into 
nearer  intercourse  with  their  people.  During  this 
interval,  also,  their  new  vassals  had  begun  to  accom- 
modate themselves  to  the  strange  institutions  of 
their  masters.  They  learned  to  appreciate  the  value 
of  a government  which  raised  them  above  the  phys- 
ical evils  of  a state  of  barbarism,  secured  them  pro- 
tection of  person,  and  a full  participation  in  all  the 
privileges  enjoyed  by  their  conquerors ; and,  as  they 
became  more  familiar  with  the  peculiar  institutions 
of  the  country,  habit,  that  second  nature,  attached 
them  the  more  strongly  to  these  institutions,  from 
their  very  peculiarity.  Thus,  by  degrees,  and  with- 
out violence,  arose  the  great  fabric  of  the  Peruvian 
empire,  composed  of  numerous  independent  and 
even  hostile  tribes,  yet,  under  the  influence  of  a 
common  religion,  common  language,  and  common 
government,  knit  together  as  one  nation,  animated 
by  a spirit  of  love  for  its  institutions  and  devoted 
loyalty  to  its  sovereign.  What  a contrast  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  Aztec  monarchy,  on  the  neighbouring 
continent,  which,  composed  of  the  like  heterogene- 
ous materials,  without  any  internal  principle  of  co- 
hesion, was  only  held  together  by  the  stern  pressure, 
from  without,  of  physical  force  ! — Why  the  Peruvian 
monarchy  should  have  fared  no  better  than  its  rival, 
in  its  conflict  with  European  civilization,  will  appear 
in  the  following  pages. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Pkrdvian  Religion.  — Deities.  — Gorgeous  Temples.  — Festivals. 
— Virgins  of  the  Sun. — Marriage. 


It  is  a remarkable  fact,  that  many,  if  not  most, 
of  the  rude  tribes  inhabiting  the  vast  American  con- 
tinent, however  disfigured  their  creeds  may  have 
been  in  other  respects  by  a childish  superstition,  had 
attained  to  the  sublime  conception  of  one  Great 
Spirit,  the  Creator  of  the  Universe,  who,  immaterial 
in  his  own  nature,  was  not  to  be  dishonored  by  an 
attempt  at  visible  representation,  and  who,  pervading 
all  space,  was  not  to  be  circumscribed  within  the 
walls  of  a temple.  Yet  these  elevated  ideas,  so  far 
beyond  the  ordinary  range  of  the  untutored  intellect, 
do  not  seem  to  have  led  to  the  practical  conse- 
quences that  might  have  been  expected ; and  few 
of  the  American  nations  have  shown  much  solici- 
tude for  the  maintenance  of  a religious  worship,  or 
found  in  their  faith  a powerful  spring  of  action. 

But,  with  progress  in  civilization,  ideas  more  akin 
to  those  of  civilized  communities  were  gradually  un- 
folded ; a liberal  provision  was  made,  and  a sepa- 
rate order  instituted,  for  the  services  of  religion, 
which  were  conducted  with  a minute  and  magnifi- 
cent ceremonial,  that  challenged  comparison,  in 


88  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS.  [Book  I. 

some  respects,  with  that  of  the  most  polished  na- 
tions of  Christendom.  This  was  the  case  with  the 
nations  inhabiting  the  table-land  of  North  America, 
and  with  the  natives  of  Bogota,  Quito,  Peru,  and 
the  other  elevated  regions  on  the  great  Southern 
continent.  It  was,  above  all,  the  case  with  the  Pe- 
ruvians, who  claimed  a divine  original  for  the  found- 
ers of  their  empire,  whose  laws  all  rested  on  a di- 
vine sanction,  and  whose  domestic  institutions  and 
foreign  wars  were  alike  directed  to  preserve  and 
propagate  their  faith.  Religion  was  the  basis  of 
their  polity,  the  very  condition,  as  it  were,  of  their 
social  existence.  The  government  of  the  Incas,  in 
its  essential  principles,  was  a theocracy. 

Yet,  though  religion  entered  so  largely  into  the 
fabric  and  conduct  of  the  political  institutions  of  the 
people,  their  mythology,  that  is,  the  traditionary  le- 
gends by  which  they  affected  to  unfold  the  mysteries 
of  the  universe,  was  exceedingly  mean  and  pue- 
rile. Scarce  one  of  their  traditions  — except  the 
beautiful  one  respecting  the  founders  of  their  royal 
dynasty — is  worthy  of  note,  or  throws  much  light  on 
their  own  antiquities,  or  the  primitive  history  of  man. 
Among  the  traditions  of  importance  is  one  of  the 
deluge,  which  they  held  in  common  with  so  many  of 
the  nations  in  all  parts  of  the  globe,  and  which  they 
related  with  some  particulars  that  bear  resemblance 
to  a Mexican  legend.^ 


1 They  related,  that,  after  the  cave  where  they  had  saved  them- 
deluge,  seven  persons  issued  from  a selves,  and  by  them  the  earth  was 


Ch.  III.] 


PERUVIAN  RELIGION. 


89 


Their  ideas  in  respect  to  a future  state  of  being 
deserve  more  attention.  They  admitted  the  ex- 
istence of  the  soul  hereafter,  and  connected  with 
this  a belief  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body.  They 
assigned  two  distinct  places  for  the  residence  of 
the  good  and  of  the  wicked,  the  latter  of  which 
they  fixed  in  the  centre  of  the  earth.  The  good 
they  supposed  were  to  pass  a luxurious  life  of  tran- 
quillity and  ease,  which  comprehended  their  highest 
notions  of  happiness.  The  wicked  were  to  expiate 
their  crimes  by  ages  of  wearisome  labor.  They  as- 
sociated with  these  ideas  a belief  in  an  evil  principle 
or  spirit,  bearing  the  name  of  Cupay,  whom  they  did 
not  attempt  to  propitiate  by  sacrifices,  and  who 
seems  to  have  been  only  a shadowy  personification 
of  sin,  that  exercised  little  influence  over  their 
conduct.^ 

It  was  this  belief  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
which  led  them  to  preserve  the  body  with  so  much 
solicitude,  — by  a simple  process,  however,  that,  un- 


repeopled.  One  of  the  traditions 
of  the  Mexicans  deduced  their  de- 
scent, and  that  of  the  kindred 
tribes,  in  like  manner,  from  seven 
persons  who  came  from  as  many 
caves  in  Aztlan.  (Conf.  Acosta, 
lib.  6,  cap.  19  ; lib.  7,  cap.  2.  — 
Ondeg^ardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.)  The 
story  of  the  deluge  is  told  by  dif- 
ferent writers  with  many  variations, 
in  some  of  which  it  is  not  difficult 
to  detect  the  plastic  hand  of  the 
Christian  convert. 

2 Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

VOL.  I.  12 


— Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
123.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  2,  7. 

One  might  suppose  that  the 
educated  Peruvians  — if  I may  so 
speak  — imagined  the  common  peo- 
ple had  no  souls,  so  little  is  said 
of  their  opinions  as  to  the  condition 
of  these  latter  in  a future  life,  while 
they  are  diffuse  on  the  prospects  of 
the  higher  orders,  which  they  fond- 
ly believed  were  to  keep  pace  with 
their  condition  here. 


90 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


like  the  elaborate  embalming  of  the  Egyptians,  con- 
sisted in  exposing  it  to  the  action  of  the  cold,  ex- 
ceedingly dry,  and  highly  rarefied  atmosphere  of  the 
mountains.^  As  they  believed  that  the  occupations 
in  the  future  world  would  have  great  resemblance  to 
those  of  the  present,  they  buried  with  the  deceased 
noble  some  of  his  apparel,  his  utensils,  and,  fre- 
quently, his  treasures ; and  completed  the  gloomy 
ceremony  by  sacrificing  his  wives  and  favorite  do- 
mestics, to  bear  him  company  and  do  him  service  in 
the  happy  regions  beyond  the  clouds/  Vast  mounds 
of  an  irregular,  or,  more  frequently,  oblong  shape, 
penetrated  by  galleries  running  at  right  angles  to 
each  other,  were  raised  over  the  dead,  whose 
dried  bodies  or  mummies  have  been  found  in  consid- 
erable numbers,  sometimes  erect,  but  more  often  in 
the  sitting  posture,  common  to  the  Indian  tribes 
of  both  continents.  Treasures  of  great  value  have 
also  been  occasionally  drawn  from  these  monumen- 
tal deposits,  and  have  stimulated  speculators  to  re- 
peated excavations  with  the  hope  of  similar  good- 
fortune.  It  was  a lottery  like  that  of  searching  after 

3 Such,  indeed,  seems  to  be  the  4 Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
opinion  of  Garcilasso,  though  some  The  Licentiate  says,  that  this 
writers  speak  of  resinous  and  other  usage  continued  even  after  the  Con- 
applications  for  embalming  the  quest ; and  that  he  had  saved  the 
body.  The  appearanee  of  the  royal  life  of  more  than  one  favorite  do- 
mummies  found  at  Cuzco,  as  re-  mestic,  who  had  fled  to  him  for 
ported  both  by  Ondegardo  and  Gar-  protection,  as  they  were  about  to 
cilasso,  makes  it  probable  that  no  be  sacrificed  to  the  Manes  of  their 
foreign  substance  was  employed  deceased  lords.  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
for  their  preservation. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


DEITIES. 


91 


mines,  but  where  the  chances  have  proved  still  more 
against  the  adventurers.® 

The  Peruvians,  like  so  many  other  of  the  Indian 
races,  acknowledged  a Supreme  Being,  the  Creator 
and  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  whom  they  adored  under 
the  different  names  of  Pachacamac  and  Viracocha.® 
No  temple  was  raised  to  this  invisible  Being,  save 
one  only  in  the  valley  which  took  its  name  from  the 
deity  himself,  not  far  from  the  Spanish  city  of  Lima. 
Even  this  temple  had  existed  there  before  the  coun- 
try came  under  the  sway  of  the  Incas,  and  was 
the  great  resort  of  Indian  pilgrims  from  remote 
parts  of  the  land;  a circumstance  which  suggests 
the  idea,  that  the  worship  of  this  Great  Spirit, 
though  countenanced,  perhaps,  by  their  accommo- 
dating policy,  did  not  originate  with  the  Peruvian 
princes. 


5 Yet  these  sepulchral  mines 
have  sometimes  proved  worth  the 
digging.  Sarmiento  speaks  of  gold 
to  the  value  of  100,000  Castellanos, 
as  occasionally  buried  with  the  In- 
dian lords  ; (Relacion,  MS.,  cap. 
57 ;)  and  Las  Casas  — not  the  best 
authority  in  numerical  estimates  — 
says  tliat  treasures  worth  more 
than  half  a million  of  ducats  had 
been  found,  within  twenty  years 
after  the  Conquest,  in  the  tombs 
near  Truxillo.  (CEuvres,  ed.  par 
Llorente,  (Paris,  1822,)  tom.  II.  p. 
192.)  Baron  Humboldt  visited  the 
sepulchre  of  a Peruvian  prince  in 
the  same  quarter  of  the  country, 
whence  a Spaniard  in  1576  drew 
forth  a mass  of  gold  worth  a mil- 


lion of  dollars ! Vues  des  Cor- 
dilleres,  p.  29. 

® Pachacamac  signifies  “ He 
who  sustains  or  gives  life  to  the 
universe.”  The  name  of  the  great 
deity  is  sometimes  expressed  by 
both  Pachacamac  and  A'^iracocha 
combined.  (See  Balboa,  Hist,  du 
Perou,  chap.  6.  — Acosta,  lib.  6, 
cap.  21.)  An  old  Spaniard  finds 
in  the  popular  meaning  of  Vira- 
cocha,  “ foam  of  the  sea,”  an  argu- 
ment for  deriving  the  Peruvian 
civilization  from  some  voyager  from 
the  Old  World.  Conq.  i Pob.  del 
Pint,  MS. 

Pedro  Pizarro,Descub.  yConq., 
MS.  — Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  27. 


92 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


The  deity  whose  worship  they  especially  incul- 
cated, and  which  they  never  failed  to  establish 
wherever  their  banners  were  known  to  penetrate, 
was  the  Sun.  It  was  he,  who,  in  a particular  man- 
ner, presided  over  the  destinies  of  man ; gave  light 
and  warmth  to  the  nations,  and  life  to  the  vegetable 
world ; whom  they  reverenced  as  the  father  of  their 
royal  dynasty,  the  founder  of  their  empire;  and 
whose  temples  rose  in  every  city  and  almost  every 
village  throughout  the  land,  while  his  altars  smoked 
with  burnt  offerings,  — a form  of  sacrifice  peculiar 
to  the  Peruvians  among  the  semi-civilized  nations  of 
the  New  World.® 

Besides  the  Sun,  the  Incas  acknowledged  various 
objects  of  worship  in  some  way  or  other  connected 
with  this  principal  deity.  Sueh  was  the  Moon,  his 
sister-wife  ; the  Stars,  revered  as  part  of  her  heaven- 
ly train,  — though  the  fairest  of  them,  Venus,  known 
to  the  Peruvians  by  the  name  of  Chasea,  or  the 
“youth  with  the  long  and  curling  locks,”  was 
adored  as  the  page  of  the  Sun,  whom  he  attends  so 
closely  in  his  rising  and  in  his  setting.  They  ded- 
icated temples  also  to  the  Thunder  and  Lightning,® 


Illloa  notices  the  extensive  ruins 
of  brick,  which  mark  the  proba- 
ble site  of  the  temple  of  Pachaca- 
mac,  attesting  by  their  present  ap- 
pearance its  ancient  magnificence 
and  strength.  Memoires  Philoso- 
phiques,  Historiques,  Physiques, 
(Paris,  1787,)  trad.  Fr.,  p.  78. 

8 At  least,  so  says  Dr.  M<^Culloh  ; 
and  no  better  authority  can  be  re- 


quired on  American  antiquities. 
(Researches,  p.  392.)  Might  he 
not  have  added  barbarous  nations, 
also! 

8 Thunder,  Lightning,  and  Thun- 
derbolt, could  be  all  expressed  by 
the  Peruvians  in  one  word,  Illapa. 
Hence  some  Spaniards  have  in- 
ferred a knowledge  of  the  Trinity 
in  the  natives  ! ‘ ‘ The  Devil  stole 


Ch.  III.] 


DEITIES. 


93 


in  whom  they  recognized  the  Sun’s  dread  ministers, 
and  to  the  Rainbow,  whom  they  worshipped  as  a 
beautiful  emanation  of  their  glorious  deity 

In  addition  to  these,  the  subjects  of  the  Incas 
enrolled  among  their  inferior  deities  many  objects  in 
nature,  as  the  elements,  the  winds,  the  earth,  the 
air,  great  mountains  and  rivers,  which  impressed 
them  with  ideas  of  sublimity  and  power,  or  were 
supposed  in  some  way  or  other  to  exercise  a myste- 
rious influence  over  the  destinies  of  man."  They 


all  he  could,”  exclaims  Herrera, 
with  righteous  indignation.  (Hist. 
General,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  5.) 
These,  and  even  rasher  conclusions, 
(see  Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  28,)  are 
scouted  by  Garcilasso,  as  inven- 
tions of  Indian  converts,  willing  to 
please  the  imaginations  of  their 
Christian  teachers.  (Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  5,  6;  lib.  3, 
cap.  21.)  Imposture,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  credulity  on  the  other, 
have  furnished  a plentiful  harvest 
of  absurdities,  which  has  been  dili- 
gently gathered  in  by  the  pious 
antiquary  of  a later  generation. 

10  Garcilasso’s  assertion,  that 
these  heavenly  bodies  were  objects 
of  reverence  as  holy  things,  but  not 
of  worship,  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  2,  cap.  1,  23,)  is  contradicted 
by  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS., — 
Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.,  — 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  5, 
lib.  4,  cap.  4,  — Gomara,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  cap.  121,  — and,  I might 
add,  by  almost  every  writer  of  au- 
thority whom  I have  consulted. 


It  is  contradicted,  in  a manner,  by 
the  admission  of  Garcilasso  himself, 
that  these  several  objects  were  aU 
personified  by  the  Indians  as  living 
beings,  and  had  temples  dedicated 
to  them  as  such,  with  their  effigies 
delineated  in  the  same  manner  as 
was  that  of  the  Sun  in  his  dwelling. 
Indeed,  the  effort  of  the  historian  to 
reduce  the  worship  of  the  Incas  to 
that  of  the  Sun  alone  is  not  very 
reconcilable  with  what  he  else- 
where says  of  the  homage  paid  to 
Pachacamac,  above  all,  and  to 
Rimac,  the  great  oracle  of  the  com- 
mon people.  The  Peruvian  my- 
thology was,  probably,  not  unlike 
that  of  Hindostan,  where,  under 
two,  or  at  most  three,  principal 
deities,  were  assembled  a host  of 
inferior  ones,  to  whom  the  nation 
paid  religious  homage,  as  personifi- 
cations of  the  different  objects  in 
nature. 

Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

These  consecrated  objects  were 
termed  huacas,  — a word  of  most 
prolific  import ; since  it  signified  a 


94 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


adopted  also  a notion,  not  unlike  that  professed  by 
some  of  the  schools  of  ancient  philosophy,  that  every 
thing  on  earth  had  its  archetype  or  idea,  its  mother, 
as  they  emphatically  styled  it,  which  they  held 
sacred,  as,  in  some  sort,  its  spiritual  essence.*^  But 
their  system,  far  from  being  limited  even  to  these 
multiplied  objects  of  devotion,,  embraced  within  its 
ample  folds  the  numerous  deities  of  the  conquered 
nations,  whose  images  were  transported  to  the  cap- 
ital, where  the  burdensome  charges  of  their  worship 
were  defrayed  by  their  respective  provinces.  It  was 
a rare  stroke  of  policy  in  the  Incas,  who  could  thus 
accommodate  their  religion  to  their  interests.’’ 

But  the  worship  of  the  Sun  constituted  the  pecu- 


temple,  a tomb,  any  natural  object 
remarkable  for  its  size  or  shape, 
in  short,  a cloud  of  meanings,  which 
by  their  contradictory  sense  have 
thrown  incalculable  confusion  over 
the  waitings  of  historians  and  trav- 
ellers. 

“La  orden  por  donde  funda- 
van  sus  huacas  que  ellos  llamavan 
a las  Idolatrias  hera  porque  decian 
que  todas  criava  el  sol  i que  les 
dava  madre  por  madre  que  mostra- 
van  a la  tierra,  porque  decian  que 
tenia  madre,  i tenian  le  echo  su 
vulto  i sus  adoratorios,  i al  fuego 
decian  que  tambien  tenia  madre  i 
al  mais  i a las  otras  sementeras  i a 
las  ovejas  iganado  decian  que  te- 
nian madre,  i a la  chocha  ques  el 
brevaje  que  ellos  usan  decian  que 
el  vinagre  della  hera  la  madre  i lo 
reverenciavan  i llamavan  mama 


agua  madre  del  vinagre,  i a cada 
cosa  adoravan  destas  de  su  mane- 
ra.”  Conq.  i Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

So  it  seems  to  have  been  regard- 
ed by  the  Licentiate  Ondegardo. 
“ E los  Idolos  estaban  en  aqi  gal- 
pon  grande  de  la  casa  del  Sol,  y 
cada  Idolo  destos  tenia  su  servicio 
y gastos  y mugeres,  y en  la  casa 
del  Sol  le  iban  a hacer  reverencia 
los  que  venian  de  su  provincia, 
para  lo  qual  e sacrificios  que  se 
hacian  proveian  de  su  misma  tierra 
ordinaria  e muy  abundantemente 
por  la  misma  orden  que  lo  hacian 
quando  estaba  en  la  misma  provin- 
cia, que  daba  gran  autoridad  a mi 
parecer  e aun  fuerza  a estos  Ingas 
que  cierto  me  causo  gran  admira- 
cion.”  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


Ch.  III.] 


GORGEOUS  TEMPLES. 


95 


liar  care  of  the  Incas,  and  was  the  object  of  their 
lavish  expenditure.  The  most  ancient  of  the 
many  temples  dedicated  to  this  divinity  was  in  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  whence  the  royal  founders  of  the 
Peruvian  line  were  said  to  have  proceeded.  From 
this  circumstance,  this  sanctuary  was  held  in  pe- 
culiar veneration.  Every  thing  which  belonged  to 
it,  even  the  broad  fields  of  maize,  which  sur- 
rounded the  temple,  and  formed  part  of  its  domain, 
imbibed  a portion  of  its  sanctity.  The  yearly  prod- 
uce was  distributed  among  the  different  public 
magazines,  in  small  quantities  to  each,  as  something 
that  would  sanctify  the  remainder  of  the  store. 
Happy  was  the  man  who  could  secure  even  an  ear 
of  the  blessed  harvest  for  his  own  granary ! 

But  the  most  renowned  of  the  Peruvian  temples, 
the  pride  of  the  capital,  and  the  wonder  of  the  em- 
pire, was  at  Cuzco,  where,  under  the  munificence 
of  successive  sovereigns,  it  had  become  so  enriched, 
that  it  received  the  name  of  Coricancha,  or  “ the 
Place  of  Gold.”  It  consisted  of  a principal  building 
and  several  chapels  and  inferior  edifices,  covering  a 
large  extent  of  ground  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  and 
completely  encompassed  by  a wall,  which,  with  the 
edifices,  was  all  constructed  of  stone.  The  work 
was  of  the  kind  already  described  in  the  other  pub- 
lic buildings  of  the  country,  and  was  so  finely  exe- 
cuted, that  a Spaniard,  who  saw  it  in  its  glory, 
assures  us,  he  could  call  to  mind  only  two  edifices 


Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  25. 


96 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


in  Spain,  which,  for  their  workmanship,  were  at  all 
to  be  compared  with  it.'®  Yet  this  substantial,  and, 
in  some  respects,  magnificent  structure,  was  thatched 
with  straw ! 

The  interior  of  the  temple  was  the  most  worthy 
of  admiration.  It  was  literally  a mine  of  gold.  On 
the  western  wall  was  emblazoned  a representation 
of  the  deity,  consisting  of  a human  countenance, 
looking  forth  from  amidst  innumerable  rays  of  light, 
which  emanated  from  it  in  every  direction,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  sun  is  often  personified  with 
us.  The  figure  was  engraved  on  a massive  plate 
of  gold  of  enormous  dimensions,  thickly  powdered 
with  emeralds  and  precious  stones.'®  It  was  so  sit- 
uated in  front  of  the  great  eastern  portal,  that  the 
rays  of  the  morning  sun  fell  directly  upon  it  at  its 
rising,  lighting  up  the  whole  apartment  with  an 
effulgence  that  seemed  more  than  natural,  and 
which  was  reflected  back  from  the  golden  orna- 


“ Tenia  este  Templo  en  circui- 
to  mas  de  quatro  cientospasos,  todo 
cercado  de  una  muralla  fuerte,  labra- 
do  todo  el  edificio  de  cantera  muy 
excelente  de  fina  piedra,  muy  bien 
puesta  y asentada,  y algxmas  pie- 
dras  eran  muy  grandes  y soberbias, 
no  tenian  mezcla  de  tierra  ni  cal, 
sino  con  el  betun  que  ellos  suelen 
hacer  sus  edificios,  y estan  tan  bien 
labradas  estas  piedras  que  no  se  les 
parece  mezcla  ni  juntura  ninguna. 
En  toda  Espana  no  he  visto  cosa 
que  pueda  comparar  a estas  paredes 
y postura  de  piedra,  sino  a la  tone 


que  llaman  la  Calahorra  que  esta 
jimto  con  la  puente  de  Cordoba,  y 
a una  obra  que  vi  en  Toledo,  cuando 
fui  a presentar  la  primera  parte  de 
mi  Cronica  al  Principe  D"  Felipe.” 
Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  24. 

^6  Conq.  i Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
— Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap. 
44,  92. 

“ La  figura  del  Sol,  muy  grande, 
hecha  de  oro  obrada  muy  prima- 
mente  engastonada  en  muchas  pie- 
dras ricas.”  Sarmiento,  Relacion, 
MS.,  cap.  24. 


Ch.  III.]  GORGEOUS  TEMPLES.  97 

merits  with  which  the  walls  and  ceiling  were  every- 
where incrusted.  Gold,  in  the  figurative  language 
of  the  people,  was  “ the  tears  wept  by  the  sun,” 
and  every  part  of  the  interior  of  the  temple  glowed 
with  burnished  plates  and  studs  of  the  precious 
metal.  The  cornices,  which  surrounded  the  walls 
of  the  sanctuary,  were  of  the  same  costly  material ; 
and  a broad  belt  or  frieze  of  gold,  let  into  the  stone- 
work, encompassed  the  whole  exterior  of  the  ed- 
ifice.*® 

Adjoining  the  principal  structure  were  several 
chapels  of  smaller  dimensions.  One  of  them  was 
consecrated  to  the  Moon,  the  deity  held  next  in 
reverence,  as  the  mother  of  the  Incas.  Her  effigy 
was  delineated  in  the  same  manner  as  that  of  the 
Sun,  on  a vast  plate  that  nearly  covered  one  side 
of  the  apartment.  But  this  plate,  as  well  as  all  the 
decorations  of  the  building,  was  of  silver,  as  suited 
to  the  pale,  silvery  light  of  the  beautiful  planet. 
There  were  three  other  chapels,  one  of  which  was 
dedicated  to  the  host  of  Stars,  who  formed  the 
bright  court  of  the  Sister  of  the  Sun  ; another  was 
consecrated  to  his  dread  ministers  of  vengeance,  the 
Thunder  and  the  Lightning  ; and  a third,  to  the  Rain- 


U “ I al  oro  asimismo  decian 
que  era  lagrimas  que  el  Sol  llora- 
va.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

*8  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  24.  — Antig.  y Monumentos 
del  Peru,  MS. 

“ Cercada  junto  a la  techumbre 
de  una  plancha  de  oro  de  palmo  i 

13 


medio  de  ancho  i lo  mismo  tenian 
por  de  dentro  en  cada  bohio  6 casa 
i aposento.”  (Conq.  i Pob.  del 
Piru,  MS.)  “ Tenia  una  cinta  de 
planchas  de  oro  de  anchor  de  mas 
de  un  palmo  enlazadas  en  las  pie- 
dras.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 


VOL.  I. 


98 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


bow,  whose  many-colored  arch  spanned  the  walls 
of  the  edifice  with  hues  almost  as  radiant  as  its 
own.  There  were  besides  several  other  buildings, 
or  insulated  apartments,  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  numerous  priests  who  officiated  in  the  services 
of  the  temple.^® 

All  the  plate,  the  ornaments,  the  utensils  of  every 
description,  appropriated  to  the  uses  of  religion, 
were  of  gold  or  silver.  Twelve  immense  vases  of 
the  latter  metal  stood  on  the  floor  of  the  great  sa- 
loon, filled  with  grain  of  the  Indian  corn  ; the 
censers  for  the  perfumes,  the  ewers  which  held  the 
water  for  sacrifice,  the  pipes  which  conducted  it 
through  subterraneous  channels  into  the  buildings, 
the  reservoirs  that  received  it,  even  the  agricultural 
implements  used  in  the  gardens  of  the  temple,  were 
all  of  the  same  rich  materials.  The  gardens,  like 
those  described,  belonging  to  the  royal  palaces, 
sparkled  with  flowers  of  gold  and  silver,  and  various 
imitations  of  the  vegetable  kingdom.  Animals,  also, 
were  to  be  found  there,  — among  which  the  llama, 
with  its  golden  fleece,  was  most  conspicuous,  — ex- 


19  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  24.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  21.  — Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

90  “El  bulto  del  Sol  tenian  mui 
grande  de  oro,  i todo  el  servicio 
desta  casa  era  de  plata  i oro,  i 
tenian  doze  horones  de  plata  blanca 
que  dos  hombres  no  abrazarian 
cada  uno  quadrados,  i eran  mas 
altos  que  una  buena  pica  donde  he- 
chavan  el  maiz  que  havian  de  dar  al 


Sol,  segun  ellos  decian  que  comi- 
ese.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

The  original,  as  the  Spanish 
reader  perceives,  says  each  of  these 
silver  vases  or  bins  w'as  as  high  as 
a good  lance,  and  so  large  that  two 
men  with  outspread  arms  could 
barely  encompass  them ! As  this 
might,  perhaps,  embairass  even  the 
most  accommodating  faith,  I have 
preferred  not  to  become  responsible 
for  any  particular  dimensions. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


GORGEOUS  TEMPLES. 


99 


ecuted  in  the  same  style,  and  with  a degree  of  skill, 
which,  in  this  instance,  probably,  did  not  surpass  the 
excellence  of  the  material. 


If  the  reader  sees  in  this  fairy  picture  only  the 
romantic  coloring  of  some  fabulous  El  Dorado,  he 
must  recall  what  has  been  said  before  in  reference 
to  the  palaces  of  the  Incas,  and  consider  that  these 
“ Houses  of  the  Sun,”  as  they  were  styled,  were  the 
common  reservoir  into  which  flowed  all  the  streams 
of  public  and  private  benefaction  throughout  the 
empire.  Some  of  the  statements,  through  credulity, 
and  others,  in  the  desire  of  exciting  admiration,  may 
be  greatly  exaggerated ; but,  in  the  coincidence  of 
contemporary  testimony,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine 
the  exact  line  which  should  mark  the  measure  of 
our  skepticism.  Certain  it  is,  that  the  glowing 
picture  I have  given  is  warranted  by  those  who 
saw  these  buildings  in  their  pride,  or  shortly  after 
they  had  been  despoiled  by  the  cupidity  of  their 
countrymen.  Many  of  the  costly  articles  were  bur- 
ied by  the  natives,  or  thrown  into  the  waters  of 


21  Levinus  Apollonius,  fol.  38. 
— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
1,  lib.  3,  cap.  24.  — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

“ Tenian  un  Jardin  que  los  Ter- 
rones  cran  pedazos  de  oro  fino  y 
cstaban  artificiosamente  sembrado 
de  maizales  los  quales  eran  oro  asi 
las  Canas  de  ello  como  las  ojas  y 
mazorcas,  y estaban  tan  bien  plan- 
tados  que  aunque  hiciesen  recios 
bientos  no  sc  arrancaban.  Sin 
todo  esto  tenian  hechas  mas  de 


veinte  obejas  de  oro  con  sus  Cor- 
deros y los  Pastores  con  sus  ondas 
y cayados  que  las  guardaban  hecho 
de  este  metal ; ha^’ia  mucha  canti- 
dad  de  Tinajas  de  oro  y de  Plata  y 
esmeraldas,  vasos,  ollas  y todo  ge- 
nera de  vasijas  todo  de  oro  fino  ; 
por  otras  Paredes  tenian  esculpidas 
y pintadas  otras  may  ores  cosas,  en 
fin  era  uno  de  los  ricos  Templos 
que  bubo  en  el  mundo.”  Sar- 
miento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  24. 


100 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


the  rivers  and  the  lakes ; but  enough  remained  to 
attest  the  unprecedented  opulence  of  these  religious 
establishments.  Such  things  as  were  in  their  na- 
ture portable  were  speedily  removed,  to  gratify  the 
craving  of  the  Conquerors,  who  even  tore  away  the 
solid  cornices  and  frieze  of  gold  from  the  great 
temple,  filling  the  vacant  places  with  the  cheaper, 
but  — since  it  affords  no  temptation  to  avarice  — 
more  durable,  material  of  plaster.  Yet  even  thus 
shorn  of  their  splendor,  the  venerable  edifices  still 
presented  an  attraction  to  tbe  spoiler,  who  found  in 
their  dilapidated  walls  an  inexhaustible  quarry  for 
the  erection  of  other  buildings.  On  the  very  ground 
once  crowned  by  the  gorgeous  Coricancha  rose  the 
stately  church  of  St.  Dominic,  one  of  the  most  mag- 
nificent structures  of  the  New  World.  Fields  of 
maize  and  lucerne  now  bloom  on  the  spot  which 
glowed  with  the  golden  gardens  of  the  temple  ; and 
the  friar  chants  his  orisons  within  the  consecrated 
precincts  once  occupied  by  the  Children  of  the 
Sun.^^ 

Besides  the  great  temple  of  the  Sun,  there  was 
a large  number  of  inferior  temples  and  religious 
houses  in  the  Peruvian  capital  and  its  environs, 
amounting,  as  is  stated,  to  three  or  four  hundred. 
For  Cuzco  was  a sanctified  spot,  venerated  not  only 

22  Miller’s  Memoirs,  yoI.  II.  pp.  legua  y media  de  la  redonda  qua- 
223,  224.  trocientos  y tantos  lugares,  donde 

2^  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec  se  hacian  sacrificios,  y se  gastava 
5,  lib.  4,  cap.  8.  mucha  suma  de  hacienda  en  ellos.” 

“ Havia  en  aquella  ciudad  y Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


GORGEOUS  TEMPLES. 


101 


as  the  abode  of  the  Incas,  but  of  all  those  deities 
who  presided  over  the  motley  nations  of  the  empire. 
It  was  the  city  beloved  of  the  Sun  ; where  his  wor- 
ship was  maintained  in  its  splendor  ; “ where  every 
fountain,  pathway,  and  wall,”  says  an  ancient  chron- 
icler, “ was  regarded  as  a holy  mystery.”  ^ And  un- 
fortunate was  the  Indian  noble  who,  at  some  period 
or  other  of  his  life,  had  not  made  his  pilgrimage  to 
the  Peruvian  Mecca. 

Other  temples  and  religious  dwellings  were  scat- 
tered over  the  provinces ; and  some  of  them  con- 
structed on  a scale  of  magnificence,  that  almost 
rivalled  that  of  the  metropolis.  The  attendants  on 
these  composed  an  army  of  themselves.  The  whole 
number  of  functionaries,  including  those  of  the  sa- 
cerdotal order,  who  officiated  at  the  Coricancha 
alone,  was  no  less  than  four  thousand.^^ 

At  the  head  of  all,  both  here  and  throughout  the 
land,  stood  the  great  High-Priest,  or  Villac  Vmu,  as 
he  was  called.  He  was  second  only  to  the  Inca  in 
dignity,  and  was  usually  chosen  from  his  brothers 
or  nearest  kindred.  He  was  appointed  by  the 
monarch,  and  held  his  office  for  life ; and  he,  in 


3^  “ Que  aquella  ciudad  del 
Cuzco  era  casa  y morada  de  Dioses, 
e ansi  no  habia  en  toda  ella  fuente 
ni  paso  ni  pared  que  no  dixesen 
que  tenia  misterio.”  Ondegardo, 
Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 

^ Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

An  army,  indeed,  if,  as  Cieza  de 
Leon  states,  the  number  of  priests 


and  menials  employed  in  the  fa- 
mous temple  of  Bilcas,  on  the  route 
to  Chili,  amounted  to  40,000 ! 
(Cronica,  cap.  89.)  Every  thing 
relating  to  these  Houses  of  the 
Sun  appears  to  have  been  on  a 
grand  scale.  But  we  may  easily 
believe  this  a clerical  error  for 
4,000. 


102 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


turn,  appointed  to  all  the  subordinate  stations  of  his 
own  order.  This  order  was  very  numerous.  Those 
members  of  it  wdio  officiated  in  the  House  of  the 
Sun,  in  Cuzco,  were  taken  exclusively  from  the  sa- 
cred race  of  the  Incas.  The  ministers  in  the  pro- 
vincial temples  were  drawn  from  the  families  of  the 
curacas  ; but  the  office  of  high-priest  in  each  district 
was  reserved  for  one  of  the  blood  royal.  It  was 
designed  by  this  regulation  to  preserve  the  faith  in 
its  purity,  and  to  guard  against  any  departure  from 
the  stately  ceremonial  which  it  punctiliously  pre- 
scribed.^® 

The  sacerdotal  order,  though  numerous,  was  not 
distinguished  by  any  peculiar  badge  or  costume  from 
the  rest  of  the  nation.  Neither  was  it  the  sole  de- 
pository of  the  scanty  ‘science  of  the  country,  nor 
was  it  charged  with  the  business  of  instruction,  nor 
with  those  parochial  duties,  if  they  may  so  be  called, 
which  bring  the  priest  in  contact  with  the  great 
body  of  the  people,  — as  was  the  case  in  Mexico. 
The  cause  of  this  peculiarity  may  probably  be 
traced  to  the  existence  of  a superior  order,  like 
that  of  the  Inca  nobles,  whose  sanctity  of  birth  so 
far  transcended  all  human  appointments,  that  they 
in  a manner  engrossed  whatever  there  was  of  re- 

26  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  estates  of  the  Sun.  At  other 
cap.  27.  — Conq.  i Fob.  del  Piru,  times,  they  were  to  get  their  sup- 
MS.  port  from  their  own  lands,  which. 

It  was  only  while  the  priests  if  he  is  correct,  were  assigned  to 
were  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  them  in  the  same  manner  as  to  the 
temples,  that  they  were  maintained,  other  orders  of  the  nation.  Com. 
according  to  Garcilasso,  from  the  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  8. 


Ch.  III.] 


FESTIVALS. 


103 


ligious  veneration  in  the  people.  They  were,  in  fact, 
the  holy  order  of  the  state.  Doubtless,  any  of  them 
might,  as  very  many  of  them  did,  take  on  them- 
selves the  sacerdotal  functions  ; and  their  own  in- 
signia and  peculiar  privileges  were  too  well  under- 
stood to  require  any  further  badge  to  separate  them 
from  the  people. 

The  duties  of  the  priest  were  confined  to  min- 
istration in  the  temple.  Even  here  his  attendance 
was  not  constant,  as  he  was  relieved  after  a stated 
interval  by  other  brethren  of  his  order,  who  succeed- 
ed one  another  in  regular  rotation.  His  science  was 
limited  to  an  acquaintance  with  the  fasts  and  festi- 
vals of  his  religion,  and  the  appropriate  ceremonies 
which  distinguished  them.  This,  however  frivolous 
might  be  its  character,  was  no  easy  acquisition ; for 
the  ritual  of  the  Incas  involved  a routine  of  ob- 
servances, as  complex  and  elaborate  as  ever  distin- 
guished that  of  any  nation,  whether  pagan  or  Chris- 
tian. Each  month  had  its  appropriate  festival,  or 
rather  festivals.  The  four  principal  had  reference  to 
the  Sun,  and  commemorated  the  great  periods  of  his 
annual  progress,  the  solstices  and  equinoxes.  Per- 
haps the  most  magnificent  of  all  the  national  solemni- 
ties was  the  feast  of  Raymi,  held  at  the  period  of 
the  summer  solstice,  when  the  Sun,  having  touched 
the  southern  extremity  of  his  course,  retraced  his 
path,  as  if  to  gladden  the  hearts  of  his  chosen 
people  by  his  presence.  On  this  occasion,  the  In- 
dian nobles  from  the  different  quarters  of  the  coun- 


104 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


try  thronged  to  the  capital  to  take  part  in  the  great 
religious  celebration. 

For  three  days  previous,  there  was  a general  fast, 
and  no  fire  was  allowed  to  be  lighted  in  the  dwell- 
ings. When  the  appointed  day  arrived,  the  Inca 
and  his  court,  followed  by  the  whole  population  of 
the  city,  assembled  at  early  dawn  in  the  great  square 
to  greet  the  rising  of  the  Sun.  They  were  dressed 
in  their  gayest  apparel,  and  the  Indian  lords  vied 
with  each  other  in  the  display  of  costly  ornaments 
and  jewels  on  their  persons,  while  canopies  of  gaudy 
feather-work  and  richly  tinted  stuffs,  borne  by  the 
attendants  over  their  heads,  gave  to  the  great  square, 
and  the  streets  that  emptied  into  it,  the  appearance 
of  being  spread  over  with  one  vast  and  magnificent 
awning.  Eagerly  they  watched  the  coming  of  their 
deity,  and,  no  sooner  did  his  first  yellow  rays  strike 
the  turrets  and  loftiest  buildings  of  the  capital,  than 
a shout  of  gratulation  broke  forth  from  the  assem- 
bled multitude,  accompanied  by  songs  of  triumph, 
and  the  wild  melody  of  barbaric  instruments,  that 
swelled  louder  and  louder  as  his  bright  orb,  rising 
above  the  mountain  range  towards  the  east,  shone 
in  full  splendor  on  his  votaries.  After  the  usual  cer- 
emonies of  adoration,  a libation  was  offered  to  the 
great  deity  by  the  Inca,  from  a huge  golden  vase, 
filled  with  the  fermented  liquor  of  maize  or  of  ma- 
guey, which,  after  the  monarch  had  tasted  it  himself, 
he  dispensed  among  his  royal  kindred.  , These  cer- 
emonies completed,  the  vast  assembly  was  arranged 


ch.  HI  ] 


FESTIVALS. 


105 


in  order  of  procession,  and  took  its  way  towards  the 
Coricancha.^’^ 

As  they  entered  the  street  of  the  sacred  edifice, 
all  divested  themselves  of  their  sandals,  except  the 
Inca  and  his  family,  who  did  the  same  on  passing 
through  the  portals  of  the  temple,  where  none  but 
these  august  personages  were  admitted.®^  After  a 
decent  time  spent  in  devotion,  the  sovereign,  at- 
tended by  his  courtly  train,  again  appeared,  and 
preparations  were  made  to  commence  the  sacri- 
fice. This,  with  the  Peruvians,  consisted  of  ani- 
mals, grain,  flowers,  and  sweet-scented  gums  ; 
sometimes  of  human  beings,  on  which  occasions  a 
child  or  beautiful  maiden  was  usually  selected  as  the 
victim.  But  such  sacrifices  were  rare,  being  re- 
served to  celebrate  some  great  public  event,  as  a 
coronation,  the  birth  of  a royal  heir,  or  a great  vic- 
tory. They  were  never  followed  by  those  cannibal 
repasts  familiar  to  the  Mexicans,  and  to  many  of 
the  fierce  tribes  conquered  by  the  Incas.  Indeed, 
the  conquests  of  these  princes  might  well  be  deemed 
a blessing  to  the  Indian  nations,  if  it  were  only  from 
their  suppression  of  cannibalism,  and  the  diminution, 
under  their  rule,  of  human  sacrifices.^'* 

^ Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.  duction  to  his  own  literary  pageant. 
— Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  Tom.  I.  chap.  1-4. 

27.  “ Ningun  Indio  comun  osaba 

The  reader  will  find  a brilliant,  pasar  por  la  caUe  del  Sol  calzado ; 
and  not  very  extravagant,  account  ni  ninguno,  aimque  fuese  mui  grand 
of  the  Peruvian  festivals  in  Mar-  Seiior,  entrava  en  las  casas  del  Sol 
montel’s  romance  of  Les  Incas,  con  zapatos.”  Conq.  i Pob.  del 
The  French  author  saw  in  their  Piru,  MS. 

gorgeous  ceremonial  a fitting  intro-  29  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  flatly 

VOL.  I.  14 


106 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


At  the  feast  of  Raymi,  the  sacrifice  usually  offered 
was  that  of  the  llama  ; and  the  priest,  after  opening 
the  body  of  his  victim,  sought  in  the  appearances 
which  it  exhibited  to  read  the  lesson  of  the  myste- 
rious future.  If  the  auguries  were  unpropitious,  a 
second  victim  was  slaughtered,  in  the  hope  of  re- 
ceiving some  more  comfortable  assurance.  The  Pe- 
ruvian augur  might  have  learned  a good  lesson  of 
the  Roman,  — to  consider  every  omen  as  favorable, 
which  served  the  interests  of  his  country.^'’ 

A fire  was  then  kindled  by  means  of  a con- 


denies  tliat  the  Incas  were  guilty 
of  human  sacrifices  ; and  maintains, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  they  uni- 
formly abolished  them  in  every 
country  they  subdued,  where  they 
had  previously  existed.  (Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  9,  et 
alibi.)  But  in  this  material  fact 
he  is  unequivocally  contradicted  by 
Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  22, 
— Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS., — 
Montesinos,  Mem.  Antiguas,  MS., 
lib.  2,  cap.  8,  — Balboa,  Hist,  du 
Perou,  chap.  5,  8,  — Cieza  de 
Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  72, — Onde- 
gardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS.,  — Acosta, 
lib.  5,  cap.  19,  — and  I might  add, 
1 suspect,  were  I to  pursue  the  in- 
quiry, by  nearly  every  ancient 
writer  of  authority ; some  of  whom, 
having  come  into  the  country  soon 
after  the  Conquest,  while  its  primi- 
tive institutions  were  in  vigor,  are 
entitled  to  more  deference  in  a 
matter  of  this  kind  than  Garcilasso 
himself.  It  was  natural  that  the 
descendant  of  the  Incas  should 


desire  to  relieve  his  race  from  so 
odious  an  imputation  ; and  we  must 
have  charity  for  him,  if  he  does 
show  himself,  on  some  occasions, 
where  the  honor  of  his  country  is 
at  stake,  “ high  gravel  blind.”  It 
should  be  added,  in  justice  to  the 
Peruvian  government,  that  the  best 
authorities  concur  in  the  admission, 
that  the  sacrifices  were  few,  both 
in  number  and  in  magnitude,  being 
reserved  for  such  extraordinary 
occasions  as  those  mentioned  in  the 
text. 

30  “ Augurque  cum  esset,  dicere 
ausus  est,  optimis  auspiciis  ea  geri, 
quae  pro  reipublicae  salute  gereren- 
tur.”  Cicero,  De  Senectute. 

This  inspection  of  the  entrails  of 
animals  for  the  purposes  of  divina- 
tion is  worthy  of  note,  as  a most 
rare,  if  not  a solitary,  instance  of  the 
kind  among  the  nations  of  the  New 
World,  though  so  familiar  in  the 
ceremonial  of  sacrifice  among  the 
pagan  nations  of  the  Old. 


o 


Ch.  Ill  ] FESTIVALS.  107 

cave  mirror  of  polished  metal,  which,  collecting  the 
rajs  of  the  sun  into  a focus  upon  a quantity  of 
dried  cotton,  speedily  set  it  on  fire.  It  w’as  the 
expedient  used  on  the  like  occasions  in  ancient 
Rome,  at  least  under  the  reign  of  the  pious  Numa. 
When  the  sky  was  overcast,  and  the  face  of  the 
good  deity  was  hidden  from  his  worshippers,  which 
was  esteemed  a bad  omen,  fire  was  obtained  by 
means  of  friction.  The  sacred  flame  was  intrust- 
ed to  the  care  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  and 
if,  by  any  neglect,  it  was  suffered  to  go  out  in 
the  course  of  the  year,  the  event  was  regarded 
as  a calamity  that  boded  some  strange  disaster  to 
the  monarchy.®'  A burnt  offering  of  the  victims  was 
then  made  on  the  altars  of  the  deity.  This  sacrifice 
was  but  the  prelude  to  the  slaughter  of  a great 
number  of  llamas,  part  of  the  flocks  of  the  Sun, 
which  furnished  a banquet  not  only  for  the  Inca  and 
his  Court,  but  for  the  people,  who  made  amends  at 
these  festivals  for  the  frugal  fare  to  which  they  were 
usually  condemned.  A fine  bread  or  cake,  kneaded 
of  maize  flour  by  the  fair  hands  of  the  Virgins  of  the 
Sun,  was  also  placed  on  the  royal  board,  where  the 
Inca,  presiding  over  the  feast,  pledged  his  great 
nobles  in  generous  goblets  of  the  fermented  liquor  of 
the  country,  and  the  long  revelry  of  the  day  was 
closed  at  night  by  music  and  dancing.  Dancing  and 

“ Vigilemque  sacraverat  ignem,  Romans  for  kindling  the  sacred 
Excubias  divAm  sBternas.”  concave  instruments  of 

Plutarch,  in  his  life  of  Numa,  de-  brass,  though  not  spherical  like  the 
scribes  the  reflectors  used  by  the  Peruvian,  but  of  a triangular  form. 


108 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


drinking  were  the  favorite  pastimes  of  the  Peruvi- 
ans. These  amusements  continued  for  several  days, 
though  the  sacrifices  terminated  on  the  first.  — Such 
was  the  great  festival  of  Raymi ; and  the  recurrence 
of  this  and  similar  festivities  gave  relief  to  the  mo- 
notonous routine  of  toil  prescribed  to  the  lower 
orders  of  the  community.^ 

In  the  distribution  of  bread  and  wine  at  this  high 
festival,  the  orthodox  Spaniards,  who  first  came  into 
the  country,  saw  a striking  resemblance  to  the 
Christian  communion  as  in  the  practice  of  con- 
fession and  penance,  which,  in  a most  irregular  form, 
indeed,  seems  to  have  been  used  by  the  Peruvi- 
ans, they  discerned  a coincidence  with  another  of 
the  sacraments  of  the  Church. The  good  fathers 
were  fond  of  tracing  such  coincidence?,  which  they 
considered  as  the  contrivance  of  Satan,  who  thus 
endeavoured  to  delude  his  \ictims  by  counterfeit- 
ing the  blessed  rites  of  Christianity.^’  Others, 


Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  28,  29.  — 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  6,  cap.  23. 

33  “ That  which  is  most  admi- 
rable in  the  hatred  and  presumption 
of  Sathan  is,  that  he  not  onely 
counterfeited  in  idolatry  and  sacri- 
fices, but  also  in  certain  ceremonies, 
our  sacraments,  which  Jesus  Christ 
our  Lord  instituted,  and  the  holy 
Church  uses,  having  especially 
pretended  to  imitate,  in  some  sort, 
the  sacrament  of  the  communion, 
which  is  the  most  high  and  divine 
of  aU  others.”  Acosta,  lib.  5, 
cap.  23. 


34  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
5,  lib.  4,  cap.  4.  — Ondegardo,  Rel. 
Prim.,  MS. 

“ The  father  of  lies  would  like- 
wise counterfeit  the  sacrament  of 
Confession,  and  in  his  idolatries 
sought  to  be  honored  with  cere- 
monies very  like  to  the  manner  of 
Christians.”  Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap. 
25. 

35  Cieza  de  Leon,  not  content 
with  many  marvellous  accounts  of 
the  influence  and  real  apparition  of 
Satan  in  the  Indian  ceremonies, 
has  garnished  his  volume  with  nu- 
merous wood-cuts  representing  the 


Ch.  III.] 


VIRGINS  OF  THE  SUN. 


109 


in  a different  vein,  imagined  that  they  saw  in  such 
analogies  the  evidence,  that  some  of  the  primitive 
teachers  of  the  Gospel,  perhaps  an  apostle  him- 
self, had  paid  a visit  to  these  distant  regions,  and 
scattered  over  them  the  seeds  of  religious  truth.^ 
But  it  seems  hardly  necessary  to  invoke  the  Prince 
of  Darkness,  or  the  intervention  of  the  blessed  saints, 
to  account  for  coincidences  which  have  existed  in 
countries  far  removed  from  the  light  of  Christianity, 
and  in  ages,  indeed,  when  its  light  had  not  yet 
risen  on  the  world.  It  is  much  more  reasonable  to 
refer  such  casual  points  of  resemblance  to  the  gen- 
eral constitution  of  man,  and  the  necessities  of  his 
moral  nature. 

Another  singular  analogy  with  Roman  Catholic 
institutions  is  presented  by  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun, 
the  “ elect,”  as  they  were  called,®*  to  whom  I have 


Prince  of  Evil  in  bodily  presence 
with  the  usual  accompaniments  of 
tail,  claws,  &c.,  as  if  to  reenforce 
the  homilies  in  his  text ! The 
Peruvian  saw  in  his  idol  a god. 
His  Christian  conqueror  saw  in  it 
the  Devil.  One  may  be  puzzled  to 
decide  which  of  the  two  might  lay 
claim  to  the  grossest  superstition. 

36  Piedrahita,  the  historian  of 
the  Muyscas,  is  satisfied  that  this 
apostle  must  have  been  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, whose  travels  were 
known  to  have  been  extensive. 
(Conq.  de  Granada,  Parte  1,  hb.  1, 
cap.  3.)  The  Mexican  antiquaries 
consider  St.  Thomas  as  having  had 
charge  of  the  mission  to  the  people 
of  Anahuac.  These  two  apostles. 


then,  would  seem  to  have  divided 
the  New  World,  at  least  the  civil- 
ized portions  of  it,  between  them. 
How  they  came,  whether  by  Behr- 
ing’s Straits,  or  directly  across 
the  Atlantic,  we  are  not  informed. 
Velasco  — a writer  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  ! — has  little  doubt 
that  they  did  really  come.  Hist, 
de  Quito,  tom.  I.  pp.  89,  90. 

3’i'  The  subject  is  illustrated  by 
some  examples  in  the  “ History 
of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,”  vol. 
III.,  Appendix,  No.  1. ; since  the 
same  usages  in  that  country  led  to 
precisely  the  same  rash  conclusions 
among  the  Conquerors. 

38  Llamavase  Casa  de  Escogi- 
das ; porque  las  escogian,  6 por 


110 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


already  had  occasion  to  refer.  These  were  young 
maidens,  dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  deity,  who, 
at  a tender  age,  were  taken  from  their  homes,  and 
introduced  into  convents,  where  they  were  placed 
under  the  care  of  certain  elderly  matrons,  mama- 
conas,  who  had  grown  grey  within  their  walls.^® 
Under  these  venerable  guides,  the  holy  virgins  were 
instructed  in  the  nature  of  their  religious  duties. 
They  were  employed  in  spinning  and  embroidery, 
and,  with  the  fine  hair  of  the  vicuna,  wove  the  hang- 
ings for  the  temples,  and  the  apparel  for  the  Inca 
and  his  household.'*®  It  vv^as  their  duty,  above  all,  to 
w atch  over  the  sacred  fire  obtained  at  the  festival  of 
Raymi.  From  the  moment  they  entered  the  estab- 
lishment, thev  w'ere  cut  off  from  all  connection  with 
the  world,  ev^en  with  their  own  family  and  friends. 
No  one  but  the  Inca,  and  the  Coya  or  queen,  might 
enter  the  consecrated  precincts.  The  greatest  at- 
tention was  paid  to  their  morals,  and  visitors  were 
sent  every  year  to  inspect  the  institutions,  and  to 
report  on  the  state  of  their  discipline.^*  Woe  to  the 
unhappy  maiden  who  was  detected  in  an  intrigue  ! 
By  the  stern  law  of  the  Incas,  she  was  to  be  buried 
alive,  her  lover  was  to  be  strangled,  and  the  town  or 
v illage  to  which  he  belonged  vv^as  to  be  razed  to  the 


Linage,  6 por  Hermosura.”  Gar-  noticed,  meaning  “ mother.”  See 
cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I,  lib.  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
4,  cap.  1.  lib.  4,  cap.  1. 

39  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  ^9  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
The  word  mamacona  signified  Conq.,  MS. 

“ matron”  ; mama,  the  first  half  Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. 

of  this  compound  word,  as  already 


Ch.  III.] 


VIRGINS  OF  THE  SUN. 


Ill 


ground,  and  “ sowed  with  stones,”  as  if  to  efface 
every  memorial  of  his  existence.'*^  One  is  astonished 
to  find  so  close  a resemblance  between  the  institutions 
of  the  American  Indian,  the  ancient  Roman,  and  the 
modern  Catholic!  Chastity  and  purity  of  life  are 
virtues  in  woman,  that  would  seem  to  be  of  equal 
estimation  with  the  barbarian  and  with  the  civilized. 
— Yet  the  ultimate  destination  of  the  inmates  of 
these  religious  houses  was  materially  different. 

The  great  establishment  at  Cuzco  consisted  whol- 
ly of  maidens  of  the  royal  blood,  who  amounted,  it 
is  said,  to  no  less  than  fifteen  hundred.  The  pro- 
vincial convents  were  supplied  from  the  daughters 
of  the  curacas  and  inferior  nobles,  and,  occasionally, 
where  a girl  was  recommended  by  great  personal 
attractions,  from  the  lower  classes  of  the  people. 
The  “ Houses  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun  ” consisted 
of  low  ranges  of  stone  buildings,  covering  a large 


^ Balboa,  Hist,  du  Perou,  chap. 
9.  — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 
Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  11.  — Garci- 
lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4, 
cap.  3. 

According  to  the  historian  of  the 
Incas,  the  terrible  penalty  was 
never  incurred  by  a single  lapse  on 
the  part  of  the  fair  sisterhood ; 
though,  if  it  had  been,  the  sover- 
eign, he  assures  us,  would  have 
“ exacted  it  to  the  letter,  with  as 
little  compunction  as  he  would 
have  drowned  a puppy.”  (Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  3.) 
Other  writers  contend,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  these  Virgins  had  very 


little  claim  to  the  reputation  of  Ves- 
tals. (See  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y Conq.,  MS.  — Gomara,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  cap.  121.)  Such  impu- 
tations are  common  enough  on  the 
inhabitants  of  religious  houses, 
whether  pagan  or  Christian.  They 
are  contradicted  in  the  present  in- 
stance by  the  concurrent  testimony 
of  most  of  those  who  had  the  best 
opportunity  of  arriving  at  truth, 
and  are  made  particularly  improb- 
able by  the  superstitious  reverence 
entertained  for  the  Incas. 

■*3  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS.  — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  1. 


112 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


extent  of  ground,  surrounded  by  high  vi^alls,  which 
excluded  those  within  entirely  from  observation. 
They  were  provided  with  every  accommodation  for 
the  fair  inmates,  and  were  embellished  in  the  same 
sumptuous  and  costly  manner  as  the  palaces  of  the 
Incas,  and  the  temples ; for  they  received  the  par- 
ticular care  of  government,  as  an  important  part  of 
the  religious  establishment.^^ 

Yet  the  career  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  these 
cloisters  was  not  confined  within  their  narrow  walls. 
Though  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  they  M^ere  brides  of  the 
Inca,  and,  at  a marriageable  age,  the  most  beautiful 
among  them  were  selected  for  the  honors  of  his  bed, 
and  transferred  to  the  royal  seraglio.  The  full  com- 
plement of  this  amounted  in  time  not  only  to  hun- 
dreds, but  thousands,  who  all  found  accommodations 
in  his  different  palaces  throughout  the  country. 
When  the  monarch  was  disposed  to  lessen  the 
number  of  his  establishment,  the  concubine  with 
whose  society  he  was  willing  to  dispense  returned, 
not  to  her  former  monastic  residence,  but  to  her  own 
home ; where,  however  humble  might  be  her  origi- 
nal condition,  she  was  maintained  in  great  state, 
and,  far  from  being  dishonored  by  the  situation  she 
had  filled,  was  held  in  universal  reverence  as  the 
Inca’s  bride.^® 

The  great  nobles  of  Peru  were  allowed,  like  their 
sovereign,  a plurality  of  wives.  The  people,  gen- 

^ Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  5.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 

— Ciezade  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  44.  lib.  4,  cap.  4.  — Montesinos,  Mem. 

■*5  Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS.  Antiguas,  MS.,  lib.  2,  cap.  19. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


MARRIAGE. 


113 


crally,  whether  by  law,  or  by  necessity  stronger  than 
law,  were  more  happily  limited  to  one.  Marriage 
was  conducted  in  a manner  that  gave  it  quite  as 
original  a character  as  belonged  to  the  other  institu- 
tions of  the  country.  On  an  appointed  day  of  the 
year,  all  those  of  a marriageable  age  — which,  having 
reference  to  their  ability  to  take  charge  of  a family, 
in  the  males  was  fixed  at  not  less  than  twenty- four 
years,  and  in  the  women  at  eighteen  or  twenty  — 
were  called  together  in  the  great  squares  of  their  re- 
spective towns  and  villages,  throughout  the  empire. 
The  Inca  presided  in  person  over  the  assembly  of  his 
own  kindred,  and  taking  the  hands  of  the  different 
couples  who  were  to  be  united,  he  placed  them  within 
each  other,  declaring  the  parties  man  and  wife.  The 
same  was  done  by  the  curacas  towards  all  persons  of 
their  own  or  inferior  degree  in  their  several  districts. 
This  was  the  simple  form  of  marriage  in  Peru.  No 
one  was  allowed  to  select  a wife  beyond  the  commu- 
nity to  which  he  belonged,  which  generally  compre- 
hended all  his  own  kindred  ; nor  was  any  but  the 
sovereign  authorized  to  dispense  with  the  law  of 
nature  — or  at  least,  the  usual  law  of  nations  — so 
far  as  to  marry  his  own  sister.'*’’  No  marriage  was 

■1®  By  the  strict  letter  of  the  law,  oned  of  kin  to  one  another.  Com. 
according  to  Garcilasso,  no  one  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. 
was  to  marry  out  of  his  own  line-  ■^7  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 
age.  But  this  narrow  rule  had  a Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 
most  liberal  interpretation,  since  This  practice,  so  revolting  to  our 
all  of  the  same  town,  and  even  feelings  that  it  might  well  be 
province,  he  assures  us,  were  reck-  deemed  to  violate  the  law  of  nature, 

15 


VOL.  I. 


114 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


esteemed  valid  without  the  consent  of  the  parents  ; 
and  the  preference  of  the  parties,  it  is  said,  was  also 
to  be  consulted  ; though,  considering  the  barriers 
imposed  by  the  prescribed  age  of  the  candidates,  this 
must  have  been  within  rather  narrow  and  whimsical 
limits.  A dwelling  was  got  ready  for  the  new-mar- 
ried pair  at  the  charge  of  the  district,  and  the  pre- 
scribed portion  of  land  assigned  for  their  mainte- 
nance. The  law  of  Peru  provided  for  the  future,  as 
well  as  for  the  present.  It  left  nothing  to  chance. 
— The  simple  ceremony  of  marriage  was  followed 
by  general  festivities  among  the  friends  of  the  par- 
ties, which  lasted  several  days ; and  as  every 
wedding  took  place  on  the  same  day,  and  as  there 
were  few  families  who  had  not  some  one  of  their 
members  or  their  kindred  personally  interested,  there 
was  one  universal  bridal  jubilee  throughout  the 
empire. 

The  extraordinary  regulations  respecting  marriage 
under  the  Incas  are  eminently  characteristic  of  the 
genius  of  the  government ; which,  far  from  limiting 
itself  to  matters  of  public  concern,  penetrated  into 
the  most  private  recesses  of  domestic  life,  allowing 
no  man,  however  humble,  to  act  for  himself,  even  in 
those  personal  matters  in  which  none  but  himself, 
or  his  family  at  most,  might  be  supposed  to  be  inter- 

must  not,  however,  be  regarded  as  48  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
altogether  peculiar  to  the  Incas,  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
since  it  was  countenanced  by  some  lib.  6,  cap.  36.  — Dec.  de  la  Aud 
of  the  most  polished  nations  of  an-  Real.,  MS.  — Montesinos,  Mem. 
tiquily.  Antiguas,  MS.,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


MARRIAGE. 


115 


ested.  No  Peruvian  was  too  low  for  the  fostering 
vigilance  of  government.  None  was  so  high  that 
he  was  not  made  to  feel  his  dependence  upon  it  in 
every  act  of  his  life.  His  very  existence  as  an  indi- 
vidual was  absorbed  in  that  of  the  community.  His 
hopes  and  his  fears,  his  joys  and  his  sorrows,  the 
tenderest  sympathies  of  his  nature,  which  would 
most  naturally  shrink  from  observation,  were  all  to 
be  regulated  by  law.  He  was  not  allowed  even  to 
be  happy  in  his  own  way.  The  government  of  the 
Incas  was  the  mildest,  — but  the  most  searching 
of  despotisms. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Education.  — Quipus.  — Astronomy.  — Agriculture.  — Aqueducts. 

— Guano.  — Important  Esculents. 

“ Science  was  not  intended  for  the  people  ; but 
for  those  of  generous  blood.  Persons  of  low  degree 
are  only  puffed  up  by  it,  and  rendered  vain  and 
arrogant.  Neither  should  such  meddle  with  the 
affairs  of  government ; for  this  Avould  bring  high 
offices  into  disrepute,  and  cause  detriment  to  the 
state.’”  Such  was  the  favorite  maxim,  often  re- 
peated, of  Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui,  one  of  the  most 
renowned  of  the  Peruvian  sovereigns.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  such  a maxim  should  ever  have  been 
proclaimed  in  the  New  World,  where  popular  insti- 
tutions have  been  established  on  a more  extensive 
scale  than  was  ever  before  witnessed  ; where  gov- 
ernment rests  wholly  on  the  people ; and  education 
— at  least,  in  the  great  northern  division  of  the  con- 
tinent — is  mainly  directed  to  qualify  the  people  for 

I “ No  es  licito,  que  ensenen  a aprendan  los  Oficios  de  sus  Padres ; 
los  hijos  de  los  Plebeios,  las  Cien-  que  el  Mandar,  y Govemar  no  es 
cias,  que  pertenescen  a los  Gene-  de  Plebeios,  que  es  hacer  agravio 
rosos,  y no  mas  ; porque  como  al  Oficio,  y k la  Kepublica,  enco- 
Gente  baja,  no  se  eleven,  y enso-  mendarselaa  Gente  comun.”  Gar- 
bervezean,  y menoscaben,  y apo-  cilasso.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
quen  la  Republica : bastales,  que  8,  cap.  8. 


Ch.  IV.] 


EDUCATION. 


117 


the  duties  of  government.  Yet  this  maxim  was 
strictly  conformable  to  the  genius  of  the  Peruvian 
monarchy,  and  may  serve  as  a key  to  its  habitual 
policy ; since,  while  it  watched  with  unwearied  so- 
licitude over  its  subjects,  provided  for  their  physical 
necessities,  was  mindful  of  their  morals,  and  showed, 
throughout,  the  affectionate  concern  of  a parent  for 
his  children,  it  yet  regarded  them  only  as  children, 
who  were  never  to  emerge  from  the  state  of  pupil- 
age, to  act  or  to  think  for  themselves,  but  whose 
whole  duty  was  comprehended  in  the  obligation  of 
implicit  obedience. 

Such  was  the  humiliating  condition  of  the  peo- 
ple under  the  Incas,  while  the  numerous  families 
of  the  blood  royal  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  all  the 
light  of  education,  which  the  civilization  of  the 
country  could  afford  ; and,  long  after  the  Conquest, 
the  spots  continued  to  be  pointed  out  where  the 
seminaries  had  existed  for  their  instruction.  These 
were  placed  under  the  care  of  the  amautas,  or 
“ wise  men,”  who  engrossed  the  scanty  stock  of 
science  — if  science  it  could  be  called  — possessed 
by  the  Peruvians,  and  who  were  the  sole  teachers 
of  youth.  It  was  natural  that  the  monarch  should 
take  a lively  interest  in  the  instruction  of  the  young 
nobility,  his  own  kindred.  Several  of  the  Peruvian 
princes  are  said  to  have  built  their  palaces  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  schools,  in  order  that  they 
might  the  more  easily  visit  them  and  listen  to  the 
lectures  of  the  amautas,  which  they  occasionally  re- 


118 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


inforced  by  a homily  of  their  own.^  In  these  schools, 
the  royal  pupils  were  instructed  in  all  the  different 
kinds  of  knowledge  in  which  their  teachers  were 
versed,  with  especial  reference  to  the  stations  they 
were  to  occupy  in  after-life.  They  studied  the  laws, 
and  the  principles  of  administering  the  government, 
in  which  many  of  them  were  to  take  part.  They 
were  initiated  in  the  peculiar  rites  of  their  religion, 
most  necessary  to  those  who  were  to  assume  the 
sacerdotal  functions.  They  learned  also  to  emulate 
the  achievements  of  their  royal  ancestors  by  listen- 
ing to  the  chronicles  compiled  by  the  amautas. 
They  were  taught  to  speak  their  own  dialect  with 
purity  and  elegance ; and  they  became  acquainted 
with  the  mysterious  science  of  the  quipus,  which 
supplied  the  Peruvians  with  the  means  of  communi- 
cating their  ideas  to  one  another,  and  of  transmit- 
ting them  to  future  generations.^ 

The  quipu  was  a cord  about  two  feet  long,  com- 
posed of  different  colored  threads  tightly  twisted  to- 
gether, from  which  a quantity  of  smaller  threads 
were  suspended  in  the  manner  of  a fringe.  The 
threads  were  of  different  colors  and  were  tied  into 
knots.  The  word  quipu,  indeed,  signifies  a knot. 
The  colors  denoted  sensible  objects ; as,  for  in- 
stance, white  represented  silver,  and  yellow,  gold. 
They  sometimes  also  stood  for  abstract  ideas.  Thus, 


- Ibid.,  Parte  I,  lib  7,  cap.  10.  royal  ancestors,  which  had  been 
The  descendant  of  the  Incas  buUt  in  the  vicinity  of  the  schools, 
notices  the  remains,  visible  in  his  for  more  easy  access  to  them, 
day,  of  two  of  the  palaces  of  his  3 Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  4,  cap.  19. 


Ch.  IV  ] 


QUIPUS. 


119 


white  signified  peace,  and  red,  war.  But  the  quipus 
were  chiefly  used  for  arithmetical  purposes.  The 
knots  served  instead  of  ciphers,  and  could  be  com- 
bined in  such  a manner  as  to  represent  numbers  to 
any  amount  they  required.  By  means  of  these  they 
went  through  their  calculations  with  great  rapidity, 
and  the  Spaniards  who  first  visited  the  country  bear 
testimony  to  their  accuracy.^ 

Officers  were  established  in  each  of  the  districts, 
Avho,  under  the  title  of  quipucamayus,  or  “ keepers 
of  the  quipus,”  were  required  to  furnish  the  govern- 
ment with  information  on  various  important  matters. 
One  had  charge  of  the  revenues,  reported  the  quantity 
of  raw  material  distributed  among  the  laborers,  the 
quality  and  quantity  of  the  fabrics  made  from  it,  and 
the  amount  of  stores,  of  various  kinds,  paid  into  the 
royal  magazines.  Another  exhibited  the  register  of 
births  and  deaths,  the  marriages,  the  number  of  those 
qualified  to  bear  arms,  and  the  like  details  in  refer- 
ence to  the  population  of  the  kingdom.  These  re- 
turns were  annually  forwarded  to  the  capital,  where 
they  were  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  officers  ac- 
quainted with  the  art  of  deciphering  these  mystic 
records.  The  government  was  thus  provided  with 
a valuable  mass  of  statistical  information,  and  the 
skeins  of  many-colored  threads,  collected  and  care- 
fully preserved,  constituted  what  might  be  called 
the  national  archives.^ 

^ Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — 5 Ondegardo  expresses  his  aston- 

Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  9.  ishment  at  the  variety  of  objects 
— Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  8.  — Garci-  embraced  by  these  simple  records, 
lasso.  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  8.  “ hardly  credible  by  one  who  had 


120 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


But,  although  the  quipus  sufficed  for  all  the  pur- 
poses of  arithmetical  computation  demanded  by  the 
Peruvians,  they  were  incompetent  to  represent  the 
manifold  ideas  and  images  which  are  expressed  by 
writing.  Even  here,  however,  the  invention  was 
not  without  its  use.  For,  independently  of  the 
direct  representation  of  simple  objects,  and  even  of 
abstract  ideas,  to  a very  limited  extent,  as  above 
noticed,  it  afforded  great  help  to  the  memory  by 
way  of  association.  The  peculiar  knot  or  color,  in 
this  way,  suggested  what  it  could  not  venture  to 
represent ; in  the  same  manner  — to  borrow  the 
homely  illustration  of  an  old  writer  — as  the  num- 
ber of  the  Commandment  calls  to  mind  the  Com- 
mandment itself.  The  quipus,  thus  used,  might  be 
regarded  as  the  Peruvian  system  of  mnemonics. 

Annalists  were  appointed  in  each  of  the  principal 
communities,  whose  business  it  was  to  record  the 
most  important  events  which  occurred  in  them. 
Other  functionaries  of  a higher  character,  usually 
the  amautas,  were  intrusted  with  the  history  of  the 
empire,  and  were  selected  to  chronicle  the  great 


not  seen  them.”  “ En  aquella 
eiudad  se  hallaron  muchos  viejos 
oficiales  antiques  del  Inga,  asi  de 
la  religion,  como  del  Goviemo,  y 
otra  cosa  que  no  pudiera  creer  sino 
la  viera,  que  por  hilos  y nudos  se 
hallan  figuradas  las  leyes,  y esta- 
tutos  asi  de  lo  uno  como  de  lo  otro, 
y las  sucesiones  de  los  Reyes  y 
liempo  que  governaron ; y hallose 
lo  que  todo  esto  tenian  a su  cargo 
que  no  fue  poco,  y aun  tube  alguna 


claridad  de  los  estatutos  que  en 
tiempo  de  eada  uno  se  havian  pue- 
sto.”  (Rel.  Prim.,  MS.)  (See 
also  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  9.  — Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  8. 
— Garcilasso,  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap. 
8,  9.)  A vestige  of  the  quipus  is 
still  to  be  found  in  some  parts  of 
Peru,  •where  the  shepherds  keep 
the  tallies  of  their  numerous  flocks 
by  means  of  this  ancient  arithmetic. 


Ch.  IV.] 


QUIPUS. 


121 


deeds  of  the  reigning  Inca,  or  of  his  ancestors.® 
The  narrative,  thus  concocted,  could  be  communi- 
cated only  by  oral  tradition ; but  the  quipus  served 
the  chronicler  to  arrange  the  incidents  with  method, 
and  to  refresh  his  memory.  The  story,  once  treas- 
ured up  in  the  mind,  was  indelibly  impressed  there 
by  frequent  repetition.  It  was  repeated  by  the 
amauta  to  his  pupils,  and  in  this  way  history,  con- 
veyed partly  by  oral  tradition,  and  partly  by  arbitrary 
signs,  was  handed  down  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion, with  sufficient  discrepancy  of  details,  but  with 
a general  conformity  of  outline  to  the  truth. 

The  Peruvian  quipus  were,  doubtless,  a wretched 
substitute  for  that  beautiful  contrivance,  the  alpha- 
bet, which,  employing  a few  simple  characters  as  the 
representatives  of  sounds,  instead  of  ideas,  is  able 
to  convey  the  most  delicate  shades  of  thought  that 
ever  passed  through  the  mind  of  man.  The  Peru- 
vian invention,  indeed,  was  far  below  that  of  the 
hieroglyphics,  even  below  the  rude  picture-writing 
of  the  Aztecs ; for  the  latter  art,  however  incompetent 
to  convey  abstract  ideas,  could  depict  sensible  ob- 
jects with  tolerable  accuracy.  It  is  evidence  of  the 
total  ignorance  in  which  the  two  nations  remained 
of  each  other,  that  the  Peruvians  should  have  bor- 
rowed nothing  of  the  hieroglyphical  system  of  the 
Mexicans,  and  this,  notwithstanding  that  the  exist- 
ence of  the  maguey  plant,  agave,  in  South  America 
might  have  furnished  them  with  the  very  material 


VOL.  I. 


6 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
16 


122 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


used  by  the  Aztecs  for  the  construction  of  their 
maps/ 

It  is  impossible  to  contemplate  without  interest 
the  struggles  made  by  different  nations,  as  they 
emerge  from  barbarism,  to  supply  themselves  with 
some  visible  symbols  of  thought,  — that  mysterious 
agency  by  which  the  mind  of  the  individual  may  be 
put  in  communication  with  the  minds  of  a whole 
community.  The  want  of  such  a symbol  is  itself 
the  greatest  impediment  to  the  progress  of  civiliza- 
tion. For  what  is  it  but  to  imprison  the  thought, 
which  has  the  elements  of  immortality,  within  the 
bosom  of  its  author,  or  of  the  small  circle  who  come 
in  contact  with  him,  instead  of  sending  it  abroad  to 
give  light  to  thousands,  and  to  generations  yet  un- 
born ! Not  only  is  such  a symbol  an  essential  ele- 
ment of  civilization,  but  it  may  be  assumed  as  the 
very  criterion  of  civilization ; for  the  intellectual 
advancement  of  a people  will  keep  pace  pretty  nearly 
with  its  facilities  for  intellectual  communication. 

Yet  we  must  be  careful  not  to  underrate  the  real 
value  of  the  Peruvian  system  ; nor  to  suppose  that 
the  quipus  were  as  awkward  an  instrument,  in  the 
hand  of  a practised  native,  as  they  would  be  in  ours. 
We  know  the  effect  of  habit  in  all  mechanical  op- 
erations, and  the  Spaniards  bear  constant  testimony 


7 Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Dec.  de  la  ored  beads  strung  together  — in 
Aud.  Real.,  MS.  — Sarmiento,  familiar  use  among  the  North 
Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  9.  American  tribes,  for  commemorat- 

Yet  the  quipus  must  be  allowed  ing  treaties,  and  for  other  pur- 
to  bear  some  resemblance  to  the  poses, 
belts  of  wampum  — made  of  col- 


Ch.  IV.] 


QUIPUS. 


123 


to  the  adroitness  and  accuracy  of  the  Peruvians  in 
this.  Their  skill  is  not  more  surprising  than  the 
facility  with  which  habit  enables  us  to  master  the 
contents  of  a printed  page,  comprehending  thousands 
of  separate  characters,  by  a single  glance,  as  it 
were,  though  each  character  must  require  a dis- 
tinct recognition  by  the  eye,  and  that,  too,  without 
breaking  the  chain  of  thought  in  the  reader’s  mind. 
We  must  not  hold  the  invention  of  the  quipus  too 
lightly,  when  we  reflect  that  they  supplied  the 
means  of  calculation  demanded  for  the  affairs  of  a 
great  nation,  and  that,  however  insufficient,  they 
afforded  no  little  help  to  what  aspired  to  the  credit 
of  literary  composition. 

The  office  of  recording  the  national  annals  was 
not  wholly  confined  to  the  amautas.  It  was  as- 
sumed in  part  by  the  haravecs,  or  poets,  who  selected 
the  most  brilliant  incidents  for  their  songs  or  ballads, 
which  were  chanted  at  the  royal  festivals  and  at  the 
table  of  the  Inca.®  In  this  manner,  a body  of  tradi- 
tional minstrelsy  grew  up,  like  the  British  and  Span- 
ish ballad  poetry,  by  means  of  which  the  name  of 
many  a rude  chieftain,  that  might  have  perished  for 
want  of  a chronicler,  has  been  borne  down  the  tide 
of  rustic  melody  to  later  generations. 


® Dec.  de  la  Aud.  Real.,  MS. — of  the  Norman  irouvire.  Garci- 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lasso  has  translated  one  of  the  little 
lib.  2,  cap.  27.  lyrical  pieces  of  his  countrymen. 

The  word  haravec  signified  “ in-  It  is  light  and  lively  ; but  one  short 
ventor”  or  “finder”;  and  in  his  specimen  affords  no  basis  for  gen- 
title,  as  well  as  in  his  functions,  eral  criticism, 
the  minstrel-poet  may  remind  us 


124 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


Yet  history  may  be  thought  not  to  gain  much  by 
this  alliance  with  poetry ; for  the  domain  of  the 
poet  extends  over  an  ideal  realm  peopled  with  the 
shadowy  forms  of  fancy,  that  bear  little  resemblance 
to  the  rude  realities  of  life.  The  Peruvian  annals 
may  he  deemed  to  show  somewhat  of  the  effects  of 
this  union,  since  there  is  a tinge  of  the  marvellous 
spread  over  them  down  to  the  very  latest  period, 
which,  like  a mist  before  the  reader’s  eye,  makes  it 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  fact  and  fiction. 

The  poet  found  a convenient  instrument  for  his 
purposes  in  the  beautiful  Quichua  dialect.  We  have 
already  seen  tlie  extraordinary  measures  taken  by 
the  Incas  for  propagating  their  language  throughout 
their  empire.  Thus  naturalized  in  the  remotest 
provinces,  it  became  enriched  by  a variety  of  exotic 
words  and  idioms,  which,  under  the  influence  of 
the  Court  and  of  poetic  culture,  if  I may  so  ex- 
press myself,  was  gradually  blended,  like  some  fin- 
ished mosaic  made  up  of  coarse  and  disjointed 
materials,  into  one  harmonious  whole.  The  Qui- 
chua became  the  most  comprehensive  and  various, 
as  w'ell  as  the  most  elegant,  of  the  South  American 
dialects.® 

9 Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  Espaiioles  haver  esta  lengua  pues 

Sarmiento  justly  laments  that  his  podian  con  ella  andar  por  todas 
countrymen  should  have  suffered  partes  en  algunas  de  las  quales  ya 
this  dialect,  which  might  have  se  va  perdiendo.”  Relacion,  MS., 
proved  so  serviceable  in  their  inter-  cap.  21. 

course  with  the  motley  tribes  of  the  According  to  Velasco,  the  Incas, 

empire,  to  fall  so  much  out  of  use  on  arriving  with  their  conquering 
as  it  has  done.  “ Y con  tanto  digo  legions  at  Quito,  were  astonished 
que  fue  harto  beneficio  para  los  to  find  a dialect  of  the  Quichua 


Ch.  IV.] 


QUIPUS. 


125 


Besides  the  compositions  already  noticed,  the  Pe- 
ruvians, it  is  said,  showed  some  talent  for  theatrical 
exhibitions  ; not  those  barren  pantomimes  which, 
addressed  simply  to  the  eye,  have  formed  the  amuse- 
ment of  more  than  one  rude  nation.  The  Peruvian 
pieces  aspired  to  the  rank  of  dramatic  compositions, 
sustained  by  character  and  dialogue,  founded  some- 
times on  themes  of  tragic  interest,  and  at  others  on 
such  as,  from  their  light  and  social  character,  belong 
to  comedy. Of  the  execution  of  these  pieces  we 
have  now  no  means  of  judging.  It  was  probably 
rude  enough,  as  befitted  an  unformed  people.  But, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  execution,  the  mere 
conception  of  such  an  amusement  is  a proof  of  re- 
finement that  honorably  distinguishes  the  Peruvian 
from  the  other  American  races,  whose  pastime  was 
war,  or  the  ferocious  sports  that  reflect  the  image 
of  it. 

The  intellectual  character  of  the  Peruvians,  in- 
deed, seems  to  have  been  marked  rather  by  a ten- 
dency to  refinement  than  by  those  hardier  qualities 
which  insure  success  in  the  severer  walks  of  science. 
In  these  they  were  behind  several  of  the  semi- 


spoken  there,  although  it  was  un- 
known over  much  of  the  interme- 
diate country;  a singular  fact,  if 
true.  (Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  I. 
p.  185.)  The  author,  a native  of 
that  country,  had  access  to  some 
rare  sources  of  information  ; and 
his  curious  volumes  show  an  inti- 
mate analogy  between  the  science 
and  social  institutions  of  the  people 


of  Quito  and  Peru.  Yet  his  book 
betrays  an  obvious  anxiety  to  set 
the  pretensions  of  his  own  country 
in  the  most  imposing  point  of  view, 
and  he  frequently  hazards  asser- 
tions with  a confidence  that  is  not 
well  calculated  to  secure  that  of  his 
readers. 

^0  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ubi 
supra. 


126 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


cmlized  nations  of  the  New  World.  They  had 
some  acquaintance  with  geography,  so  far  as  related 
to  their  own  empire,  which  was  indeed  extensive  ; 
and  they  constructed  maps  with  lines  raised  on  them 
to  denote  the  boundaries  and  localities,  on  a similar 
principle  with  those  formerly  used  by  the  blind.  In 
astronomy,  they  appear  to  have  made  but  moderate 
proficiency.  They  divided  the  year  into  twelve  lunar 
months,  each  of  which,  having  its  own  name,  was  dis- 
tinguished by  its  appropriate  festival. “ They  had, 
also,  weeks ; but  of  what  length,  whether  of  seven, 
nine,  or  ten  days,  is  uncertain.  As  their  lunar  year 
would  necessarily  fall  short  of  the  true  time,  they  rec- 
tified their  calendar  by  solar  observations  made  by 
means  of  a number  of  cylindrical  columns  raised  on 
the  high  lands  round  Cuzco,  which  served  them  for 
taking  azimuths ; and,  by  measuring  their  shadows, 
they  ascertained  the  exact  times  of  the  solstices. 
The  period  of  the  equinoxes  they  determined  by  the 
help  of  a solitary  pillar,  or  gnomon,  placed  in  the 
centre  of  a circle,  which  was  described  in  the  area  of 
the  great  temple,  and  traversed  by  a diameter  that 
was  drawn  from  east  to  west.  When  the  shadows 
were  scarcely  visible  under  the  noontide  rays  of  the 
sun,  they  said  that  “ the  god  sat  with  all  his  light 
upon  the  column.”^^  Quito,  which  lay  immediately 


Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  months,  with  their  appropriate  oc- 
Femandez,  who  differs  from  cupations.  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  2, 
most  authorities  in  dating  the  com-  lib.  3,  cap.  10. 
mencement  of  the  year  from  June,  Garcilasso,Com.  Real.,  Parte 

gives  the  names  of  the  several  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  22 -26. 


Ch.  IV.]  ASTRONOMY.  127 

under  the  equator,  where  the  vertical  rays  of  the  sun 
threw  no  shadow  at  noon,  was  held  in  especial  ven- 
eration as  the  favored  abode  of  the  great  deity.  The 
period  of  the  equinoxes  was  celebrated  by  public 
rejoicings.  The  pillar  was  crowned  by  the  golden 
chair  of  the  Sun,  and,  both  then  and  at  the  solstices, 
the  columns  were  hung  with  garlands,  and  offerings 
of  flowers  and  fruits  were  made,  while  high  festival 
was  kept  throughout  the  empire.  By  these  periods 
the  Peruvians  regulated  their  religious  rites  and  cer- 
emonial, and  prescribed  the  nature  of  their  agricul- 
tural labors.  The  year  itself  took  its  departure  from 
the  date  of  the  winter  solstice.^^ 

This  meagre  account  embraces  nearly  all  that  has 
come  down  to  us  of  Peruvian  astronomy.  It  may 
seem  strange  that  a nation,  which  had  proceeded 
thus  far  in  its  observations,  should  have  gone  no 
farther ; and  that,  notwithstanding  its  general  ad- 
vance in  civilization,  it  should  in  this  science  have 
fallen  so  far  short,  not  only  of  the  Mexicans,  but  of 
the  Muyscas,  inhabiting  the  same  elevated  regions 
of  the  great  southern  plateau  with  themselves. 


The  Spanish  conquerors  threw 
down  these  pillars,  as  savouring  of 
idolatry  in  the  Indians.  Which 
of  the  two  were  best  entitled  to  the 
name  of  barbarians  1 

Betanzos,  Nar.  de  los  Ingas, 
MS.,  cap.  16.  — Sarmiento,  Rela- 
cion,  MS.,  cap.  23.  — Acosta,  lib. 
6,  cap.  3. 

The  most  celebrated  gnomon  in 
Europe,  that  raised  on  the  dome 
of  the  metropolitan  church  of  Flor- 


ence, was  erected  by  the  famous 
Toscanelli,  — for  the  purpose  of 
determining  the  solstices,  and  regu- 
lating the  festivals  of  the  Church,  — 
about  the  year  1468;  perhaps  at 
no  very  distant  date  from  that  of 
the  similar  astronomical  contrivance 
of  the  American  Indian.  See  Ti- 
raboschi,  Historia  della  Letteratura 
Italiana,  tom.  VI.  lib.  2,  cap.  2, 
sec.  38. 


128 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


These  latter  regulated  their  calendar  on  the  same 
general  plan  of  cycles  and  periodical  series  as  the 
Aztecs,  approaching  yet  nearer  to  the  system  pur- 
sued by  the  people  of  Asiad^ 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  Incas,  the 
boasted  children  of  the  Sun,  would  have  made  a 
particular  study  of  the  phenomena  of  the  heavens, 
and  have  constructed  a calendar  on  principles  as 
scientific  as  that  of  their  semi-civilized  neighbours. 
One  historian,  indeed,  assures  us  that  they  threw 
their  years  into  cycles  of  ten,  a hundred,  and  a 
thousand  years,  and  that  by  these  cycles  they  regu- 
lated their  chronology.’®  But  this  assertion  — not 
improbable  in  itself — rests  on  a writer  but  little 
gifted  with  the  spirit  of  criticism,  and  is  counter- 
balanced by  the  silence  of  every  higher  and  earlier 
authority,  as  well  as  by  the  absence  of  any  monu- 
ment, like  those  found  among  other  American  na- 
tions, to  attest  the  existence  of  such  a calendar. 


U A tolerably  meagre  account 
— yet  as  full,  probably,  as  authori- 
ties could  warrant  — of  this  inter- 
esting people  has  been  given  by 
Piedrahita,  Bishop  of  Panama,  in 
the  first  two  Books  of  his  Historia 
General  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nue- 
vo Regno  de  Granada,  (Madrid, 
1688.)  — M.  de  Humboldt  was  for- 
tunate in  obtaining  a MS.,  com- 
posed by  a Spanish  ecclesiastic 
resident  in  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  in 
relation  to  the  Muysca  calendar,  of 
which  the  Prussian  philosopher  has 
given  a large  and  luminous  analy- 
sis. Vues  des  CordilHres,  p.  244. 


15  Montesinos,  Mem.  Antiguas, 
MS.,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 

“ Renovo  la  computacion  de  los 
tiempos,  que  se  iba  perdiendo,  y 
se  contaron  en  su  Reynado  los  afios 
por  365  dias  y seis  horas ; a los  anos 
afiadio  decadas  de  diez  anos,  a cada 
diez  decadas  una  centuria  de  100 
anos,  y a cada  diez  centurias  una 
capachoata  6 Jutiphuacan,  que  son 
1000  aiios,  que  quiere  decir  el 
grande  aSo  del  Sol ; asi  contaban 
los  siglos  y los  sucesos  memorables 
de  sus  Reyes.”  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  IV  ] 


ASTRONOMY. 


129 


The  inferiority  of  the  Peruvians  may  be,  perhaps,  in 
part  explained  by  the  fact  of  their  priesthood  being 
drawn  exclusively  from  the  body  of  the  Incas,  a 
privileged  order  of  nobility,  who  had  no  need,  by 
the  assumption  of  superior  learning,  to  fence  them- 
selves round  from  the  approaches  of  the  vulgar. 
The  little  true  science  possessed  by  the  Aztec  priest 
supplied  him  with  a key  to  unlock  the  mysteries  of 
the  heavens,  and  the  false  system  of  astrology  which 
he  built  upon  it  gave  him  credit  as  a being  who  had 
something  of  divinity  in  his  own  nature.  But  the 
Inca  noble  was  divine  by  birth.  The  illusory  study 
of  astrology,  so  captivating  to  the  unenlightened 
mind,  engaged  no  share  of  his  attention.  The  only 
persons  in  Peru,  who  claimed  the  power  of  reading 
the  mysterious  future,  were  the  diviners,  men  who, 
combining  with  their  pretensions  some  skill  in  the 
healing  art,  resembled  the  conjurors  found  among 
many  of  the  Indian  tribes.  But  the  office  was  held 
in  little  repute,  except  among  the  lower  classes,  and 
was  abandoned  to  those  whose  age  and  infirmity 
disqualified  them  for  the  real  business  of  lifed® 

The  Peruvians  had  knowledge  of  one  or  two  con- 
stellations, and  watched  the  motions  of  the  planet 
Venus,  to  which,  as  we  have  seen,  they  dedicated 

“ Ansi  mismo  les  hicieron  dichos  sino  fuesen  viejos  e viejas, 
seiialar  gente  para  hechizeros  que  y personas  inaviles  para  travajar, 
tambien  es  entre  ellos,  oficio  publi-  como  mancos,  cojos  6 contrechos, 

CO  y conoscido  en  todos, los  y gente  asi  a quien  faltava  las 

diputados  para  ello  no  lo  tenian  fuerzas  para  ello.”  Ondegardo, 
por  travajo,  por  que  ninguno  podia  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
tener  semejante  oficio  como  los 

VOL.  I.  17 


; 


130  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS.  [Book  I. 

altars.  But  their  ignorance  of  the  first  principles 
of  astronomical  science  is  shown  by  their  ideas  of 
eclipses,  which,  they  supposed,  denoted  some  great 
derangement  of  the  planet;  and  when  the  moon 
labored  under  one  of  these  mysterious  infirmities, 
they  sounded  their  instruments,  and  filled  the  air 
with  shouts  and  lamentations,  to  rouse  her  from  her 
lethargy.  Such  puerile  conceits  as  these  form  a 
striking  contrast  with  the  real  knowledge  of  the 
Mexicans,  as  displayed  in  their  hieroglyphical  maps, 
in  which  the  true  cause  of  this  phenomenon  is  plain- 
ly depicted.'^ 

But,  if  less  successful  in  exploring  the  heavens, 
the  Incas  must  be  admitted  to  have  surpassed  every 
other  American  race  in  their  dominion  over  the 
earth.  Husbandry  was  pursued  by  them  on  princi- 
ples that  may  be  truly  called  scientific.  It  was  the 
basis  of  their  political  institutions.  Having  no  for- 
eign commerce,  it  was  agriculture  that  furnished 
them  with  the  means  of  their  internal  exchanges, 
their  subsistence,  and  their  revenues.  We  have  seen 
their  remarkable  provisions  for  distributing  the  land 
in  equal  shares  among  the  people,  while  they  re- 
quired every  man,  except  the  privileged  orders,  to 
assist  in  its  cultivation.  The  Inca  himself  did  not 
disdain  to  set  the  example.  On  one  of  the  great 
annual  festivals,  he  proceeded  to  the  environs  of 
Cuzco,  attended  by  his  Court,  and,  in  the  presence 
of  all  the  people,  turned  up  the  earth  with  a gold- 

u See  Codex  Tel.-Remensis,  Part  4,  PI.  22,  ap.  Antiquities  of 
Mexico,  vol.  I.  London,  1829. 


Ch.  IV.] 


AQUEDUCTS. 


131 


en  plough,  — or  an  instrument  that  served  as  such, 
— thus  consecrating  the  occupation  of  the  husband- 
man as  one  worthy  to  be  followed  by  the  Chil- 
dren of  the  Sun.*® 

The  patronage  of  the  government  did  not  stop 
with  this  cheap  display  of  royal  condescension,  but 
was  shown  in  the  most  efficient  measures  for  facili- 
tating the  labors  of  the  husbandman.  Much  of  the 
country  along  the  sea-coast  suffered  from  want  of 
water,  as  little  or  no  rain  fell  there,  and  the  few 
streams,  in  their  short  and  hurried  course  from  the 
mountains,  exerted  only  a very  limited  influence  on 
the  wide  extent  of  territory.  The  soil,  it  is  true, 
was,  for  the  most  part,  sandy  and  sterile ; but  many 
places  were  capable  of  being  reclaimed,  and,  in- 
deed, needed  only  to  be  properly  irrigated  to  be 
susceptible  of  extraordinary  production.  To  these 
spots  water  was  conveyed  by  means  of  canals  and 
subterraneous  aqueducts,  executed  on  a noble  scale. 
They  consisted  of  large  slabs  of  freestone  nicely 
fitted  together  without  cement,  and  discharged  a 
volume  of  water  sufficient,  by  means  of  latent  ducts 
or  sluices,  to  moisten  the  lands  in  the  lower  level. 


18  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  16. 

The  nobles,  also,  it  seems,  at 
this  high  festival,  imitated  the  ex- 
ample of  their  master.  “ Pasadas 
todas  las  fiestas,  en  la  ultima  lleva- 
van  muchos  arados  de  manos,  los 
quales  antiguamente  heran  de  oro  ; 
i echos  los  oficios,  tomava  el  Inga 
un  arado  i comenzava  con  el  a rom- 


per la  tierra,  i lo  mismo  los  demas 
senores,  para  que  de  alii  adelante 
en  todo  su  sefiorio  hiciesen  lo  mismo, 
i sin  que  el  Inga  hiciese  esto  no 
avia  Indio  que  osase  romper  la 
tierra,  ni  pensavan  que  produjese 
si  el  Inga  no  la  rompia  primero  i 
esto  vaste  quanto  a las  fiestas.” 
Conq.  i Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


132 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


through  which  they  passed.  Some  of  these  aque- 
ducts were  of  great  length.  One  that  traversed  the 
district  of  Condesuyu  measured  between  four  and 
five  hundred  miles.  They  were  brought  from  some 
elevated  lake  or  natural  reservoir  in  the  heart  of  the 
mountains,  and  were  fed  at  intervals  by  other  basins 
which  lay  in  their  route  along  the  slopes  of  the 
sierra.  In  this  descent,  a passage  was  sometimes  to 
be  opened  through  rocks,  — and  this  without  the  aid 
of  iron  tools  ; impracticable  mountains  were  to  be 
turned ; rivers  and  marshes  to  be  crossed ; in  short, 
the  same  obstacles  were  to  be  encountered  as  in  the 
construction  of  their  mighty  roads.  But  the  Peru- 
vians seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  wrestling  with  the 
difficulties  of  nature.  Near  Caxamarca,  a tunnel  is 
still  visible,  which  they  excavated  in  the  mountains, 
to  give  an  outlet  to  the  waters  of  a lake,  when  these 
rose  to  a height  in  the  rainy  seasons  that  threatened 
the  country  with  inundation.^® 

Most  of  these  beneficent  works  of  the  Incas  were 
suffered  to  go  to  decay  by  their  Spanish  conquerors. 
In  some  spots,  the  waters  are  still  left  to  flow  in  their 
silent,  subterraneous  channels,  whose  windings  and 

■9  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  lugares  altos  y baxos  ; y por  lade- 
cap.  21. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ras  de  los  cabe5os  y haldas  de 
Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  24. — Ste-  sierras  q estan  en  los  valles  : y por 
venson.  Narrative  of  a Twenty  ellos  mismos  atrauiessan  muchas  : 
Years’  Residence  in  S.  America,  unas  por  una  parte,  y otras  por 
(London,  1829,)  vol.  I.  p.  412;  otra,  que  es  gran  delectacio  caminar 
II.  pp.  173,  174.  por  aquellos  valles  : porque  parece 

“ Sacauan  acequias  en  cabos  y que  se  anda  entre  huertas  y flore- 
por  partes  que  es  cosa  estrana  stas  llenas  de  frescuras.”  Cieza 
afirmar  lo  : porque  las  echauan  por  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  60. 


Ch.  IV] 


AQUEDUCTS. 


133 


whose  sources  have  been  alike  unexplored.  Others, 
though  partially  dilapidated,  and  closed  up  with  rub- 
bish and  the  rank  vegetation  of  the  soil,  still  betray 
their  course  by  occasional  patches  of  fertility.  Such 
are  the  remains  in  the  valley  of  Nasca,  a fruitful 
spot  that  lies  between  long  tracts  of  desert ; where 
the  ancient  water-courses  of  the  Incas,  measuring 
four  or  five  feet  in  depth  by  three  in  width,  and 
formed  of  large  blocks  of  uncemented  masonry,  are 
conducted  from  an  unknown  distance. 

The  greatest  care  was  taken  that  every  occupant 
of  the  land  through  which  these  streams  passed 
should  enjoy  the  benefit  of  them.  The  quantity  of 
water  allotted  to  each  was  prescribed  by  law ; and 
royal  overseers  superintended  the  distribution,  and 
saw  that  it  was  faithfully  applied  to  the  irrigation  of 
the  ground.®’ 

The  Peruvians  showed  a similar  spirit  of  enter- 
prise in  their  schemes  for  introducing  cultivation  into 
the  mountainous  parts  of  their  domain.  Many  of 
the  hills,  though  covered  with  a strong  soil,  were  too 
precipitous  to  be  tilled.  These  they  cut  into  ter- 
races, faced  with  rough  stone,  diminishing  in  regular 
gradation  towards  the  summit ; so  that,  while  the 
lower  strip,  or  anden,  as  it  was  called  by  the  Span- 
iards, that  belted  round  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
might  comprehend  hundreds  of  acres,  the  uppermost 
was  only  large  enough  to  accommodate  a few  rows 

20  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Memoirs  of  Gren. 
Miller,  vol.  H.  p.  220. 


134 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


of  Indian  corn.^‘  Some  of  the  eminences  presented 
such  a mass  of  solid  rock,  that,  after  being  hewn 
into  terraces,  they  were  obliged  to  be  covered  deep 
with  earth,  before  they  could  serve  the  purpose  of 
the  husbandman.  With  such  patient  toil  did  the 
Peruvians  combat  the  formidable  obstacles  presented 
by  the  face  of  their  country ! Without  the  use  of 
the  tools  or  the  machinery  familiar  to  the  European, 
each  individual  could  have  done  little  ; but  acting 
in  large  masses,  and  under  a common  direction, 
they  were  enabled  by  indefatigable  perseverance  to 
achieve  results,  to  have  attempted  which  might  have 
filled  even  the  European  with  dismay 

In  the  same  spirit  of  economical  husbandry  which 
redeemed  the  rocky  sierra  from  the  curse  of  sterility, 
they  dug  below  the  arid  soil  of  the  valleys,  and 
sought  for  a stratum  where  some  natural  moisture 
might  be  found.  These  excavations,  called  by  the 
Spaniards  hoyas,  or  “ pits,”  were  made  on  a great 
scale,  comprehending  frequently  more  than  an  acre, 
sunk  to  the  depth  of  fifteen  or  twenty  feet,  and 
fenced  round  within  by  a wall  of  adobes,  or  bricks 
baked  in  the  sun.  The  bottom  of  the  excavation, 

21  Miller  supposes  that  it  was  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  II.)  Anla,  the 
from  these  andenes  that  the  Span-  word  for  copper,  which  was  found 
iards  gave  the  name  of  Andes  to  abundant  in  certain  quarters  of  the 
the  South  American  Cordilleras,  country,  may  have  suggested  the 
(Memoirs  of  Gen.  Miller,  vol.  II.  name  of  the  province,  if  not  imme- 
p.  219.)  But  the  name  is  older  diately  that  of  the  mountains, 
than  the  Conquest,  according  to  22  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Miller,  ubi 
Garcilasso,  who  traces  it  io  Anli,  supra.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
the  name  of  a province  that  lay  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. 
east  of  Cuzco.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte 


Ch.  IV.] 


GUANO. 


135 


well  prepared  by  a rich  manure  of  the  sardines,  — 
a small  fish  obtained  in  vast  quantities  along  the 
coast,  — was  planted  with  some  kind  of  grain  or 
vegetable.^ 

The  Peruvian  farmers  were  well  acquainted  with 
the  different  kinds  of  manures,  and  made  large  use 
of  them  ; a circumstance  rare  in  the  rich  lands  of 
the  tropics,  and  probably  not  elsewhere  practised  by 
the  rude  tribes  of  America.  They  made  great  use 
of  guano,  the  valuable  deposit  of  sea-fowl,  that  has 
attracted  so  much  attention,  of  late,  from  the  agri- 
culturists both  of  Europe  and  of  our  own  country, 
and  the  stimulating  and  nutritious  properties  of 
which  the  Indians  perfectly  appreciated.  This  was 
found  in  such  immense  quantities  on  many  of  the 
little  islands  along  the  coast,  as  to  have  the  appear- 
ance of  lofty  hills,  which,  covered  with  a white  sa- 
line incrustation,  led  the  Conquerors  to  give  them 
the  name  of  the  sierra  nevada,  or  “ snowy  moun- 
tains.” 

The  Incas  took  their  usual  precautions  for  secur- 
ing the  benefits  of  this  important  article  to  the  hus- 
bandman. They  assigned  the  small  islands  on  the 
coast  to  the  use  of  the  respective  districts  which  lav 
adjacent  to  them.  When  the  island  was  large,  it 
was  distributed  among  several  districts,  and  the  boun- 
daries for  each  were  clearly  defined.  All  encroach- 

23  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  of  the  modern  traveller.  See  Ste- 
73.  venson,  Residence  in  S.  America, 

The  remains  of  these  ancient  vol.  I.  p.  359. — Also  Mi^Culloh, 
excavations  still  excite  the  wonder  Researches,  p.  358. 


136 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


merit  on  the  rights  of  another  was  severely  punished. 
And  they  secured  the  preservation  of  the  fowl  by 
penalties  as  stern  as  those  by  which  the  Norman 
tyrants  of  England  protected  their  own  game.  No 
one  was  allowed  to  set  foot  on  the  island  during  the 
season  for  breeding,  under  pain  of  death ; and  to 
kill  the  birds  at  any  time  was  punished  in  the  like 
manner.®^ 

With  this  advancement  in  agricultural  science,  the 
Peruvians  might  be  supposed  to  have  had  some 
knowledge  of  the  plough,  in  such  general  use  among 
the  primitive  nations  of  the  eastern  continent.  But 
they  had  neither  the  iron  ploughshare  of  the  Old 
World,  nor  had  they  animals  for  draught,  which, 
indeed,  were  nowhere  found  in  the  New.  The 
instrument  which  they  used  was  a strong,  sharp- 
pointed  stake,  traversed  by  a horizontal  piece,  ten 
or  twelve  inches  from  the  point,  on  which  the 
ploughman  might  set  his  foot  and  force  it  into  the 
ground.  Six  or  eight  strong  men  were  attached  by 
ropes  to  the  stake,  and  dragged  it  forcibly  along,  — 
pulling  together,  and  keeping  time  as  they  moved 
by  chanting  their  national  songs,  in  which  they  were 
accompanied  by  the  women  who  followed  in  their 
train,  to  break  up  the  sods  with  their  rakes.  The 
mellow  soil  offered  slight  resistance  ; and  the  laborer, 
by  long  practice,  acquired  a dexterity  which  enabled 
him  to  turn  up  the  ground  to  the  requisite  depth 

24  Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  36.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  5,  cap.  3. 


Ch.  IV.] 


AGRICULTURE. 


137 


with  astonishing  facility.  This  substitute  for  the 
plough  was  but  a clumsy  contrivance  ; yet  it  is  cu- 
rious as  the  only  specimen  of  the  kind  among  the 
American  aborigines,  and  was  perhaps  not  much 
inferior  to  the  wooden  instrument  introduced  in  its 
stead  by  the  European  conquerors.^® 

It  was  frequently  the  policy  of  the  Incas,  after  pro- 
viding a deserted  tract  with  the  means  for  irrigation, 
and  thus  fitting  it  for  the  labors  of  the  husbandman, 
to  transplant  there  a colony  of  mitimaes,  who  brought 
it  under  cultivation  by  raising  the  crops  best  suited 
to  the  soil.  While  the  peculiar  character  and  ca- 
pacity of  the  lands  were  thus  consulted,  a means 
of  exchange  of  the  different  products  was  afforded  to 
the  neighbouring  provinces,  which,  from  the  formation 
of  the  country,  varied  much  more  than  usual  within 
the  same  limits.  To  facilitate  these  agricultural  ex- 
changes, fairs  were  instituted,  which  took  place  three 
times  a month  in  some  of  the  most  populous  places, 
where,  as  money  was  unknown,  a rude  kind  of 
commerce  was  kept  up  by  the  barter  of  their  respec- 
tive products.  These  fairs  afforded  so  many  holi- 
days for  the  relaxation  of  the  industrious  laborer.®® 

Such  were  the  expedients  adopted  by  the  Incas 
for  the  improvement  of  their  territory ; and,  although 
imperfect,  they  must  be  allowed  to  show  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  principles  of  agricultural  science, 
that  gives  them  some  claim  to  the  rank  of  a civilized 

25  Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  2.  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  36;  lib.  7, 

26  Sanniento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  1.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
cap.  19. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  3. 

VOL.  I.  18 


138 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


people.  Under  their  patient  and  discriminating  cul- 
ture, every  inch  of  good  soil  was  tasked  to  its  great- 
est power  of  production ; while  the  most  unprom- 
ising spots  were  compelled  to  contribute  something 
to  the  subsistence  of  the  people.  Everywhere  the 
land  teemed  with  evidence  of  agricultural  wealth, 
from  the  smiling  valleys  along  the  coast  to  the  ter- 
raced steeps  of  the  sierra,  which,  rising  into  pyra- 
mids of  verdure,  glowed  with  all  the  splendors  of 
tropical  vegetation. 

The  formation  of  the  country  was  particularly  fa- 
vorable, as  already  remarked,  to  an  infinite  variety  of 
products,  not  so  much  from  its  extent  as  from  its 
various  elevations,  which,  more  remarkable,  even, 
than  those  in  Mexico,  comprehend  every  degree 
of  latitude  from  the  equator  to  the  polar  regions. 
Yet,  though  the  temperature  changes  in  this  region 
with  the  degree  of  elevation,  it  remains  nearly  the 
same  in  the  same  spots  throughout  the  year ; and  the 
inhabitant  feels  none  of  those  grateful  vicissitudes  of 
season  which  belong  to  the  temperate  latitudes  of 
the  globe.  Thus,  while  the  summer  lies  in  full  power 
on  the  burning  regions  of  the  palm  and  the  cocoa- 
tree  that  fringe  the  borders  of  the  ocean,  the  broad 
surface  of  the  table-land  blooms  with  the  freshness 
of  perpetual  spring,  and  the  higher  summits  of  the 
Cordilleras  are  white  with  everlasting  winter. 

The  Peruvians  turned  this  fixed  variety  of  climate, 
if  I may  so  say,  to  the  best  account  by  cultivating 
the  productions  appropriate  to  each ; and  they  par- 
ticularly directed  their  attention  to  those  which  af- 


Ch.  IV.] 


IMPORTANT  ESCULENTS. 


139 


forded  the  most  nutriment  to  man.  Thus,  in  the 
lower  level  were  to  be  found  the  cassava-tree  and 
the  banana,  that  bountiful  plant,  which  seems  to 
have  relieved  man  from  the  primeval  curse  — if  it 
were  not  rather  a blessing  — of  toiling  for  his  suste- 
nance.®^ As  the  banana  faded  from  the  landscape, 
a good  substitute  was  found  in  the  maize,  the  great 
agricultural  staple  of  both  the  northern  and  southern 
divisions  of  the  American  continent ; and  which, 
after  its  exportation  to  the  Old  World,  spread  so 
rapidly  there,  as  to  suggest  the  idea  of  its  being  in- 
digenous to  it.®®  The  Peruvians  were  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  different  modes  of  preparing  this  useful 
vegetable,  though  it  seems  they  did  not  use  it  for 
bread,  except  at  festivals ; and  they  extracted  a 
sort  of  honey  from  the  stalk,  and  made  an  intoxi- 
cating liquor  from  the  fermented  grain,  to  which,  like 
the  Aztecs,  they  were  immoderately  addicted.®® 


27  The  prolific  properties  of  the 
banana  are  shown  by  M.  de  Hum- 
boldt, who  states  that  its  produc- 
tiveness, as  compared  with  that  of 
wheat,  is  as  133  to  1,  and  with  that 
of  the  potato,  as  44  to  1.  (Essai 
Politique  sur  le  Royaume  dela  Nou- 
velle  Espagne,  Paris,  1827,  tom. 
II.  p.  389.)  It  is  a mistake  to 
suppose  that  this  plant  was  not  in- 
digenous to  South  America.  The 
banana-leaf  has  been  frequently 
found  in  ancient  Peruvian  tombs. 

2®  The  misnomer  of  bli  de  Tur- 
quie  shows  the  popular  error.  Yet 
the  rapidity  of  its  diffusion  through 
Europe  and  Asia,  after  the  dis- 


covery of  America,  is  of  itself  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  it  could  not  have 
been  indigenous  to  the  Old  World, 
and  have  so  long  remained  gener- 
ally unknown  there. 

29  Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. 

The  saccharine  matter  contained 
in  the  maize-stalk  is  much  greater 
in  tropical  countries  than  in  more 
northern  latitudes ; so  that  the 
natives  in  the  former  may  be  seen 
sometimes  sucking  it  like  the  sugar- 
cane. One  kind  of  the  fermented 
liquors,  sora,  made  from  the  com, 
was  of  such  strength,  that  the  use 
of  it  was  forbidden  by  the  Incas, 
at  least  to  the  common  people. 


140 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  1, 


The  temperate  climate  of  the  table-land  furnished 
them  with  the  maguey,  agave  Americana,  many  of 
the  extraordinary  qualities  of  which  they  compre- 
hended, though  not  its  most  important  one  of  afford- 
ing a material  for  paper.  Tobacco,  too,  was  among 
the  products  of  this  elevated  region.  Yet  the  Pe- 
ruvians differed  from  every  other  Indian  nation  to 
whom  it  was  known,  by  using  it  only  for  medicinal 
purposes,  in  the  form  of  snuff.^°  They  may  have 
found  a substitute  for  its  narcotic  qualities  in  the 
coca  (Erythroxyhim  Penivianum),  or  cuca,  as  called 
by  the  natives.  This  is  a shrub  which  grows  to  the 
height  of  a man.  The  leaves  when  gathered  are 
dried  in  the  sun,  and,  being  mixed  with  a little  lime, 
form  a preparation  for  chewing,  much  like  the  betel- 
leaf  of  the  East.®'  With  a small  supply  of  this  cuca 
in  his  pouch,  and  a handful  of  roasted  maize,  the 
Peruvian  Indian  of  our  time  performs  his  wearisome 
journeys,  day  after  day,  without  fatigue,  or,  at  least, 
without  complaint.  Even  food  the  most  in\igo- 
rating  is  less  grateful  to  him  than  his  loved  narcotic. 
Under  the  Incas,  it  is  said  to  have  been  exclusively 
reserved  for  the  noble  orders.  If  so,  the  people 
gained  one  luxury  by  the  Conquest ; and,  after  that 
period,  it  was  so  extensively  used  by  them,  that 
this  article  constituted  a most  important  item  of  the 

Their  injunctions  do  not  seem  to  was  in  like  manner  mixed  with 
have  been  obeyed  so  implicitly  in  lime  when  chewed.  (Elphinstone, 
this  instance  as  usual.  History  of  India,  London,  1841, 

30  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  vol.  I.  p.  331.)  The  similarity 

I,  lib.  2,  cap.  25.  of  this  social  indulgence,  in  the 

31  The  pungent  leaf  of  the  betel  remote  East  and  West,  is  singular. 


Ch.  IV.] 


IMPORTANT  ESCULENTS. 


141 


colonial  revenue  of  Spain.^^  Yet,  vv^itli  the  soothing 
charms  of  an  opiate,  this  weed  so  much  vaunted  bj 
the  natives,  when  used  to  excess,  is  said  to  be  at- 
tended with  all  the  mischievous  effects  of  habitual 
intoxication.^^ 

Higher  up  on  the  slopes  of  the  Cordilleras,  be- 
yond the  limits  of  the  maize  and  of  the  quinoa,  — 
a grain  bearing  some  resemblance  to  rice,  and  largely 
cultivated  by  the  Indians, — was  to  be  found  the  po- 
tato, the  introduction  of  which  into  Europe  has 
made  an  era  in  the  history  of  agriculture.  Whether 
indigenous  to  Peru,  or  imported  from  the  neighbour- 
ing country  of  Chili,  it  formed  the  great  staple  of 
the  more  elevated  plains,  under  the  Incas,  and  its 
culture  was  continued  to  a height  in  the  equatorial 
regions  which  reached  many  thousand  feet  above 
the  limits  of  perpetual  snow  in  the  temperate  lati- 
tudes of  Europe.^  Wild  specimens  of  the  vegeta- 


32  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg., MS.  — 
Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  22.  — Steven- 
son, Residence  in  S.  America,  vol. 
n.  p.  63.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  96. 

33  A traveller  (Poeppig)  noticed 
in  the  Foreign  Quarterly  Review, 
(No.  33,)  expatiates  on  the  malig- 
nant effects  of  the  habitual  use  of 
the  cuca,  as  very  similar  to  those 
produced  on  the  chevver  of  opium. 
Strange  that  such  baneful  proper- 
ties should  not  be  the  subject  of 
more  frequent  comment  with  other 
writers ! I do  not  remember  to 
have  seen  them  even  adverted  to. 

34  Malte-Brun,  book  86. 


The  potato,  found  by  the  early 
discoverers  in  Chili,  Peru,  New 
Granada,  and  all  along  the  Cor- 
dilleras of  South  America,  was  un- 
known in  Mexico,  — an  additional 
proof  of  the  entire  ignorance  in 
which  the  respective  nations  of  the 
two  continents  remained  of  one 
another.  M.  de  Humboldt,  who 
has  bestowed  much  attention  on 
the  early  history  of  this  vegetable, 
which  has  exerted  so  important  an 
influence  on  European  society,  sup- 
poses that  the  cultivation  of  it  in 
Virginia,  where  it  was  known  to 
the  early  planters,  must  have  been 
originally  derived  from  the  South- 


142 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


ble  might  be  seen  still  higher,  springing  up  sponta- 
neously amidst  the  stunted  shrubs  that  clothed  the 
lofty  sides  of  the  Cordilleras,  till  these  gradually 
subsided  into  the  mosses  and  the  short  yellow  grass, 
pajo7ial,  which,  like  a golden  carpet,  was  unrolled 
around  the  base  of  the  mighty  cones,  that  rose  far 


into  the  regions  of  eternal 
snows  of  centuries.^ 

em  Spanish  colonies.  Essai  Poli- 
tique, tom.  II.  p.  462. 

35  While  Peru,  under  the  Incas, 
could  boast  these  indigenous  prod- 
ucts, and  many  others  less  famihar 
to  the  European,  it  was  unacquaint- 
ed with  several  of  g^eat  importance, 
which,  since  the  Conquest,  have 
thriven  there  as  on  their  natural 
soil.  Such  are  the  olive,  the  grape, 
the  fig,  the  apple,  the  orange,  the 
sugar-cane.  None  of  the  cereal 
grains  of  the  Old  World  were  found 


silence,  covered  with  the 


there.  The  first  wheat  was  intro- 
duced by  a Spanish  lady  of  Tru- 
jillo, who  took  great  pains  to  dis- 
seminate it  among  the  colonists, 
of  which  the  government,  to  its 
credit,  was  not  unmindful.  Her 
name  was  Maria  de  Escobar.  His- 
tory, which  is  so  much  occupied 
with  celebrating  the  scourges  of 
humanity,  should  take  pleasure  in 
commemorating  one  of  its  real 
benefactors. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Peruvian  Sheep.  — Great  Hunts.  — Manufactures.  — ■ Mechani- 
cal Skill.  — Architecture.  — Concluding  Reflections. 

A NATION  which  had  made  such  progress  in  agri- 
culture might  be  reasonably  expected  to  have  made, 
also,  some  proficiency  in  the  mechanical  arts,  — 
especially  when,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Peruvians, 
their  agricultural  economy  demanded  in  itself  no  in- 
considerable degree  of  mechanical  skill.  Among 
most  nations,  progress  in  manufactures  has  been 
found  to  have  an  intimate  connection  with  the 
progress  of  husbandry.  Both  arts  are  directed  to 
the  same  great  object  of  supplying  the  necessaries, 
the  comforts,  or,  in  a more  refined  condition  of  so- 
ciety, the  luxuries  of  life  ; and  when  the  one  is 
brought  to  a perfection  that  infers  a certain  advance 
in  civilization,  the  other  must  naturally  find  a cor- 
responding development  under  the  increasing  de- 
mands and  capacities  of  such  a state.  The  subjects 
of  the  Incas,  in  their  patient  and  tranquil  devotion 
to  the  more  humble  occupations  of  industry  which 
bound  them  to  their  native  soil,  bore  greater  resem- 
blance to  the  Oriental  nations,  as  the  Hindoos  and 
Chinese,  than  they  bore  to  the  members  of  the 


144 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


great  Anglo-Saxon  family,  whose  hardy  temper  has 
driven  them  to  seek  their  fortunes  on  the  stormy 
ocean,  and  to  open  a commerce  with  the  most  dis- 
tant regions  of  the  globe.  The  Peruvians,  though 
lining  a long  extent  of  sea-coast,  had  no  foreign 
commerce. 

They  had  peculiar  advantages  for  domestic  manu- 
facture in  a material  incomparably  superior  to  any 
thing  possessed  by  the  other  races  of  the  Western 
continent.  They  found  a good  substitute  for  linen  in 
a fabric  which,  like  the  Aztecs,  they  knew  how  to 
weave  from  the  tough  thread  of  the  maguey.  Cot- 
ton grew  luxuriantly  on  the  low,  sultry  level  of  the 
coast,  and  fm’nished  them  with  a clothing  suitable 
to  the  milder  latitudes  of  the  country.  But  from 
the  llama  and  the  kindred  species  of  Peruvian  sheep 
they  obtained  a fleece  adapted  to  the  colder  climate 
of  the  table-land,  “ more  estimable,”  to  quote  the 
language  of  a well-informed  writer,  “ than  the  down 
of  the  Canadian  beaver,  the  fleece  of  the  hrehis  des 
Calmoucks,  or  of  the  Syrian  goat.”  * 

Of  the  four  varieties  of  the  Peruvian  sheep,  the 
llama,  the  one  most  familiarly  known,  is  the  least 
valuable  on  account  of  its  wool.  It  is  chiefly  em- 
ployed as  a beast  of  burden,  for  which,  although  it 
is  somewhat  larger  than  any  of  the  other  varieties,  its 
diminutive  size  and  strength  would  seem  to  disquali- 

I Walton,  Historical  and  De-  ed  to  the  wool  of  the  vicuiia,  the 
scriptive  Account  of  the  Peruvian  most  esteemed  of  the  genus  for  its 
Sheep,  (London,  1811,)  p.  115.  fleece. 

This  writer’s  comparison  is  direct- 


Ch.  V.] 


PERUVIAN  SHEEP. 


145 


fy  it.  It  carries  a load  of  little  more  than  a hun- 
dred pounds,  and  cannot  travel  above  three  or  four 
leagues  in  a day.  But  all  this  is  compensated  by 
the  little  care  and  cost  required  for  its  management 
and  its  maintenance.  It  picks  up  an  easy  subsist- 
ence from  the  moss  and  stunted  herbage  that  grow 
scantily  along  the  withered  sides  and  the  steeps 
of  the  Cordilleras.  The  structure  of  its  stomach, 
like  that  of  the  camel,  is  such  as  to  enable  it  to  dis- 
pense with  any  supply  of  water  for  weeks,  nay, 
months  together.  Its  spongy  hoof,  armed  with  a 
claw  or  pointed  talon  to  enable  it  to  take  secure 
hold  on  the  ice,  never  requires  to  be  shod ; and  the 
load  laid  upon  its  back  rests  securely  in  its  bed 
of  wool,  without  the  aid  of  girth  or  saddle.  The 
llamas  move  in  troops  of  five  hundred  or  even  a 
thousand,  and  thus,  though  each  individual  carries 
but  little,  the  aggregate  is  considerable.  The  whole 
caravan  travels  on  at  its  regular  pace,  passing  the 
night  in  the  open  air  without  suffering  from  the 
coldest  temperature,  and  marching  in  perfect  order, 
and  in  obedience  to  the  voice  of  the  driver.  It  is 
only  when  overloaded  that  the  spirited  little  animal 
refuses  to  stir,  and  neither  blows  nor  caresses  can 
induce  him  to  rise  from  the  ground.  He  is  as  sturdy 
in  asserting  his  rights  on  this  occasion,  as  he  is  usu- 
ally docile  and  unresisting.^ 

® Ibid.,  p.  23,  et  seq. — Garci-  de  la  Vega,  is  a Peruvian  word 
lasso.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  8,  signifying  “ flock.”  (Ibid.,  ubi 
cap.  16.  — Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  41.  supra.)  The  natives  got  no  milk 

Llama,  according  to  Garcilasso  from  their  domesticated  animals ; 

VOL.  I.  19 


146 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


The  employment  of  domestie  animals  distinguish- 
ed the  Peruvians  from  the  other  races  of  the  New 
World.  This  economy  of  human  labor  by  the 
substitution  of  the  brute  is  an  important  element 
of  civilization,  inferior  only  to  what  is  gained  by 
the  substitution  of  machinery  for  both.  Yet  the 
ancient  Peruvians  seem  to  have  made  much  less 
account  of  it  than  their  Spanish  conquerors,  and  to 

have  valued  the  llama,  in  common  with  the  other  an- 

• 

imals  of  that  genus,  chiefly  for  its  fleece.  Immense 
herds  of  these  “ large  cattle,”  as  they  were  called, 
and  of  the  “smaller  cattle,”^  or  alpacas,  were  held 
by  the  government,  as  already  noticed,  and  placed 
under  the  direction  of  shepherds,  who  conducted 
them  from  one  quarter  of  the  country  to  another, 
according  to  the  changes  of  the  season.  These  mi- 
grations were  regulated  with  all  the  precision  with 
which  the  code  of  the  mesta  determined  the  migra- 
tions of  the  vast  merino  flocks  in  Spain  ; and  the 
Conquerors,  when  they  landed  in  Peru,  were  amazed 
at  finding  a race  of  animals  so  similar  to  their  own 
in  properties  and  habits,  and  under  the  control  of 
a system  of  legislation  which  might  seem  to  have 
been  imported  from  their  native  land.'* 


nor  was  milk  used,  I believe,  by 
any  tribe  on  the  American  conti- 
nent. 

3 Ganado  maior,  ganado  menor. 

* The  judicious  Ondegardo  em- 
phatically recommends  the  adop- 
tion of  many  of  these  regulations 
by  the  Spanish  government,  as  pe- 


culiarly suited  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  natives.  “ En  esto  de  los  ga- 
nados  parescio  haber  hecho  muchas 
constituciones  en  diferentes  tiempos 
e algunas  tan  utiles  e provechosas 
para  su  conservacion  que  conven- 
dria  que  tambien  guardasen  agora.” 
Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


Ch.  V.] 


GREAT  HUNTS. 


147 


But  the  richest  store  of  wool  was  obtained,  not 
from  these  domesticated  animals,  but  from  the  two 
other  species,  the  huanacos  and  the  vicunas,  which 
roamed  in  native  freedom  over  the  frozen  ranges  of 
the  Cordilleras  ; where  not  unfrequentlj  they  might 
be  seen  scaling  the  snow-covered  peaks  which  no 
living  thing  inhabits  save  the  condor,  the  huge  bird 
of  the  Andes,  whose  broad  pinions  bear  him  up  in 
the  atmosphere  to  the  height  of  more  than  twenty 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.®  In  these 
rugged  pastures,  “ the  flock  without  a fold  ” finds 
sufficient  sustenance  in  the  ychu,  a species  of  grass 
which  is  found  scattered  all  along  the  great  ridge  of 
the  Cordilleras,  from  the  equator  to  the  southern  lim- 
its of  Patagonia.  And  as  these  limits  define  the  ter- 
ritory traversed  by  the  Peruvian  sheep,  which  rarely, 
if  ever,  venture  north  of  the  line,  it  seems  not  im- 
probable that  this  mysterious  little  plant  is  so  impor- 
tant to  their  existence,  that  the  absence  of  it  is  the 
principal  reason  why  they  have  not  penetrated  to  the 
northern  latitudes  of  Quito  and  New  Granada.® 

But,  although  thus  roaming  without  a master  over 
the  boundless  wastes  of  the  Cordilleras,  the  Peru- 
vian peasant  was  never  allowed  to  hunt  these  wild 
animals,  which  were  protected  by  laws  as  severe  as 
were  the  sleek  herds  that  grazed  on  the  more  culti- 
vated slopes  of  the  plateau.  The  wild  game  of  the 
forest  and  the  mountain  was  as  much  the  property 

* Malte-Brun,  book  86.  ruana  Jarava;  Class,  Monandria 

® Ychu,  called  in  the  Flora  Pe-  Digynia.  See  Walton,  p.  17. 


148 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


of  the  government,  as  if  it  had  been  inclosed  within 
a park,  or  penned  within  a fold/  It  was  only  on 
stated  occasions,  at  the  great  hunts,  which  took 
place  once  a year,  under  the  personal  superintend- 
ence of  the  Inca  or  his  principal  officers,  that  the 
same  was  allowed  to  be  taken.  These  hunts  were 
not  repeated  in  the  same  quarter  of  the  country 
oftener  than  once  in  four  years,  that  time  might  be 
allowed  for  the  waste  occasioned  by  them  to  be  re- 
plenished. At  the  appointed  time,  all  those  living 
in  the  district  and  its  neighbourhood,  to  the  number, 
it  might  be,  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  men,®  were 
distributed  round,  so  as  to  form  a cordon  of  immense 
extent,  that  should  embrace  the  whole  country  which 
was  to  be  hunted  over.  The  men  were  armed  with 
long  poles  and  spears,  with  which  they  beat  up  game 
of  every  description  lurking  in  the  woods,  the  val- 
leys, and  the  mountains,  killing  the  beasts  of  prey 
without  mercy,  and  driving  the  others,  consisting 
chiefly  of  the  deer  of  the  country,  and  the  huanacos 
and  vicunas,  towards  the  centre  of  the  wide-extend- 
ed circle ; until,  as  this  gradually  contracted,  the 
timid  inhabitants  of  the  forest  were  concentrated  on 
some  spacious  plain,  where  the  eye  of  the  hunter 
might  range  freely  over  his  victims,  who  found  no 
place  for  shelter  or  eseape. 

The  male  deer  and  some  of  the  coarser  kind  of 

7 Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS.  Sarmiento.  “ De  donde  havien- 

8 Sometimes  even  a hundred  dose  ya  juntado  cinquenta  6 sesenta 
thousand  mustered,  when  the  Inca  mil  Personas  6 cien  mil  si  mandado 
hunted  in  person,  if  we  may  credit  les  era.”  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  13. 


Ch.  V.] 


MANUFACTURES. 


149 


the  Peruvian  sheep  were  slaughtered ; their  skins 
were  reserved  for  the  various  useful  manufactures 
to  which  they  are  ordinarily  applied,  and  their  flesh, 
cut  into  thin  slices,  was  distributed  among  the 
people,  who  converted  it  into  charqui,  the  dried  meat 
of  the  country,  which  constituted  then  the  sole, 
as  it  has  since  the  principal,  animal  food  of  the 
lower  classes  of  Peru.*’ 

But  nearly  the  whole  of  the  sheep,  amount- 
ing usually  to  thirty  or  forty  thousand,  or  even  a 
larger  number,  after  being  carefully  sheared,  were 
suffered  to  escape  and  regain  their  solitary  haunts 
among  the  mountains.  The  wool  thus  collected  was 
deposited  in  the  royal  magazines,  whence,  in  due 
time,  it  was  dealt  out  to  the  people.  The  coarser 
quality  was  worked  up  into  garments  for  their  own 
use,  and  the  finer  for  the  Inca ; for  none  but  an 
Inca  noble  could  wear  the  fine  fabric  of  the  vicuna.*® 

The  Peruvians  showed  great  skill  in  the  manufac- 
ture of  different  articles  for  the  royal  household  from 
this  delicate  material,  which,  under  the  name  of  vi- 
gonia  wool,  is  now  familiar  to  the  looms  of  Europe. 
It  was  wrought  into  shawls,  robes,  and  other  arti- 
cles of  dress  for  the  monarch,  and  into  carpets,  cov- 
erlets, and  hangings  for  the  imperial  palaces  and  the 
temples.  The  cloth  was  finished  on  both  sides 
alike  the  delicacy  of  the  texture  was  such  as  to 

9 Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 

Charqui ; hence,  probably,  says  loc.  cit.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
McCulloh,  the  term  “ jerked,”  ap-  cap.  81.  — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
plied  to  the  dried  beef  of  South  Parte  1,  lib.  6,  cap.  C. 

America.  Researches,  p.  377.  u Acosta,  hb.  4,  cap.  41. 


150 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


give  it  the  lustre  of  silk ; and  the  brilliancy  of  the 
dyes  excited  the  admiration  and  the  envy  of  the 
European  artisan.'®  The  Peruvians  produced  also 
an  article  of  great  strength  and  durability  by  mixing 
the  hair  of  animals  with  wool ; and  they  were  ex- 
pert in  the  beautiful  feather-work,  which  they  held 
of  less  account  than  the  Mexicans  from  the  superior 
quality  of  the  materials  for  other  fabrics,  which  they 
had  at  their  command."* 

The  natives  showed  a skill  in  other  mechanical 
arts  similar  to  that  displayed  by  their  manufactures 
of  cloth.  Every  man  in  Peru  was  expected  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  various  handicrafts  essential  to 
domestic  comfort.  No  long  apprenticeship  was 
required  for  this,  where  the  wants  were  so  few  as 
among  the  simple  peasantry  of  the  Incas.  But,  if 
this  were  all,  it  would  imply  but  a very  moderate 
advancement  in  the  arts.  There  were  certain  indi- 
viduals, however,  carefully  trained  to  those  occupa- 
tions which  minister  to  the  demands  of  the  more 
opulent  classes  of  society.  These  occupations,  like 


12  “ Ropas  finisimas  para  los 
Reyes,  que  lo  eran  tanto  que  pare- 
cian  de  sarga  de  seda  y con  colores 
tan  perfectos  quanto  se  puede  afir- 
mar.”  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  13. 

13  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

“ Ropa  finissinaa  para  los  senores 
Ingas  de  lana  de  las  Vicunias.  Y 
cierto  fue  tan  prima  esta  ropa, 
como  auran  visto  en  Espana  : por 
alguna  que  alia  fue  luego  que  se 


gano  este  reyno.  Los  vestidos 
destos  Ingas  eran  camisetas  desta 
ropa  : vnas  pobladas  de  argenteria 
de  oro,  otras  de  esmeraldas  y pie- 
dras  preciosas ; y algunas  de  plu- 
mas  de  aues : otras  de  solamente 
la  manta.  Para  hazer  estas  ropas, 
tuuiero  y tienen  tan  perfetas  colores 
de  carmesi,  azul,  amarillo,  negro, 
y de  otras  suertes  : que  verdadera- 
mente  tienen  ventaja  a las  de 
Espana.”  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cro- 
nica,  cap.  114. 


Ch.  V.] 


MECHANICAL  SKILL. 


151 


every  other  calling  and  office  in  Peru,  always  de- 
scended from  father  to  son.'^  The  division  of  castes, 
in  this  particular,  was  as  precise  as  that  which  ex- 
isted in  Egypt  or  Hindostan.  If  this  arrangement 
be  unfavorable  to  originality,  or  to  the  development 
of  the  peculiar  talent  of  the  individual,  it  at  least 
conduces  to  an  easy  and  finished  execution  by  famil- 
iarizing the  artist  with  the  practice  of  his  art  from 
childhood.*® 

The  royal  magazines  and  the  huacas  or  tombs  of 
the  Incas  have  been  found  to  contain  many  speci- 
mens of  curious  and  elaborate  workmanship.  Among 
these  are  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  bracelets,  collars, 
and  other  ornaments  for  the  person ; utensils  of 
every  description,  some  of  fine  clay,  and  many  more 
of  copper ; mirrors  of  a hard,  polished  stone,  or 
burnished  silver,  with  a great  variety  of  other  arti- 
cles made  frequently  on  a whimsieal  pattern,  evinc- 
ing quite  as  much  ingenuity  as  taste  or  inventive 
talent.*®  The  character  of  the  Peruvian  mind  led 


Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim,  et 
Seg.,  MSS.  — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  I,  lib.  5,  cap.  7,  9, 
13. 

15  At  least,  such  was  the  opinion 
of  the  Egyptians,  who  referred  to 
this  arrangement  of  castes  as  the 
source  of  their  own  peculiar  dex- 
terity in  the  arts.  See  Diodorus 
Sic.,  lib.  I,  sec.  74. 

16  Ulloa,  Not.  Amer.,  ent.  21.  — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
cap.  114.  — Condamine,  Mem.  ap. 


Hist,  de  I’Acad.  Royale  de  Berlin, 
tom.  II.  p.  454  - 456. 

The  last  writer  says,  that  a large 
collection  of  massive  gold  orna- 
ments of  very  rich  workmanship 
was  long  preserved  in  the  royal 
treasury  of  Quito.  But  on  liis 
going  there  to  examine  them,  he 
learned  that  they  had  just  been 
melted  down  into  ingots  to  send  to 
Carthagena,  then  besieged  by  the 
English  ! The  art  of  war  can  flour- 
ish only  at  the  expense  of  all  the 
other  arts. 


152 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


to  imitation,  in  fact,  rather  than  invention,  to  del- 
icacy and  minuteness  of  finish,  rather  than  to  bold- 
ness or  beauty  of  design. 

That  they  should  have  accomplished  these  difficult 
works  with  such  tools  as  they  possessed,  is  truly 
wonderful".  It  was  comparatively  easy  to  cast  and 
even  to  sculpture  metallic  substances,  both  of  which 
they  did  with  consummate  skill.  But  tliat  they 
should  have  shown  the  like  facility  in  cutting  the 
hardest  substances,  as  emeralds  and  other  precious 
stones,  is  not  so  easy  to 'explain.  Emeralds  they 
obtained  in  considerable  quantity  from  the  barren 
district  of  Atacames,  and  this  inflexible  material 
seems  to  have  been  almost  as  ductile  in  the  hands 
of  the  Peruvian  artist  as  if  it  had  been  made  of 
clay.*^  Yet  the  natives  were  unacquainted  with  the 
use  of  iron,  though  the  soil  was  largely  impregnated 
with  it.*^  The  tools  used  were  of  stone,  or  more 
frequently  of  copper.  But  the  material  on  which  they 
relied  for  the  execution  of  their  most  difficult  tasks 
was  formed  by  combining  a very  small  portion  of 
tin  with  copper.’®  This  composition  gave  a hardness 
to  the  metal  which  seems  to  have  been  little  inferior 


1'^  They  had  turquoises,  also, 
and  might  have  had  pearls,  but  for 
the  tenderness  of  ihe  Incas,  who 
were  unwilling  to  risk  the  lives  of 
their  people  in  this  perilous  fishery ! 
At  least,  so  we  are  assured  by 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  8,  cap.  23. 

18  “No  tenian  herramientas  de 
liierro  ni  azero.”  Ondegardo,  Rel. 


Seg.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  Gen- 
eral, dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  4. 

'8  M.  de  Humboldt  brought  with 
him  back  to  Europe  one  of  these 
metallic  tools,  a chisel,  found  in  a 
silver  mine  opened  by  the  Incas 
not  far  from  Cuzco.  On  an  analy- 
sis, it  was  found  to  contain  O’ 94 
of  copper,  and  0‘06  of  tin.  See 
Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  117. 


Ch.  V.] 


MECHANICAL  SKILL. 


153 


to  that  of  steel.  With  the  aid  of  it,  not  only  did 
the  Peruvian  artisan  hew  into  shape  porphyry  and 
granite,  but  by  his  patient  industry  accomplished 
works  which  the  European  would  not  have  ventured 
to  undertake.  Among  the  remains  of  the  monu- 
ments of  Cannar  may  be  seen  movable  rings  in  the 
muzzles  of  animals,  all  nicely  sculptured  of  one  en- 
tire block  of  granite.^'’  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that 
the  Egyptians,  the  Mexicans,  and  the  Peruvians,  in 
their  progress  towards  civilization,  should  never  have 
detected  the  use  of  iron,  which  lay  around  them  in 
abundance ; and  that  they  should  each,  without  any 
knowledge  of  the  other,  have  found  a substitute 
for  it  in  such  a curious  composition  of  metals  as 
gave  to  their  tools  almost  the  temper  of  steel ; a 
secret  that  has  been  lost  — or,  to  speak  more  cor- 
rectly, has  never  been  discovered  — by  the  civilized 
European. 

I have  already  spoken  of  the  large  quantity  of 
gold  and  silver  wrought  into  various  articles  of  ele- 
gance and  utility  for  the  Incas  ; though  the  amount 
was  inconsiderable,  in  comparison  with  what  could 
have  been  afforded  by  the  mineral  riches  of  the 
land,  and  with  what  has  since  been  obtained  by  the 
more  sagacious  and  unscrupulous  cupidity  of  the 
white  man.  Gold  was  gathered  by  the  Incas  from 

20  “ Quoiqu’il  en  soit,”  says  M.  neaux  mobiles  de  la  meme  pierre.” 
de  la  Condamine,  “ nous  avons  vu  Mem.  ap.  Hist,  de  I’Acad.  Royale 
en  quelques  autres  ruines  des  ome-  de  Berlin,  tom.  H.  p.  452. 
mens  du  m6me  granit,  qui  represen-  2i  gee  the  History  of  the  Con- 
toient  des  mufles  d’animaux,  dont  quest  of  Mexico,  Book  1,  chap.  5. 
les  narines  percees  portoient  des  an- 

VOL  I.  20 


154 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


the  deposits  of  the  streams.  They  extracted  the 
ore  also  in  considerable  quantities  from  the  valley  of 
Curimayo,  northeast  of  Caxamarca,  as  well  as  from 
other  places ; and  the  silver  mines  of  Porco,  in  par- 
ticular, yielded  them  considerable  returns.  Yet  they 
did  not  attempt  to  penetrate  into  the  bowels  of  the 
earth  by  sinking  a shaft,  but  simply  excavated  a 
cavern  in  the  steep  sides  of  the  mountain,  or,  at 
most,  opened  a horizontal  vein  of  moderate  depth. 
They  were  equally  deficient  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
best  means  of  detaching  the  precious  metal  from  the 
dross  with  which  it  was  united,  and  had  no  idea 
of  the  virtues  of  quicksilver,  — a mineral  not  rare  in 
Peru,  — as  an  amalgam  to  effect  this  decomposi- 
tion.^ Their  method  of  smelting  the  ore  was  by 
means  of  furnaces  built  in  elevated  and  exposed 
situations,  where  they  might  be  fanned  by  the  strong 
breezes  of  the  mountains.  The  subjects  of  the 
Incas,  in  short,  with  all  their  patient  perseverance, 
did  little  more  than  penetrate  below  the  crust,  the 
outer  rind,  as  it  were,  formed  over  those  golden  cav- 
erns which  lie  hidden  in  the  dark  depths  of  the  An- 
des. Yet  what  they  gleaned  from  the  surface  was 
more  than  adequate  for  all  their  demands.  For  they 
were  not  a commercial  people,  and  had  no  knowledge 
of  money.^  In  this  they  differed  from  the  ancient  ' 

22  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  so  incredible  of  the  little  island  of 

1,  lib.  8,  cap.  25.  Loo  Choo,  was  still  more  extraor- 

23  Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5,  cap.  7;  dinary  in  a great  and  flourishing 

lib.  6,  cap.  8. — Ondegardo,  Rel.  empire  like  Peru;  — the  country, 
Seg.,  MS.  too,  which  contained  within  its 

This,  which  Bonaparte  thought  bowels  the  treasures  that  were  one 


Ch.  V.] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


155 


Mexicans,  who  had  an  established  currency  of  a 
determinate  value.  In  one  respect,  however,  they 
were  superior  to  their  American  rivals,  since  they 
made  use  of  weights  to  determine  the  quantity  of 
their  commodities,  a thing  wholly  unknown  to  the 
Aztecs.  This  fact  is  ascertained  by  the  discovery 
of  silver  balances,  adjusted  with  perfect  accuracy,  in 
some  of  the  tombs  of  the  Incas.^^ 

But  the  surest  test  of  the  civilization  of  a people 

— at  least,  as  sure  as  any  — afforded  by  mechanical 
art  is  to  be  found  in  their  architecture,  which  pre- 
sents so  noble  a field  for  the  display  of  the  grand 
and  the  beautiful,  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  is  so 
intimately  connected  with  the  essential  comforts  of 
life.  There  is  no  object  on  which  the  resources  of 
the  wealthy  are  more  freely  lavished,  or  which  calls 
out  more  effectually  the  inventive  talent  of  the 
artist.  The  painter  and  the  sculptor  may  display 
their  individual  genius  in  creations  of  surpassing 
excellence,  but  it  is  the  great  monuments  of  archi- 
tectural taste  and  magnificence  that  are  stamped  in 
a peculiar  manner  by  the  genius  of  the  nation. 
The  Greek,  the  Egyptian,  the  Saracen,  the  Gothic, 

— what  a key  do  their  respective  styles  afford  to  the 
character  and  condition  of  the  people ! The  monu- 
ments of  China,  of  Hindostan,  and  of  Central  Amer- 
ica are  all  indicative  of  an  immature  period,  in 
which  the  imagination  has  not  been  disciplined  by 
study,  and  which,  therefore,  in  its  best  results,  be- 

day  to  furnish  Europe  with  the  24  xjjioa,  Not,  Amer.,  ent,  21. 
basis  of  its  vast  metallic  currency. 


156 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I, 


trays  only  the  ill-regulated  aspirations  after  the 
beautiful,  that  belong  to  a semi-civilized  people. 

The  Peruvian  architecture,  bearing  also  the  gen- 
eral characteristics  of  an  imperfect  state  of  refine- 
ment, had  still  its  peculiar  character ; and  so  uni- 
form was  that  character,  that  the  edifices  throughout 
the  country  seem  to  have  been  all  cast  in  the  same 
mould.^  They  were  usually  built  of  porphyry  or 
granite ; not  unfrequently  of  brick.  This,  which 
was  formed  into  blocks  or  squares  of  much  larger 
dimensions  than  our  brick,  was  made  of  a tenacious 
earth  mixed  up  with  reeds  or  tough  grass,  and  ac- 
quired a degree  of  hardness  with  age  that  made  it 
insensible  alike  to  the  storms  and  the  more  trying  sun 
of  the  tropics.^®  The  walls  were  of  great  thickness, 
but  low,  seldom  reaching  to  more  than  twelve  or 
fourteen  feet  in  height.  It  is  rare  to  meet  with  ac- 
counts of  a building  that  rose  to  a second  story.®^ 

The  apartments  had  no  communication  with  one 
another,  but  usually  opened  into  a court;  and,  as 
they  were  unprovided  with  windows,  or  apertures 
that  served  for  them,  the  only  light  from  without 


25  It  is  the  observation  of  Hum- 
boldt. “ II  est  impossible  d ’ex- 
aminer attentivement  un  seul  edifice 
du  temps  des  Incas,  sans  recon- 
noitre le  m^me  type  dans  tous  les 
autres  qui  couvrent  le  dos  des 
Andes,  sur  une  longueur  de  plus 
de  quatre  cent  cinquante  beues, 
depuis  mille  jusqu’a  quatre  miUe 
metres  d’elevation  au-dessus  du 
niveau  de  I'Ocean.  On  dirait  qu’un 


seul  architecte  a construit  ce  grand 
nombre  de  monumens.  ” Vues  des 
Cordilleres,  p.  197, 

26  Ulloa,  who  carefully  exam- 
ined these  bricks,  suggests  that 
there  must  have  been  some  secret 
in  their  composition,  — so  superior 
in  many  respects  to  our  own  manu- 
facture,— now  lost.  Not.  Amer., 
ent.  20. 

27  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  V.] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


157 


must  have  been  admitted  by  the  doorways.  These 
were  made  with  the  sides  approaching  each  other 
towards  the  top,  so  that  the  lintel  was  considerably 
narrower  than  the  threshold,  a peculiarity,  also,  in 
Egyptian  architecture.  The  roofs  have  for  the  most 
part  disappeared  with  time.  Some  few  survive  in 
the  less  ambitious  edifices,  of  a singular  bell-shape, 
and  made  of  a composition  of  earth  and  pebbles. 
They  are  supposed,  however,  to  have  been  generally 
formed  of  more  perishable  materials,  of  wood  or 
straw.  It  is  certain  that  some  of  the  most  consid- 
erable stone-buildings  were  thatched  with  straw. 
Many  seem  to  have  been  constructed  without  the 
aid  of  cement ; and  writers  have  contended  that  the 
Peruvians  were  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  mor- 
tar, or  cement  of  any  kind.^  But  a close,  tena- 
cious mould,  mixed  with  lime,  may  be  discovered 
filling  up  the  interstices  of  the  granite  in  some 
buildings ; and  in  others,  where  the  well-fitted  blocks 
leave  no  room  for  this  coarser  material,  the  eye  of 
the  antiquary  has  detected  a fine  bituminous  glue, 
as  hard  as  the  rock  itself.^ 


28  Among’  others,  see  Acosta, 
lib.  6,  cap.  15.  — Robertson,  His- 
tory of  America,  (London,  1796,) 
vol.  HI.  p.  213. 

29  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
— Ulloa,  Not.  Amer.,  ent.  21. 

Humboldt,  ■who  analyzed  the 
cement  of  the  ancient  structures  at 
Cannar,  says  that  it  is  a true  mor- 
tar. formed  of  a mixture  of  pebbles 
and  a clayey  marl.  (Vues  des 


CordiU^res,  p.  116.)  Father  Ve- 
lasco is  in  raptures  with  an  “al- 
most imperceptible  kind  of  cement  ” 
made  of  lime  and  a bituminous 
substance  resembling  glue,  which 
incorporated  with  the  stones  so  as 
to  hold  them  firmly  together  like 
one  sohd  mass,  yet  left  nothing 
■visible  to  the  eye  of  the  common 
observer.  This  glutinous  compo- 
sition, mixed  with  pebbles,  made  a 


158 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


The  greatest  simplicity  is  observed  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  buildings,  which  are  usually  free 
from  outward  ornament ; though  in  some  the  huge 
stones  are  shaped  into  a convex  form  with  great 
regularity,  and  adjusted  with  such  nice  precision  to 
one  another,  that  it  would  be  impossible,  but  for 
the  flutings,  to  determine  the  line  of  junction.  In 
others,  the  stone  is  rough,  as  it  was  taken  from 
the  quarry,  in  the  most  irregular  forms,  with  the 
edges  nicely  wrought  and  fitted  to  each  other. 
There  is  no  appearance  of  columns  or  of  arches; 
though  there  is  some  contradiction  as  to  the  latter 
point.  But  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that,  although 
they  may  have  made  some  approach  to  this  mode  of 
construction  by  the  greater  or  less  inclination  of  the 
walls,  the  Peruvian  architects  were  wholly  unac- 
quainted with  the  true  principle  of  the  circular  arch 
reposing  on  its  key-stone.^“ 

The  architecture  of  the  Incas  is  characterized, 
says  an  eminent  traveller,  “ by  simplicity,  symmetry, 
and  solidity.”^'  It  may  seem  unphilosophical  to 
condemn  the  peculiar  fashion  of  a nation  as  indi- 
cating want  of  taste,  because  its  standard  of  taste 
differs  from  our  own.  Yet  there  is  an  incongruity 

sort  of  Macadamized  road  much  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  14.  — Ulloa, 
used  by  the  Incas,  as  hard  and  Voyage  to  S.  America,  vol.  I.  p. 
almost  as  smooth  as  marble.  Hist.  469.  — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
de  Quito,  tom.  I.  pp.  126-  128.  3*  “ Simplicite,  symdtrie,  et  so- 

30  Condamine,  Mem.  ap.  Hist,  lidite,  voila  les  trois  caracteres  par 
de  I’Acad.  Royale  de  Berlin,  tom.  lesquels se  distinguent  avantageuse- 
H.  p.  448.  — Antig.  y Monumentos  ment  tous  les  edifices  peruviens.” 
del  Peru,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres, 
General,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  4. — p.  115. 


Ch.  V.] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


159 


in  the  composition  of  the  Peruvian  buildings  which 
argues  a very  imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  first 
principles  of  architecture.  While  they  put  together 
their  bulky  masses  of  porphyry  and  granite  with  the 
nicest  art,  they  were  incapable  of  mortising  their 
timbers,  and,  in  their  ignorance  of  iron,  knew  no 
better  way  of  holding  the  beams  together  than 
tying  them  with  thongs  of  maguey.  In  the  same 
incongruous  spirit,  the  building  that  was  thatched 
with  straw,  and  unilluminated  by  a window,  was 
glowing  with  tapestries  of  gold  and  silver  ! These 
are  the  inconsistencies  of  a rude  people,  among 
whom  the  arts  are  but  partially  developed.  It  might 
not  be  difficult  to  find  examples  of  like  inconsis- 
tency in  the  architecture  and  domestic  arrange- 
ments of  our  Anglo-Saxon,  and,  at  a still  later  period, 
of  our  Norman  ancestors. 

Yet  the  buildings  of  the  Incas  were  accommo- 
dated to  the  character  of  the  climate,  and  were  well 
fitted  to  resist  those  terrible  convulsions  which  be- 
long to  the  land  of  volcanoes.  The  wisdom  of  their 
plan  is  attested  by  the  number  which  still  survive, 
while  the  more  modern  constructions  of  the  Con- 
querors have  been  buried  in  ruins.  The  hand  of  the 
Conquerors,  indeed,  has  fallen  heavily  on  these  vener- 
able monuments,  and,  in  their  blind  and  superstitious 
search  for  hidden  treasure,  has  caused  infinitely  more 
ruin  than  time  or  the  earthquake.^^  Yet  enough  of  • 

^ The  anonymous  author  of  the  of  those  golden  traditions  which, 
Antig.  y Monumentos  del  Peru,  in  early  times,  fostered  the  spirit  of 
MS.,  gives  us,  at  second  hand,  one  adventure.  The  tradition,  in  this 


160 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


these  monuments  still  remain  to  invite  the  researches 
of  the  antiquary.  Those  only  in  the  most  conspicu- 
ous situations  have  been  hitherto  examined.  But, 
by  the  testimony  of  travellers,  many  more  are  to 
be  found  in  the  less  frequented  parts  of  the  coun- 
try ; and  we  may  hope  they  will  one  day  call  forth 
a kindred  spirit  of  enterprise  to  that  which  has  so 
successfully  explored  the  mysterious  recesses  of  Cen- 
tral America  and  Yucatan. 

I cannot  close  this  analysis  of  the  Peruvian  insti- 
tutions without  a few  reflections  on  their  general 
character  and  tendency,  which,  if  they  involve  some 


instance,  he  thinks  well  entitled  to 
credit.  The  reader  will  judge  for 
himself. 

“It  is  a well-authenticated  re- 
port, and  generally  received,  that 
there  is  a secret  hall  in  the  fortress 
of  Cuzco,  where  an  immense  treas- 
ure is  concealed,  consisting  of  th& 
statues  of  all  the  Incas,  wrought 
in  gold.  A lady  is  stUl  hving. 
Dona  Maria  de  Esquivel,  the  wife 
of  the  last  Inca,  who  has  visited 
this  hall,  and  I have  heard  her 
relate  the  way  in  which  she  was 
carried  to  see  it. 

“Don  Carlos,  the  lady’s  hus- 
band, did  not  maintain  a style 
of  living  becoming  his  high  rank. 
Dona  Maria  sometimes  reproach- 
, ed  him,  declaring  that  she  had 
been  deceived  into  marrying  a poor 
Indian  under  the  lofty  title  of 
Lord  or  Inca.  She  said  this  so 
frequently,  that  Don  Carlos  one 


night  exclaimed,  ‘ Lady  ! do  you 
wish  to  know  whether  I am  rich  or 
poor  1 You  shall  see  that  no  lord 
nor  king  in  the  world  has  a larger 
treasure  than  I have.’  Then  cov- 
ering her  eyes  with  a handkerchief, 
he  made  her  turn  round  two  or 
three  times,  and,  taking  her  by  the 
hand,  led  her  a short  distance 
before  he  removed  the  bandage. 
On  opening  her  eyes,  what  was 
her  amazement  ! She  had  gone 
not  more  than  two  hundred  paces, 
and  descended  a short  flight  of 
steps,  and  she  now  found  herself  in 
a large  quadrangular  hall,  where, 
ranged  on  benches  round  the  walls, 
she  beheld  the  statues  of  the  Incas, 
each  of  the  size  of  a boy  twelve 
years  old,  all  of  massive  gold  ! 
She  saw  also  many  vessels  of  gold 
and  silver.  ‘ In  fact,’  she  said,  ‘ it 
was  one  of  the  most  magnificent 
treasures  in  the  whole  world ! ’ ” 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


161 


repetition  of  previous  remarks,  may,  I trust,  be  ex- 
cused, from  my  desire  to  leave  a correct  and  consist- 
ent impression  on  the  reader.  In  this  survey,  we 
cannot  hut  be  struck  with  the  total  dissimilarity  be- 
tween these  institutions  and  those  of  the  Aztecs,  — 
the  other  great  nation  who  led  in  the  march  of  civ- 
ilization on  this  western  continent,  and  whose  em- 
pire in  the  northern  portion  of  it  was  as  conspicuous 
as  that  of  the  Incas  in  the  south.  Both  nations 
came  on  the  plateau,  and  commenced  their  career 
of  conquest,  at  dates,  it  may  be,  not  far  removed 
from  each  other.^^  And  it  is  worthy  of  notice,  that, 
in  America,  the  elevated  region  along  the  crests  of 
the  great  mountain  ranges  should  have  been  the 
chosen  seat  of  civilization  in  both  hemispheres. 

Very  different  was  the  policy  pursued  by  the  two 
races  in  their  military  career.  The  Aztecs,  animated 
by  the  most  ferocious  spirit,  carried  on  a war  of  ex- 
termination, signalizing  their  triumphs  by  the  sacri- 
fice of  hecatombs  of  captives ; while  the  Incas, 
although  they  pursued  the  game  of  conquest  with 
equal  pertinacity,  preferred  a milder  policy,  substi- 
tuting negotiation  and  intrigue  for  violence,  and 
dealt  with  their  antagonists  so  that  their  future 
resources  should  not  be  crippled,  and  that  they 
should  come  as  friends,  not  as  foes,  into  the  bosom 
of  the  empire. 

Their  policy  toward  the  conquered  forms  a con- 
trast no  less  striking  to  that  pursued  by  the  Aztecs. 

® Ante,  chap.  I. 

VOL.  I.  21 


162 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


The  Mexican  vassals  were  ground  by  excessive 
imposts  and  military  conscriptions.  No  regard  was 
had  to  their  welfare,  and  the  only  limit  to  oppression 
was  the  power  of  endurance.  They  were  over- 
awed by  fortresses  and  armed  garrisons,  and  were 
made  to  feel  every  hour  that  they  were  not  part  and 
parcel  of  the  nation,  but  held  only  in  subjugation 
as  a conquered  people.  The  Incas,  on  the  other 
hand,  admitted  their  new  subjects  at  once  to  all  the 
rights  enjoyed  by  the  rest  of  the  community ; and, 
though  they  made  them  conform  to  the  established 
laws  and.  usages  of  the  empire,  they  watched  over 
their  personal  security  and  comfort  with  a sort  of 
parental  solicitude.  The  motley  population,  thus 
bound  together  by  common  interest,  was  animated 
by  a common  feeling  of  loyalty,  which  gave  great- 
er strength  and  stability  to  the  empire,  as  it  be- 
came more  and  more  widely  extended ; while  the 
various  tribes  who  successively  came  under  the 
Mexican  sceptre,  being  held  together  only  by  the 
pressure  of  external  force,  were  ready  to  fall  asun- 
der the  moment  that  that  force  was  withdrawn. 
The  policy  of  the  two  nations  displayed  the  prin- 
ciple of  fear  as  contrasted  with  the  principle  of 
love. 

The  characteristic  features  of  their  religious  sys- 
tems had  as  little  resemblance  to  each  other.  The 
whole  Aztec  pantheon  partook  more  or  less  of  the 
sanguinary  spirit  of  the  terrible  war-god  who  pre- 
sided over  it,  and  their  frivolous  ceremonial  almost 
always  terminated  with  human  sacrifice  and  cannibal 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


163 


orgies.  But  the  rites  of  the  Peruvians  were  of  a 
more  innocent  cast,  as  they  tended  to  a more  spirit- 
ual worship.  For  the  worship  of  the  Creator  is 
most  nearly  approached  by  that  of  the  heavenly 
bodies,  which,  as  they  revolve  in  their  bright  orbits, 
seem  to  be  the  most  glorious  symbols  of  his  benefi- 
cence and  power. 

In  the  minuter  mechanical  arts,  both  showed  con- 
siderable skill  ; but  in  the  construction  of  impor- 
tant public  w’orks,  of  roads,  aqueducts,  canals,  and 
in  agriculture  in  all  its  details,  the  Peruvians  were 
much  superior.  Strange  that  they  should  have  fallen 
so  far  below  their  rivals  in  their  efforts  after  a higher 
intellectual  culture,  in  astronomical  science,  more 
especially,  and  in  the  art  of  communicating  thought 
by  visible  symbols.  When  we  consider  the  greater 
refinement  of  the  Incas,  their  inferiority  to  the 
Aztecs  in  these  particulars  can  be  explained  only  by 
the  fact,  that  the  latter  in  all  probability  were  in- 
debted for  their  science  to  the  race  who  preceded 
them  in  the  land,  — that  shadowy  race  whose  origin 
and  whose  end  are  alike  veiled  from  the  eye  of  the 
inquirer,  but  who  possibly  may  have  sought  a refuge 
from  their  ferocious  invaders  in  those  regions  of  Cen- 
tral America  the  architectural  remains  of  which  now 
supply  us  with  the  most  pleasing  monuments  of  In- 
dian civilization.  It  is  with  this  more  polished  race, 
to  whom  the  Peruvians  seem  to  have  borne  some 
resemblance  in  their  mental  and  moral  organization, 
that  they  should  be  compared.  Had  the  empire  of 
the  Incas  been  permitted  to  extend  itself  with  the 


164 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


rapid  strides  with  which  it  was  advancing  at  the 
period  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  two  races  might 
have  come  into  conflict,  or,  perhaps,  into  alliance 
with  one  another. 

The  Mexicans  and  Peruvians,  so  different  in  the 
character  of  their  peculiar  civilization,  were,  it  seems 
probable,  ignorant  of  each  other’s  existence ; and 
it  may  appear  singular,  that,  during  the  simultaneous 
continuance  of  their  empires,  some  of  the  seeds  of 
science  and  of  art,  which  pass  so  imperceptibly  from 
one  people  to  another,  should  not  have  found  their 
way  across  the  interv^al  which  separated  the  two  na- 
tions. They  furnish  an  interesting  example  of  the 
opposite  directions  which  the  human  mind  may  take 
in  its  struggle  to  emerge  from  darkness  into  the  light 
of  civilization. 

A closer  resemblance  — as  I have  more  than  once 
taken  occasion  to  notice  — may  be  found  between 
the  Peruvian  institutions  and  some  of  the  despotic 
governments  of  Eastern  Asia;  those  governments 
where  despotism  appears  in  its  more  mitigated  form, 
and  the  whole  people,  under  the  patriarchal  sway  of 
its  sovereign,  seem  to  be  gathered  together  like  the 
members  of  one  vast  family.  Such  were  the  Chi- 
nese, for  example,  whom  the  Peruvians  resembled 
in  their  implicit  obedience  to  authority,  their  mild 
yet  somewhat  stubborn  temper,  their  solicitude 
for  forms,  their  reverence  for  ancient  usage,  their 
skill  in  the  minuter  manufactures,  their  imitative 
rather  than  inventive  cast  of  mind,  and  their  in- 
vincible patience,  which  serves  instead  of  a more 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


165 


adventurous  spirit  for  the  execution  of  difficult  un- 
dertakings.^ 

A still  closer  analogy  may  be  found  with  the  na- 
tives of  Hindostan  in  their  division  into  castes,  their 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  and  the  elements  of 
nature,  and  their  acquaintance  with  the  scientific 
principles  of  husbandry.  To  the  ancient  Egyptians, 
also,  they  bore  considerable  resemblance  in  the  same 
particulars,  as  well  as  in  those  ideas  of  a future  ex- 
istence which  led  them  to  attach  so  much  impor- 
tance to  the  permanent  preservation  of  the  body. 

But  we  shall  look  in  vain  in  the  history  of  the 
East  for  a parallel  to  the  absolute  control  exercised 
by  the  Incas  over  their  subjects.  In  the  East,  this 
was  founded  on  physical  power,  — on  the  external 
resources  of  the  government.  The  authority  of  the 
Inca  might  be  compared  with  that  of  the  Pope  in 
the  day  of  his  might,  when  Christendom  trembled 
at  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican,  and  the  successor  of 
St.  Peter  set  his  foot  on  the  necks  of  princes.  But 
the  authority  of  the  Pope  was  founded  on  opinion. 
His  temporal  power  was  nothing.  The  empire  of 
the  Incas  rested  on  both.  It  w as  a theocracy  more 
potent  in  its  operation  than  that  of  the  Jew's ; for, 
though  the  sanction  of  the  law  might  be  as  great 

34  Count  Carli  has  amused  him-  presence  of  his  people,  to  show  his 
self  with  tracing  out  the  different  respect  for  agriculture.  And  the 
points  of  resemblance  between  the  solstices  and  equinoxes  were  noted, 
Chinese  and  the  Peruvians.  The  to  determine  the  periods  of  their 
emperor  of  China  was  styled  the  religious  festivals.  The  coinci- 
son  of  Heaven  or  of  the  Sun.  He  denees  are  curious.  Lettres  Ameri- 
also  held  a plough  once  a year  in  caines,  tom.  II.  pp.  7,  8. 


166 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


among  the  latter,  the  law  was  expounded  by  a hu- 
man lawgiver,  the  servant  and  representative  of 
Divinity.  But  the  Inca  was  both  the  lawgiver  and 
the  law.  He  was  not  merely  the  representative  of 
Divinity,  or,  like  the  Pope,  its  vicegerent,  but  he 
was  Divinity  itself.  The  violation  of  his  ordinance 
was  sacrilege.  Never  was  there  a scheme  of  gov- 
ernment enforced  by  such  terrible  sanctions,  or 
which  bore  so  oppressively  on  the  subjects  of  it. 
For  it  reached  not  only  to  the  visible  acts,  but  to 
the  private  conduct,  the  words,  the  very  thoughts,  of 
its  vassals. 

It  added  not  a little  to  the  efficacy  of  the  govern- 
ment, that,  below  the  sovereign,  there  was  an  order 
of  hereditary  nobles  of  the  same  divine  original  with 
himself,  who,  placed  far  below  himself,  were  still 
immeasurably  above  the  rest  of  the  community,  not 
merely  by  descent,  but,  as  it  would  seem,  by  their 
intellectual  nature.  These  were  the  exclusive  de- 
jiositaries  of  power,  and,  as  their  long  hereditary 
training  made  them  familiar  with  their  vocation, 
and  secured  them  implicit  deference  from  the  multi- 
tude, they  became  the  prompt  and  well-practised 
agents  for  carrying  out  the  executive  measures  of  the 
administration.  All  that  occurred  throughout  the 
wide  extent  of  his  empire  — such  was  the  perfect 
system  of  communication  — passed  in  review,  as  it 
were,  before  the  eyes  of  the  monarch,  and  a thousand 
hands,  armed  with  irresistible  authority,  stood  ready 
in  every  quarter  to  do  his  bidding.  Was  it  not,  as 
we  have  said,  the  most  oppressive,  though  the  mild- 
est, of  despotisms  ? 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


167 


It  was  the  mildest,  from  the  very  circumstance, 
that  the  transcendent  rank  of  the  sovereign,  and  the 
humble,  nay,  superstitious,  devotion  to  his  will  made 
it  superfluous  to  assert  this  will  by  acts  of  violence 
or  rigor.  The  great  mass  of  the  people  may  have 
appeared  to  his  eyes  as  but  little  removed  above  the 
condition  of  the  brute,  formed  to  minister  to  his 
pleasures.  But,  from  their  very  helplessness,  he 
regarded  them  with  feelings  of  commiseration,  like 
those  which  a kind  master  might  feel  for  the  poor 
animals  committed  to  his  charge,  or  — to  do  justice 
to  the  beneficent  character  attributed  to  many  of 
the  Incas  — that  a parent  might  feel  for  his  young 
and  impotent  offspring.  The  laws  were  carefully 
directed  to  their  preservation  and  personal  comfort. 
The  people  were  not  allowed  to  be  employed  on 
works  pernicious  to  their  health,  nor  to  pine  — a 
sad  contrast  to  their  subsequent  destiny  — under 
the  imposition  of  tasks  too  heavy  for  their  powers. 
They  were  never  made  the  victims  of  public  or  pri- 
vate extortion ; and  a benevolent  forecast  watched 
carefully  over  their  necessities,  and  provided  for  their 
relief  in  seasons  of  infirmity,  and  for  their  suste- 
nance in  health.  The  government  of  the  Incas, 
however  arbitrary  in  form,  was  in  its  spirit  truly 
patriarchal. 

Yet  in  this  there  was  nothing  cheering  to  the  dig- 
nity of  human  nature.  What  the  people  had  was 
conceded  as  a boon,  not  as  a right.  When  a nation 
was  brought  under  the  sceptre  of  the  Incas,  it 
resigned  every  personal  right,  even  the  rights  dear- 


168 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


est  to  humanity.  Under  this  extraordinary  polity, 
a people  advanced  in  many  of  the  social  refinements, 
well  skilled  in  manufactures  and  agriculture,  were 
unacquainted,  as  we  have  seen,  with  money.  They 
had  nothing  that  deserved  to  be  called  property. 
They  could  follow  no  craft,  could  engage  in  no 
labor,  no  amusement,  but  such  as  was  specially 
provided  by  law.  They  could  not  change  their 
residence  or  their  dress  without  a license  from  the 
government.  They  could  not  even  exercise  the  free- 
dom which  is  conceded  to  the  most  abject  in  other 
countries,  that  of  selecting  their  own  wives.  The 
imperative  sjiirit  of  despotism  would  not  allow  them 
to  be  happy  or  miserable  in  any  way  but  that  es- 
tablished by  law.  The  power  of  free  agency  — 
the  inestimable  and  inborn  right  of  every  human 
being  — was  annihilated  in  Peru. 

The  astonishing  mechanism  of  the  Peruvian  polity 
could  have  resulted  only  from  the  combined  authority 
of  opinion  and  positive  power  in  the  ruler  to  an  ex- 
tent unprecedented  in  the  history  of  man.  Yet 
that  it  should  have  so  successfully  gone  into  opera- 
tion, and  so  long  endured,  in  opposition  to  the  taste, 
the  prejudices,  and  the  very  principles  of  our  nature, 
is  a strong  proof  of  a generally  wise  and  temperate 
administration  of  the  government. 

The  policy  habitually  pursued  by  the  Incas  for 
the  prevention  of  evils  that  might  have  disturbed  the 
order  of  things  is  well  exemplified  in  their  provis- 
ions against  poverty  and  idleness.  In  these  they 
rightly  discerned  the  two  great  causes  of  disaffection 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


169 


in  a populous  community.  The  industry  of  the 
people  was  secured  not  only  by  their  compulsory 
occupations  at  home,  but  by  their  employment  on 
those  great  public  works  which  covered  every  part 
of  the  country,  and  which  still  bear  testimony  in 
their  decay  to  their  primitive  grandeur.  Yet  it  may 
well  astonish  us  to  find,  that  the  natural  difficulty 
of  these  undertakings,  sufficiently  great  in  itself, 
considering  the  imperfection  of  their  tools  and  ma- 
chinery, was  inconceivably  enhanced  by  the  politic 
contrivance  of  government.  The  royal  edifiees  of 
Quito,  we  are  assured  by  the  Spanish  conquerors, 
were  constructed  of  huge  masses  of  stone,  many  of 
which  were  carried  all  the  way  along  the  mountain 
roads  from  Cuzco,  a distance  of  several  hundred 
leagues.^®  The  great  square  of  the  capital  was  filled 
to  a considerable  depth  with  mould  brought  with  in- 
credible labor  up  the  steep  slopes  of  the  Cordilleras 
from  the  distant  shores  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.^®  La- 


35  “ Era  muy  principal  intento 
que  la  gente  no  holgase,  que  dava 
causa  a que  despues  que  los  Ingas 
estuvieron  en  paz  hacer  traer  de 
Quito  al  Cuzco  piedra  que  venia  de 
provincia  en  provincia  para  hacer 
casas  para  si  6 p^  el  Sol  en  gran 
cantidad,  y del  Cuzco  llevalla  a 

Quito  pa  el  mismoefecto, y 

asi  destas  cosas  hacian  los  Ingas 
muchas  de  poco  provecho  y de 
escesivo  travajo  en  que  traian  ocu- 
padas  las  provincias  ordinariamte,  y 
en  fin  el  travajo  era  causa  de  su 
conservacion.”  Ondegardo,  Rel. 

22 


Prim.,  MS. — Also  Antig.  y Mo- 
numentos  del  Peru,  MS. 

36  This  was  literally  gold  dust ; 
for  Ondegardo  states,  that,  when 
governor  of  Cuzco,  he  caused  great 
quantities  of  gold  vessels  and  or- 
naments to  be  disinterred  from  the 
sand  in  which  they  had  been  se- 
creted by  the  natives.  “ Que  toda 
aqueUa  plaza  del  Cuzco  le  sacaron 
la  tierra  propia,  y se  llevo  a otras 
partes  por  cosa  de  gran  estima,  e 
la  hincheron  de  arena  de  la  costa 
de  la  mar,  como  hasta  dos  palmos 
y medio  en  algunas  partes,  mas 


VOL.  I. 


170 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


bor  was  regarded  not  only  as  a means,  but  as  an 
end,  by  the  Peruvian  law. 

With  their  manifold  provisions  against  poverty  the 
reader  has  already  been  made  acquainted.  They 
were  so  perfect,  that,  in  their  wide  extent  of  terri- 
tory, — much  of  it  smitten  with  the  curse  of  bar- 
renness, — no  man,  however  humble,  suffered  from 
the  want  of  food  and  clothing.  Famine,  so  common 
a scourge  in  every  other  American  nation,  so  com- 
mon at  that  period  in  every  country  of  civilized 
Europe,  was  an  evil  unknown  in  the  dominions  of 
the  Incas. 

The  most  enlightened  of  the  Spaniards  who  first 
visited  Peru,  struck  with  the  general  appearance  of 
plenty  and  prosperity,  and  with  the  astonishing  order 
with  which  every  thing  throughout  the  country  was 
regulated,  are  loud  in  their  expressions  of  admira- 
tion. No  better  government,  in  their  opinion,  could 
have  been  devised  for  the  people.  Contented  with 
their  condition,  and  free  from  vice,  to  borrow  the 
language  of  an  eminent  authority  of  that  early  day, 
the  mild  and  docile  character  of  the  Peruvians 


sembraron  por  toda  ella  muelios 
vasos  de  oro  e plata,  y hovejuelas 
y hombrecillos  pequefios  de  lo 
mismo,  lo  cual  se  ha  sacado  en 
mucha  cantidad,  que  todo  lo  he- 
mos  visto  ; desta  arena  estaba  toda 
la  plaza,  quando  yo  fui  a governar 
aquella  Ciudad  ; e si  fue  verdad 
que  aquella  se  trajo  de  ellos,  afir- 
man  e tienen  puestos  en  sus  re- 
gistros,  paresceme  que  sea  ansi, 


que  toda  la  tierra  junta  tubo  ne- 
cesidad  de  entender  en  ello,  por 
que  la  plaza  es  grande,  y no  tiene 
numero  las  cargas  que  en  ella  en- 
traron  ; y la  costa  por  lo  mas  cerca 
esta  mas  de  nobenta  leguas  a lo 
que  creo,  y cierto  yo  me  satisfice, 
porque  todos  dicen,  que  aquel 
genero  de  arena,  no  lo  hay  hasta 
la  costa.”  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


171 


would  have  well  fitted  them  to  receive  the  teach- 
ings of  Christianity,  had  the  love  of  conversion, 
instead  of  gold,  animated  the  breasts  of  the  Con- 
querors.^^ And  a philosopher  of  a later  time,  warm- 
ed by  the  contemplation  of  the  picture  — which  his 
own  fancy  had  colored  — of  public  prosperity  and 
private  happiness  under  the  rule  of  the  Incas,  pro- 
nounces “ the  moral  man  in  Peru  far  superior  to 
the  European.”  ^ 

Yet  such  results  are  scarcely  reconcilable  with 
the  theory  of  the  government  I have  attempted  to 
analyze.  Where  there  is  no  free  agency,  there  can 
be  no  morality.  Where  there  is  no  temptation, 


3'!'  “ Y si  Dios  permitiera  que 
tubieran  quien  con  celo  de  Cristi- 
andad,  y no  con  ramo  de  codicia, 
en  lo  pasado,  les  dieran  entera 
noticia  de  nuestra  sagrada  Religion, 
ei^  gente  en  que  bien  imprimiera, 
segun  vemos  por  lo  que  ahora  con 
la  buena  orden  que  hay  se  obra.” 
Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  22. 

But  the  most  emphatic  testimony 
to  the  merits  of  the  people  is  that 
afforded  by  Mancio  Sierra  Lejese- 
ma,  the  last  survivor  of  the  early 
Spanish  Conquerors,  who  settled 
in  Peru.  In  the  preamble  to  his 
testament,  made,  as  he  states,  to 
relieve  his  conscience,  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  he  declares  that  the 
whole  population,  under  the  Incas, 
was  distinguished  by  sobriety  and 
industry  ; that  such  things  as  rob- 
bery and  theft  were  unknown ; that, 
far  from  licentiousness,  there  was 
not  even  a prostitute  in  the  coun- 


try ; and  that  every  thing  was 
conducted  with  the  greatest  order, 
and  entire  submission  to  authority. 
The  panegyric  is  somewhat  too 
unqualified  for  a whole  nation,  and 
may  lead  one  to  suspect  that  the 
stings  of  remorse  for  his  own  treat- 
ment of  the  natives  goaded  the 
dying  veteran  into  a higher  esti- 
mate of  their  deserts  than  was 
strictly  warranted  by  facts.  Yet 
this  testimony  by  such  a man  at 
such  a time  is  too  remarkable,  as 
well  as  too  honorable  to  the  Peru- 
vians, to  be  passed  over  in  silence 
by  the  historian  ; and  I have  trans- 
ferred the  document  in  the  original 
to  Appendix,  No.  4. 

38  “ Sans  doute  I’homme  moral 
du  Perou  etoit  infiniment  plus  per- 
fectionne  que  PEuropeen.”  Carli, 
Lettres  Americaines,  tom.  I.  p. 
215. 


172 


CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS. 


[Book  I. 


there  can  be  little  claim  to  virtue.  Where  the 
routine  is  rigorously  prescribed  by  law,  the  law,  and 
not  the  man,  must  have  the  credit  of  the  conduct. 
If  that  government  is  the  best,  which  is  felt  the 
least,  which  encroaches  on  the.  natural  liberty  of  the 
subject  only  so  far  as  is  essential  to  civil  subordina- 
tion, then  of  all  governments  devised  by  man  the 
Peruvian  has  the  least  real  claim  to  our  admiration. 

It  is  not  easy  to  comprehend  the  genius  and  the 
full  import  of  institutions  so  opposite  to  those  of  our 
own  free  republic,  where  every  man,  however  hum- 
ble his  condition,  may  aspire  to  the  highest  honors 
of  the  state,  — may  select  his  own  career,  and  carve 
out  his  fortune  in  his  own  way ; where  the  light 
of  knowledge,  instead  of  being  concentrated  on  a 
chosen  few,  is  shed  abroad  like  the  light  of  day,  and 
suffered  to  fall  equally  on  the  poor  and  the  rich ; 
where  the  collision  of  man  with  man  wakens  a gen- 
erous emulation  that  calls  out  latent  talent  and  tasks 
the  energies  to  the  utmost ; where  consciousness  of 
independence  gives  a feeling  of  self-reliance  un- 
known to  the  timid  subjects  of  a despotism  ; where, 
in  short,  the  government  is  made  for  man,  — not  as 
in  Peru,  where  man  seemed  to  be  made  only  for  the 
government.  The  New  World  is  the  theatre  on 
which  these  •two  political  systems,  so  opposite  in 
their  character,  have  been  carried  into  operation. 
The  empire  of  the  Incas  has  passed  away  and  left 
no  trace.  The  other  great  experiment  is  still  going 
on,  — the  experiment  which  is  to  solve  the  problem, 
so  long  contested  in  the  Old  World,  of  the  capacity 


Ch.  V.] 


CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 


173 


of  man  for  self-government.  Alas  for  humanity,  if 
it  should  fail ! 

The  testimony  of  the  Spanish  conquerors  is  not 
uniform  in  respect  to  the  favorable  influence  exerted 
by  the  Peruvian  institutions  on  the  character  of  the 
people.  Drinking  and  dancing  are  said  to  have 
been  the  pleasures  to  which  they  were  immoderately 
addicted.  Like  the  slaves  and  serfs  in  other  lands, 
whose  position  excluded  them  from  more  serious  and 
ennobling  occupations,  they  found  a substitute  in 
frivolous  or  sensual  indulgence.  Lazy,  luxurious, 
and  licentious,  are  the  epithets  bestowed  on  them  by 
one  of  those  who  saw  them  at  the  Conquest,  but 
whose  pen  was  not  too  friendly  to  the  Indian.^®  Yet 
the  spirit  of  independence  could  hardly  be  strong  in 
a people  who  had  no  interest  in  the  soil,  no  personal 
rights  to  defend ; and  the  facility  with  which  they 
yielded  to  the  Spanish  invader  — after  every  allow- 
ance for  their  comparative  inferiority  — argues  a de- 
plorable destitution  of  that  patriotic  feeling  which 
holds  life  as  little  in  comparison  with  freedom. 

But  we  must  not  judge  too  hardly  of  the  unfortu- 

39  “ Heran  muy  dados  a la  luju-  traia  a la  voluntad  hacian.  Heran 
ria  y al  bever,  tenian  acceso  carnal  estos  orejones  muy  soberbios  y 

con  las  hermanas  y las  mugeres  de  presuntuosos Tenian  otras 

sus  padres  como  no  fuesen  sus  muchas  maldadcs  que  por  ser  mu- 
mismas  madres,  y aun  algunos  avia  chas  no  las  digo.”  Pedro  Pizarro, 
que  con  ellas  mismas  lo  hacian  y Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
ansi  mismo  con  sus  hijas.  Estando  These  random  aspersions  of  the 
borrachos  tocavan  algunos  en  el  hard  conqueror  show  too  gross  an 
pecado  nefando,  emborrachavanse  ignorance  of  the  institutions  of  the 
muy  a menudo,  y estando  borra-  people  to  merit  much  confidence  as 
chos  todo  lo  que  el  demonio  les  to  what  is  said  of  their  character. 


174  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  INCAS.  [Book  I. 

nate  native,  because  he  quailed  before  the  civilization 
of  the  European.  We  must  not  be  insensible  to  the 
really  great  results  that  were  achieved  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Incas.  We  must  not  forget,  that, 
under  their  rule,  the  meanest  of  the  people  enjoyed 
a far  greater  degree  of  personal  comfort,  at  least, 
a greater  exemption  from  physical  suffering,  than 
was  possessed  by  similar  classes  in  other  nations  on 
the  American  continent,  — greater,  probably,  than 
was  possessed  by  these  classes  in  most  of  the  coun- 
tries of  feudal  Europe.  Under  their  sceptre,  the 
higher  orders  of  the  state  had  made  advances  in 
many  of  the  arts  that  belong  to  a cultivated  commu- 
nity. The  foundations  of  a regular  government 
were  laid,  which,  in  an  age  of  rapine,  secured  to 
its  subjects  the  inestimable  blessings  of  tranquillity 
and  safety.  , By  the  well-sustained  policy  of  the 
Incas,  the  rude  tribes  of  the  forest  were  gradually 
drawn  from  their  fastnesses,  and  gathered  within 
the  folds  of  civilization ; and  of  these  materials  was 
constructed  a flourishing  and  populous  empire,  such 
as  w'as  to  be  found  in  no  other  quarter  of  the  Amer- 
ican continent.  The  defects  of  this  government 
were  those  of  over-refinement  in  legislation,  — the 
last  defects  to  have  been  looked  for,  certainly,  in 
the  American  aborigines. 


Note.  I have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  swell  this  Introduction  by 
an  inquiry  into  the  origin  of  Peruvian  civilization,  like  that  appended  to 
the  history  of  the  Mexican.  The  Peruvian  history  doubtless  suggests 


Ch.  V.] 


SARMIENTO. 


175 


analogies  with  more  than  one  nation  in  the  East,  some  of  which  have 
been  briefly  adverted  to  in  the  preceding  pages ; although  these  analo- 
gies are  adduced  there  not  as  evidence  of  a common  origin,  but  as  show- 
ing the  coincidences  which  might  naturally  spring  up  among  different 
nations  under  the  same  phase  of  civilization.  Such  coincidences  are 
neither  so  numerous  nor  so  striking  as  those  afforded  by  the  Aztec  his- 
tory. The  correspondence  presented  by  the  astronomical  science  of  the 
Mexicans  is  alone  of  more  importance  than  aU  the  rest.  Yet  the  light 
of  analogy,  afforded  by  the  institutions  of  the  Incas,  seems  to  point,  as 
far  as  it  goes,  towards  the  same  direction  ; and  as  the  investigation  could 
present  but  httle  substantially  to  confirm,  and  stiU  less  to  confute,  the 
views  taken  in  the  former  disquisition,  I have  not  thought  it  best  to 
fatigue  the  reader  with  it. 


Two  of  the  prominent  authorities  on  whom  I have  relied  in  this  In- 
troductory portion  of  the  work,  are  Juan  de  Sarmiento  and  the  Licen- 
tiate Ondegardo.  Of  the  former  I have  been  able  to  collect  no  informa- 
tion beyond  what  is  afforded  by  his  own  writings.  In  the  title  prefixed 
to  his  manuscript,  he  is  styled  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  a 
post  of  high  authority,  which  infers  a weight  of  character  in  the  party, 
and  means  of  information,  that  entitle  his  opinions  on  colonial  topics  to 
great  deference. 

These  means  of  information  were  much  enlarged  by  Sarmiento’s 
visit  to  the  colonies,  during  the  administration  of  Gasca.  Having  con- 
ceived the  design  of  compiling  a history  of  the  ancient  Peruvian  insti- 
tutions, he  visited  Cuzco,  as  he  tells  us,  in  1550,  and  there  drew  from 
the  natives  themselves  the  materials  for  his  narrative.  His  position 
gave  him  access  to  the  most  authentic  sources  of  knowledge,  and  from 
the  lips  of  the  Inca  nobles,  the  best  instructed  of  the  conquered  race,  he 
gathered  the  traditions  of  their  national  history  and  institutions.  The 
quipus  formed,  as  we  have  seen,  an  imperfect  system  of  mnemonics, 
requiring  constant  attention,  and  much  inferior  to  the  Mexican  hiero- 
glyphics. It  was  only  by  diligent  instruction  that  they  were  made 
available  to  historical  purposes  ; and  this  instruction  was  so  far  neg- 
lected after  the  Conquest,  that  the  ancient  annals  of  the  country  would 
have  perished  with  the  generation  which  was  the  sole  depositary  of 
them,  had  it  not  been  for  the  efforts  of  a few  intelligent  scholars,  like 
Sarmiento,  who  saw  the  importance,  at  this  critical  period,  of  cultivating 


176 


SARMIENTO. 


[Book  I. 


an  intercourse  witli  the  natives,  and  drawing  from  them  their  hidden 
stores  of  information. 

To  give  still  further  authenticity  to  his  work,  Sarmiento  travelled  over 
the  country,  examined  the  principal  objects  of  interest  with  his  own 
eyes,  and  thus  verified  the  accounts  of  the  natives  as  far  as  possible  by 
personal  observation.  The  result  of  these  labors  was  his  work  entitled, 
“ Relacion  de  la  sucesion  y goviemo  de  las  Yngas  Senores  naturales 
que  fueron  de  las  Provincias  del  Peru  y otras  cosas  tocantes  a aquel 
Reyno,  para  el  Iltmo.  Senor  D«  Juan  Sarmiento,  Presidente  del  Consejo 
Rl  de  Indias.”, 

It  is  divided  into  chapters,  and  embraces  about  four  hundred  folio 
pages  in  manuscript.  The  introductory  portion  of  the  work  is  occupied 
with  the  traditionary  tales  of  the  origin  and  early  period  of  the  Incas  ; 
teeming,  as  usual,  in  the  antiquities  of  a barbarous  people,  with  legen- 
dary fables  of  the  most  wild  and  monstrous  character.  Yet  these  puerile 
conceptions  alford  an  inexhaustible  mine  for  the  labors  of  the  antiqua- 
rian, who  endeavours  to  unravel  the  allegorical  web  which  a cunning 
priesthood  had  devised  as  symbolical  of  those  mysteries  of  creation  that 
it  was  beyond  their  power  to  comprehend.  But  Sarmiento  happily  con- 
fines himself  to  the  mere  statement  of  traditional  fables,  without  the 
chimerical  ambition  to  explain  them. 

From  this  region  of  romance,  Sarmiento  passes  to  the  institutions  of 
the  Peruvians,  describes  their  ancient  polity,  their  religion,  their  pro- 
gress in  the  arts,  especially  agriculture ; and  presents,  in  short,  an 
elaborate  picture  of  the  civilization  which  they  reached  under  the  Inca 
dynasty.  This  part  of  his  work,  resting,  as  it  does,  on  the  best  au- 
thority, confirmed  in  many  instances  by  his  own  observation,  is  of  un- 
questionable value,  and  is  written  with  an  apparent  respect  for  truth,  that 
engages  the  confidence  of  the  reader.  The  concluding  portion  of  the 
manuscript  is  occupied  with  the  civil  history  of  the  country.  The  reigns 
of  the  early  Incas,  which  lie  beyond  the  sober  province  of  history,  he 
despatches  with  commendable  brevity.  But  on  the  three  last  reigns, 
and  fortunately  of  the  greatest  princes  who  occupied  the  Peruvian 
throne,  he  is  more  diffuse.  This  was  comparatively  firm  ground  for 
the  chronicler,  for  the  events  were  too  recent  to  be  obscured  by  the 
vulgar  legends  that  gather  like  moss  round  every  incident  of  the  older 
time.  His  account  stops  with  the  Spanish  invasion  ; for  this  story, 
Sarmiento  felt,  might  be  safely  left  to  his  contemporaries  who  acted  a 
part  in  it,  but  whose  taste  and  education  had  qualified  them  but  indif- 
ferently for  exploring  the  antiquities  and  social  institutions  of  the  na- 
tives. 

Sarmiento’s  work  is  composed  in  a simple,  perspicuous  style,  without 
that  ambition  of  rhetorical  display  too  common  with  his  countrymen. 


Ch.  V.] 


ONDEGARDO. 


177 


He  writes  with  honest  candor,  and  while  he  does  ample  justice  to  the 
merits  and  capacity  of  the  conquered  races,  he  notices  with  indignation 
the  atrocities  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  demoralizing  tendency  of  the 
Conquest.  It  may  be  thought,  indeed,  that  he  forms  too  high  an  esti- 
mate of  the  attainments  of  the  nation  under  the  Incas.  And  it  is  not 
improbable,  that,  astonished  by  the  vestiges  it  afforded  of  an  original 
civilization,  he  became  enamoured  of  his  subject,  and  thus  exhibited  it 
in  colors  somewhat  too  glovsdng  to  the  eye  of  the  European.  But  this 
was  an  amiable  failing,  not  too  largely  shared  by  the  stern  Conquerors, 
who  subverted  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  saw  little  to  admire 
in  it,  save  its  gold.  It  must  be  further  admitted,  that  Sarmiento  has 
no  design  to  impose  on  his  reader,  and  that  he  is  careful  to  distinguish 
between  what  he  reports  on  hearsay,  and  what  on  personal  experience. 
The  Father  of  History  himself  does  not  discriminate  between  these  two 
things  more  carefully. 

Neither  is  the  Spanish  historian  to  be  altogether  vindicated  from  the 
superstition  which  belongs  to  his  time  ; and  we  often  find  him  referring 
to  the  immediate  interposition  of  Satan  those  effects  which  might  quite 
as  well  be  charged  on  the  perverseness  of  man.  But  this  was  common 
to  the  age,  and  to  the  wisest  men  in  it ; and  it  is  too  much  to  demand 
of  a man  to  be  wiser  than  his  generation.  It  is  sufficient  praise  of  Sar- 
miento, that,  in  an  age  when  superstition  was  too  often  allied  with  fanat- 
icism, he  seems  to  have  had  no  tincture  of  bigotry  in  his  nature.  His 
heart  opens  with  benevolent  fulness  to  the  unfortunate  native  ; and  his 
language,  while  it  is  not  kindled  into  the  religious  glow  of  the  mission- 
ary, is  warmed  by  a generous  ray  of  philanthropy  that  embraces  the 
conquered,  no  less  than  the  eonquerors,  as  his  brethren. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  value  of  Sarmiento’s  work  for  the  informa- 
tion it  affords  of  Peru  under  the  Incas,  it  is  but  little  known,  has  been 
rarely  consulted  by  historians,  and  still  remains  among  the  unpublished 
manuscripts  which  lie,  like  uncoined  bullion,  in  the  secret  chambers  of 
the  Escurial. 

The  other  authority  to  whom  I have  alluded,  the  Licentiate  Polo  de 
Ondegardo,  was  a highly  respectable  jurist,  whose  name  appears  fre- 
quently in  the  affairs  of  Peru.  I find  no  account  of  the  period  when  he 
first  came  into  the  country.  But  he  was  there  on  the  arrival  of  Gasca, 
and  resided  at  Lima  under  the  usurpation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  When 
the  artful  Cepeda  endeavoured  to  secure  the  signatures  of  the  inhabitants 
to  the  instrument  proclaiming  the  sovereignty  of  his  ehief,  we  find  On- 
degardo taking  the  lead  among  those  of  his  profession  in  resisting  it. 
On  Gasca’s  arrival,  he  consented  to  take  a commission  in  his  army.  At 
the  close  of  the  rebellion  he  was  made  corregidor  of  La  Plata,  and  sub- 
sequently of  Cuzco,  in  which  honorable  station  he  seems  to  have  re- 
VOL.  I.  23 


178 


ONDEGARDO. 


[Book  1. 


mained  several  years.  In  the  exercise  of  his  magisterial  functions,  he 
was  brought  into  familiar  intercourse  with  the  natives,  and  had  ample 
opportunity  for  studying  their  laws  and  ancient  customs.  lie  conducted 
himself  with  such  prudence  and  moderation,  that  he  seems  to  have  won 
the  confidence  not  only  of  his  countrymen  but  of  the  Indians ; while  the 
administration  was  careful  to  profit  by  his  large  experience  in  devising 
measures  for  the  better  government  of  the  colony. 

The  Relacioncs,  so  often  cited  in  this  History,  were  prepared  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  viceroys,  the  first  being  addressed  to  the  Marques  de 
Canete,  in  1561,  and  the  second,  ten  years  later,  to  theConde  de  Nieva. 
The  two  cover  about  as  much  ground  as  Sarmiento’s  manuscript;  and 
the  second  memorial,  written  so  long  after  the  first,  may  be  thought  to 
intimate  the  advancing  age  of  the  author,  in  the  greater  carelessness  and 
diffuseness  of  the  composition. 

As  these  documents  are  in  the  nature  of  answers  to  the  interroga- 
tories propounded  by  government,  the  range  of  topics  might  seem  to  be 
limited  within  narrower  bounds  than  the  modern  historian  would  desire. 
These  queries,  indeed,  had  particular  reference  to  the  revenues,  tributes, 
— the  financial  administration,  in  short,  of  the  Incas;  and  on  these  ob- 
scure topics  the  communication  of  Ondegardo  is  particularly  full.  But 
the  enlightened  curiosity  of  government  embraced  a far  wider  range  ; 
and  the  answers  necessarily  implied  an  acquaintance  with  the  domestic 
policy  of  the  Incas,  with  their  laws,  social  habits,  their  religion,  science, 
and  arts,  in  short,  with  aU  that  make  up  the  elements  of  civilization. 
Ondegardo’s  memoirs,  therefore,  cover  the  whole  ground  of  inquiry  for 
the  philosophic  historian. 

In  the  management  of  these  various  subjects,  Ondegardo  displays  both 
acuteness  and  erudition.  He  never  shrinks  from  the  discussion,  how- 
ever difficult ; and  while  he  gives  his  conclusions  with  an  air  of  modesty, 
it  is  evident  that  he  feels  conscious  of  having  derived  his  information 
through  the  most  authentic  channels.  He  rejects  the  fabulous  with  dis- 
dain ; decides  on  the  probabilities  of  such  facts  as  he  relates,  and  can- 
didly exposes  the  deficiency  of  evidence.  Far  from  displaying  the 
simple  enthusiasm  of  the  well-meaning  but  credulous  missionary,  he 
proceeds  with  the  cool  and  cautious  step  of  a lawyer  accustomed  to  the 
conflict  of  testimony  and  the  uncertainty  of  oral  tradition.  This  circum- 
spect manner  of  proceeding,  and  the  temperate  character  of  his  judg- 
ments, entitle  Ondegardo  to  much  higher  consideration  as  an  authority 
than  most  of  his  countrymen  who  have  treated  of  Indian  antiquities. 

There  runs  through  his  writings  a vein  of  humanity,  shown  particu- 
larly in  his  tenderness  to  the  unfortunate  natives,  to  whose  ancient  civili- 
zation he  does  entire,  but  not  extravagant,  justice ; while,  like  Sarmiento, 
he  fearlessly  denounces  the  excesses  of  his  own  countrymen,  and  adnoits 


Ch.  V ] 


ONDEGARDO. 


179 


the  dark  reproach  they  had  brought  on  the  honor  of  the  nation.  But 
while  this  censure  forms  the  strongest  ground  for  condemnation  of  the 
Conquerors,  since  it  comes  from  the  lips  of  a Spaniard  like  themselves,  it 
proves,  also,  that  Spain  in  this  age  of  violence  could  send  forth  from  her 
bosom  wise  and  good  men  who  refused  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
licentious  rabble  around  them.  Indeed,  proof  enough  is  given  in  these 
very  memorials  of  the  unceasing  efforts  of  the  colonial  government, 
from  the  good  viceroy  Mendoza  downwards,  to  secure  protection  and 
the  benefit  of  a mild  legislation  to  the  unfortunate  natives.  But  the  iron 
Conquerors,  and  the  colonist  whose  heart  softened  only  to  the  touch  of 
gold,  presented  a formidable  barrier  to  improvement. 

Ondegardo’s  writings  are  honorably  distinguished  by  freedom  from 
that  superstition  which  is  the  debasing  characteristic  of  the  times ; a 
superstition  shown  in  the  easy  credit  given  to  the  marvellous,  and  this 
equally  whether  in  heathen  or  in  Christian  story  ; for  in  the  former  the 
eye  of  credulity  could  discern  as  readily  the  direct  interposition  of  Sa- 
tan, as  in  the  latter  the  hand  of  the  Almighty.  It  is  this  ready  belief 
in  a spiritual  agency,  whether  for  good  or  for  evil,  which  forms  one  of 
the  most  prominent  features  in  the  writings  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Nothing  could  be  more  repugnant  to  the  true  spirit  of  philosophical 
inquiry,  or  more  irreconcilable  with  rational  criticism.  Far  from  be- 
traying such  weakness,  Ondegardo  writes  in  a direct  and  business-like 
manner,  estimating  things  for  what  they  are  worth  by  the  plain  rule  of 
common-sense.  He  keeps  the  main  object  of  his  argument  ever  in  view, 
without  allowing  himself,  like  the  garrulous  chroniclers  of  the  period, 
to  be  led  astray  into  a thousand  rambling  episodes  that  bewilder  tbe 
reader  and  lead  to  nothing. 

Ondegardo’s  memoirs  deal  not  only  with  the  antiquities  of  the  nation, 
but  with  its  actual  condition,  and  with  the  best  means  for  redressing  the 
manifold  evils  to  which  it  was  subjected  under  the  stem  rule  of  its  con- 
querors. His  suggestions  are  replete  with  wisdom,  and  a merciful 
policy,  that  would  reconcile  the  interests  of  government  with  the  pros- 
perity and  happiness  of  its  humblest  vassal.  Thus,  while  his  contem- 
poraries gathered  light  from  his  suggestions  as  to  the  present  condition 
of  affairs,  the  historian  of  later  times  is  no  less  indebted  to  him  for  in- 
formation in  respect  to  the  past.  His  manuscript  was  freely  consulted 
by  Herrera,  and  the  reader,  as  he  peruses  the  pages  of  the  learned  his- 
torian of  the  Indies,  is  unconsciously  enjoying  the  benefit  of  the  re- 
searches of  Ondegardo.  His  valuable  Rclaciones  thus  had  their  uses  for 
future  generations,  though  they  have  never  been  admitted  to  the  honors 
of  the  press.  The  copy  in  my  possession,  like  that  of  Sarmiento’s 
manuscript,  for  which  I am  indebted  to  that  industrious  bibliographer, 
Mr.  Rich,  formed  part  of  the  magnificent  collection  of  Lord  Kings- 


I 


180 


ONDEGARDO. 


[Book  1. 


iwrough,  — a name  ever  to  be  held  in  honor  by  the  scholar  for  his  in- 
defatigable efforts  to  illustrate  the  antiquities  of  America. 

Ondegardo’s  manuscripts,  it  should  be  remarked,  do  not  bear  his  sig- 
nature. But  they  contain  allusions  to  several  actions  of  the  writer’s 
life,  which  identify  them,  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt,  as  his  produc- 
tion. In  the  archives  of  Simancas  is  a duplicate  copy  of  the  first  me- 
morial, Relacion  Primcra,  though,  like  the  one  in  the  Escurial,  without 
its  author’s  name.  Muiioz  assigns  it  to  the  pen  of  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  a 
distinguished  cavalier  of  the  Conquest.  This  is  clearly  an  error ; for 
the  author  of  the  manuscript  identifies  himself  with  Ondegardo,  by  de- 
claring, in  his  reply  to  the  fifth  interrogatory,  that  he  was  the  person 
who  discovered  the  mummies  of  the  Incas  in  Cuzco ; an  act  expressly 
referred,  both  by  Acosta  and  GarcUasso,  to  the  Licentiate  Polo  de  Onde- 
gardo, when  corregidor  of  that  city.  — Should  the  savans  of  Madrid  here- 
after embrace  among  the  publications  of  valuable  manuscripts  these 
Relaciones,  they  should  be  careful  not  to  be  led  into  an  error  here,  by 
the  authority  of  a critic  like  Muiioz,  whose  criticism  is  rarely  at  fault. 


BOOK  SECOND 

DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


A 


• '< 


4 


BOOK  II. 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancient  and  Modern  Science.  — Art  of  Navigation.  — Mari- 
time Discovery.  — Spirit  of  the  Spaniards.  — Possessions  in 
THE  New  World.  — Rumors  concerning  Peru. 


Whatever  difference  of  opinion  may  exist  as  to 
the  comparative  merit  of  the  ancients  and  the  mod- 
erns in  the  arts,  in  poetry,  eloquence,  and  all  that 
depends  on  imagination,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
in  science  the  moderns  have  eminently  the  advan- 
tage. It  could  not  be  otherwise.  In  the  early  ages 
of  the  world,  as  in  the  early  period  of  life,  there  was 
the  freshness  of  a morning  existence,  when  the  gloss 
of  novelty  was  on  every  thing  that  met  the  eye  ; 
when  the  senses,  not  blunted  by  familiarity,  were 
more  keenly  alive  to  the  beautiful,  and  the  mind, 
under  the  influence  of  a healthy  and  natural  taste, 
was  not  perverted  by  philosophical  theory ; when 
the  simple  was  necessarily  connected  with  the  beau- 
tiful, and  the  epicurean  intellect,  sated  by  repetition, 


184 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


had  not  begun  to  seek  for  stimulants  in  the  fantastic 
and  capricious.  The  realms  of  fancy  were  all  un- 
travelled, and  its  fairest  flowers  had  not  been  gath- 
ered, nor  its  beauties  despoiled,  by  the  rude  touch 
of  those  who  affected  to  cultivate  them.  The  wing 
of  genius  was  not  bound  to  the  earth  by  the  cold  and 
conventional  rules  of  criticism,  but  was  permitted  to 
take  its  flight  far  and  wide  over  the  broad  expanse 
of  creation. 

But  wdth  science  it  was  otherwise.  No  genius 
could  suffice  for  the  creation  of  facts,  — hardly  for 
their  detection.  They  were  to  be  gathered  in  by 
painful  industry ; to  be  collected  from  careful  obser- 
vation and  experiment.  Genius,  indeed,  might  ar- 
range and  combine  these  facts  into  new  forms,  and 
elicit  from  their  combinations  new  and  important 
inferences ; and  in  this  process  might  almost  rival  in 
originality  the  creations  of  the  poet  and  the  artist. 
But  if  the  processes  of  science  are  necessarily  slow, 
they  are  sure.  There  is  no  retrograde  movement  in 
her  domain.  Arts  may  fade,  the  Muse  become 
dumb,  a moral  lethargy  may  lock  up  the  faculties  of 
a nation,  the  nation  itself  may  pass  away  and  leave 
only  the  memory  of  its  existence,  but  the  stores  of 
science  it  has  garnered  up  will  endure  for  ever.  As 
other  nations  come  upon  the  stage,  and  new  forms 
of  civilization  arise,  the  monuments  of  art  and  of 
imagination,  productions  of  an  older  time,  will  lie 
as  an  obstacle  in  the  path  of  improvement.  They 
cannot  be  built  upon  ; they  occupy  the  ground  which 
the  new  aspirant  for  immortality  would  cover.  The 


Ch.  I.]  ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  SCIENCE.  185 

whole  work  is  to  be  gone  over  again,  and  other  forms 
of  beauty  — whether  higher  or  lower  in  the  scale 
of  merit,  but  unlike  the  past  — must  arise  to  take  a 
place  by  their  side.  But,  in  science,  every  stone 
that  has  been  laid  remains  as  the  foundation  for 
another.  The  coming  generation  takes  up  the  work 
where  the  preceding  left  it.  There  is  no  retrograde 
movement.  The  individual  nation  may  recede,  but 
science  still  advances.  Every  step  that  has  been 
gained  makes  the  ascent  easier  for  those  who  come 
after.  Every  step  carries  the  patient  inquirer  after 
truth  higher  and  higher  towards  heaven,  and  unfolds 
to  him,  as  he  rises,  a wider  horizon,  and  new  and 
more  magnificent  views  of  the  universe. 

Geography  partook  of  the  embarrassments  which 
belonged  to  every  other  department  of  science  in  the 
primitive  ages  of  the  world.  The  knowledge  of  the 
earth  could  come  only  from  an  extended  commerce  ; 
and  commerce  is  founded  on  artificial  wants  or  an 
enlightened  curiosity,  hardly  compatible  with  the 
earlier  condition  of  society.  In  the  infancy  of 
nations,  the  different  tribes,  occupied  with  their  do- 
mestic feuds,  found  few  occasions  to  wander  beyond 
the  mountain  chain  or  broad  stream  that  formed  the 
natural  boundary  of  their  domains.  The  Phoeni- 
cians, it  is  true,  are  said  to  have  sailed  beyond  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  to  have  launched  out  on  the 
great  western  ocean.  But  the  adventures  of  these 
ancient  voyagers  belong  to  the  mythic  legends  of 
antiquity,  and  ascend  far  beyond  the  domain  of  au- 
thentic record. 


VOL.  I. 


24 


186 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Boos  II. 


The  Greeks,  quick  and  adventurous,  skilled  in 
mechanical  art,  had  many  of  the  qualities  of  suc- 
cessful navigators,  and  within  the  limits  of  their  little 
inland  sea  ranged  fearlessly  and  freely.  But  the 
conquests  of  Alexander  did  more  to  extend  the 
limits  of  geographical  science,  and  opened  an  ac- 
quaintance with  the  remote  countries  of  the  East. 
Yet  the  march  of  the  conqueror  is  slow  in  compari- 
son with  the  movements  of  the  unencumbered  trav- 
eller. The  Romans  were  still  less  enterprising  than 
the  Greeks,  were  less  commercial  in  their  character. 
The  contributions  to  geographical  knowledge  grew 
with  the  slow  acquisitions  of  empire.  But  their  sys- 
tem was  centralizing  in  its  tendency;  and  instead 
of  taking  an  outward  direction  and  looking  abroad 
for  discovery,  every  part  of  the  vast  imperial  domain 
turned  towards  the  capital  as  its  head  and  central 
point  of  attraction.  The  Roman  conqueror  pui'sued 
his  path  by  land,  not  by  sea.  But  the  water  is  the 
great  highway  between  nations,  the  true  element  for 
the  discoverer.  The  Romans  were  not  a maritime 
people.  At  the  close  of  their  empire,  geographical 
science  could  hardly  be  said  to  extend  farther  than 
to  an  acquaintance  with  Europe,  — and  this  not  its 
more  northern  division,  — together  with  a portion 
of  Asia  and  Africa ; while  they  had  no  other  concep- 
tion of  a world  beyond  the  western  waters  than  was 
to  be  gathered  from  the  fortunate  prediction  of  the 
poet.' 

I Seneca’s  well-known  predic-  most  remarkable  random  prophecy 
tion,  in  his  Medea,  is,  perhaps,  the  on  record.  For  it  is  not  a simple 


Ch.  1] 


ART  OF  NAVIGATION. 


187 


Then'  followed  the  Middle  Ages ; the  dark  ages, 
as  they  are  called,  though  in  their  darkness  were 
matured  those  seeds  of  knowledge,  which,  in  fulness 
of  time,  were  to  spring  up  into  new  and  more  glo- 
rious forms  of  civilization.  The  organization  of  so- 
ciety became  more  favorable  to  geographical  science. 
Instead  of  one  overgrown,  lethargic  empire,  op- 
pressing every  thing  by  its  colossal  weight,  Europe 
was  broken  up  into  various  independent  communi- 
ties, many  of  which,  adopting  liberal  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, felt  all  the  impulses  natural  to  freemen ; 
and  the  petty  republics  on  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  Baltic  sent  forth  their  swarms  of  seamen 
in  a profitable  commerce,  that  knit  together  the  dif- 
ferent countries  scattered  along  the  great  European 
waters. 

But  the  improvements  which  took  place  in  the 
art  of  navigation,  the  more  accurate  measurement 
of  time,  and,  above  all,  the  discovery  of  the  polarity 
of  the  magnet,  greatly  advanced  the  cause  of  geo- 
graphical knowledge.  Instead  of  creeping  timidly 
along  the  coast,  or  limiting  his  expeditions  to  the 
narrow  basins  of  inland  waters,  the  voyager  might 
now  spread  his  sails  boldly  on  the  deep,  secure  of 
a guide  to  direct  his  bark  unerringly  across  the  il- 
limitable waste.  The  consciousness  of  this  power 


extension  of  the  boundaries  of  the 
known  parts  of  the  globe  that  is 
so  confidently  announced,  but  the 
existence  of  a New  World  across 
the  waters,  to  be  revealed  in  com- 
ing ages. 


“ Quibus  Oceanus 
Vincula  rerum  laxet,  el  ingena 
Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  Noroa 
Detegat  Orbea.” 

It  was  the  lucky  hit  of  the  phi- 
losopher rather  than  the  poet. 


188 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Boos  II. 


led  thought  to  travel  in  a new  direction  ; and  the 
mariner  began  to  look  with  earnestness  for  another 
path  to  the  Indian  Spice -islands  than  that  by  which 
the  Eastern  caravans  had  traversed  the  continent  of 
Asia.  The  nations  on  whom  the  spirit  of  enter- 
prise, at  this  crisis,  naturally  descended,  were  Spain 
and  Portugal,  placed,  as  they  were,  on  the  outposts 
of  the  European  continent,  commanding  the  great 
theatre  of  future  discovery. 

Both  countries  felt  the  responsibility  of  their  new 
position.  The  crown  of  Portugal  was  constant  in 
its  efforts,  through  the  fifteenth  century,  to.  find  a 
passage  round  the  southern  point  of  Africa  into  the 
Indian  Ocean  ; though  so  timid  was  the  navigation, 
that  every  fresh  headland  became  a formidable  bar- 
rier ; and  it  was  not  till  the  latter  part  of  the  century 
that  the  adventurous  Diaz  passed  quite  round  the 
Stormy  Cape,  as  he  termed  it,  but  which  John  Ae 
Second,  with  happier  augury,  called  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  But,  before  Vasco  de  Gama  had  avail- 
ed himself  of  this  discovery  to  spread  his  sails  in  the 
Indian  seas,  Spain  entered  on  her  glorious  career, 
and  sent  Columbus  across  the  western  waters. 

The  object  of  the  great  navigator  was  still  the 
discovery  of  a route  to  India,  but  by  the  west  in- 
stead of  the  east.  He  had  no  expectation  of 
meeting  with  a continent  in  his  way,  and,  after 
repeated  voyages,  he  remained  in  his  original  er- 
ror, dying,  as  is  well  known,  in  the  conviction  that 
it  was  the  eastern  shore  of  Asia  which  he  had 
reached.  It  was  the  same  object  which  directed 


Ch.  I.] 


MARITIME  DISCOVERY. 


189 


the  nautical  enterprises  of  those  who  followed  in  the 
Admiral’s  track ; and  the  discovery  of  a strait  into 
the  Indian  Ocean  was  the  burden  of  every  order 
from  the  government,  and  the  design  of  many  an 
expedition  to  different  points  of  the  new  conti- 
nent, which  seemed  to  stretch  its  leviathan  length 
along  from  one  pole  to  the  other.  The  discovery 
of  an  Indian  passage  is  the  true  key  to  the  mari- 
time movements  of  the  fifteenth  and  the  first  half 
of  the  sixteenth  centuries.  It  was  the  great  leading 
idea  that  gave  the  character  to  the  enterprise  of 
the  age. 

It  is  not  easy  at  this  time  to  comprehend  the  im- 
pulse given  to  Europe  by  the  discovery  of  America. 
It  was  not  the  gradual  acquisition  of  some  border 
territory,  a province  or  a kingdom  that  had  been 
gained,  but  a New  World  that  was  now  thrown 
open  to  the  European.  The  races  of  animals,  the 
mineral  treasures,  the  vegetable  forms,  and  the  va- 
ried aspects  of  nature,  man  in  the  different  phases 
of  civilization,  filled  the  mind  with  entirely  new 
sets  of  ideas,  that  changed  the  habitual  current  of 
thought  and  stimulated  it  to  indefinite  conjecture. 
The  eagerness  to  explore  the  wonderful  secrets  of 
the  new  hemisphere  became  so  active,  that  the  prin- 
cipal cities  of  Spain  were,  in  a manner,  depopulat- 
ed, as  emigrants  thronged  one  after  another  to  take 
their  chance  upon  the  deep.^  It  was  a world  of  ro- 

2 The  Venetian  ambassador,  period  of  the  commencement  of  our 
Andrea  Navagiero,  who  travelled  narrative,  notices  the  general  fever 
through  Spain  in  1525,  near  the  of  emigration.  Seville,  in  particu- 


190 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


mance  that  was  thrown  open ; for,  whatever  might 
be  the  luck  of  the  adventurer,  his  reports  on  his 
return  were  tinged  with  a coloring  of  romance  that 
stimulated  still  higher  the  sensitive  fancies  of  his 
countrymen,  and  nourished  the  chimerical  sentiments 
of  an  age  of  chivalry.  They  listened  with  atten- 
tive ears  to  tales  of  Amazons  which  seemed  to  real- 
ize the  classic  legends  of  antiquity,  to  stories  of 
Patagonian  giants,  to  flaming  pictures  of  an  El  Do- 
rado, where  the  sands  sparkled  with  gems,  and 
golden  pebbles  as  large  as  birds’  eggs  were  dragged 
in  nets  out  of  the  rivers. 

Yet  that  the  adventurers  were  no  impostors,  but 
dupes,  too  easy  dupes  of  their  own  credulous  fancies, 
is  shown  by  the  extravagant  character  of  their  en- 
terprises ; by  expeditions  in  search  of  the  magical 
Fountain  of  Health,  of  the  golden  Temple  of  Do- 
boyba,  of  the  golden  sepulchres  of  Zenu ; for  gold 
was  ever  floating  before  their  distempered  vision, 
and  the  name  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  Golden  Castile, 
the  most  unhealthy  and  unprofitable  region  of  the 
Isthmus,  held  out  a bright  promise  to  the  unfortu- 
nate settler,  who  too  frequently,  instead  of  gold, 
found  there  only  his  grave. 

In  this  realm  of  enchantment,  all  the  accessories 
served  to  maintain  the  illusion.  The  simple  natives, 
with  their  defenceless  bodies  and  rude  weapons, 
were  no  match  for  the  European  warrior  armed  to 

lar,  the  great  port  of  embarkation,  almost  to  the  women.”  Viaggio 
was  so  stripped  of  its  inhabitants,  fatto  in  Spagna,  (Vinegia,  1563,) 
he  says,  “ that  the  city  was  left  fol.  15. 


Cu.  I.] 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


191 


the  teeth  in  mail.  The  odds  were  as  great  as  those 
found  in  any  legend  of  chivalry,  where  the  lance 
of  the  good  knight  overturned  hundreds  at  a touch. 
The  perils  that  lay  in  the  discoverer’s  path,  and  the 
sufferings  he  had  to  sustain,  were  scarcely  inferior  to 
those  that  beset  the  knight-errant.  Hunger  and 
thirst  and  fatigue,  the  deadly  effluvia  of  the  morass 
with  its  swarms  of  venomous  insects,  the  cold  of 
mountain  snows,  and  the  scorching  sun  of  the  tropics, 
these  were  the  lot  of  every  cavalier  who  came  to 
seek  his  fortunes  in  the  New  World.  It  w'as  the 
reality  of  romance.  The  life  of  the  Spanish  adven- 
turer was  one  chapter  more  — and  not  the  least  re- 
markable — in  the  chronicles  of  knight-errantry. 

The  character  of  the  warrior  took  somewhat  of 
the  exaggerated  coloring  shed  over  his  exploits. 
Proud  and  vainglorious,  swelled  with  lofty  antici- 
pations of  his  destiny,  and  an  invincible  confidence 
in  his  own  resources,  no  danger  could  appall  and  no 
toil  could  tire  him.  The  greater  the  danger,  indeed, 
the  higher  the  charm ; for  his  soul  revelled  in  excite- 
ment, and  the  enterprise  without  peril  wanted  that 
spur  of  romance  which  was  necessary  to  rouse  his 
energies  into  action.  Yet  in  the  motives  of  action 
meaner  influences  were  strangely  mingled  wfith  the 
loftier,  the  temporal  with  the  spiritual.  Gold  was 
the  incentive  and  the  recompense,  and  in  the  pursuit 
of  it  his  inflexible  nature  rarely  hesitated  as  to  the 
means.  His  courage  was  sullied  with  cruelty,  the 
cruelty  that  flowed  equally — strange  as  it  may  seem 
— from  his  avarice  and  his  religion ; religion  as  it 


192 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


was  understood  in  that  age,  — the  religion  of  the 
Crusader.  It  was  the  convenient  cloak  for  a multi- 
tude of  sins,  which  covered  them  even  from  himself. 
The  Castilian,  too  proud  for  hypocrisy,  committed 
more  cruelties  in  the  name  of  religion  than  were 
ever  practised  by  the  pagan  idolater  or  the  fanatical 
Moslem.  The  burning  of  the  infidel  was  a sacrifice 
acceptable  to  Heaven,  and  the  conversion  of  those 
who  survived  amply  atoned  for  the  foulest  offences. 
It  is  a melancholy  and  mortifying  consideration,  that 
the  most  uncompromising  spirit  of  intolerance  — the 
spirit  of  the  Inquisitor  at  home,  and  of  the  Crusader 
abroad  — should  have  emanated  from  a religion 
which  preached  peace  upon  earth  and  good-will 
towards  man  ! 

What  a contrast  did  these  children  of  Southern 
Europe  present  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  races  who  scat- 
tered themselves  along  the  great  northern  division  of 
the  western  hemisphere  ! For  the  principle  of  ac- 
tion with  these  latter  was  not  avarice,  nor  the  more 
specious  pretext  of  proselytism ; but  independence, 
— independence  religious  and  political.  To  secure 
this,  they  were  content  to  earn  a bare  subsistence 
by  a life  of  frugality  and  toil.  They  asked  nothing 
from  the  soil,  but  the  reasonable  returns  of  their  own 
labor.  No  golden  visions  threw  a deceitful  halo 
around  their  path,  and  beckoned  them  onwards 
through  seas  of  blood  to  the  subversion  of  an  unof- 
fending dynasty.  They  were  content  with  the  slow 
but  steady  progress  of  their  social  polity.  They 
patiently  endured  the  privations  of  the  wilderness. 


Ch.  I ] SPIRIT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  193 

watering  the  tree  of  liberty  with  their  tears  and  with 
the  sweat  of  their  brow,  till  it  took  deep  root  in  the 
land  and  sent  up  its  branches  high  towards  the 
heavens  ; while  the  communities  of  the  neighbour- 
ing continent,  shooting  up  into  the  sudden  splendors 
of  a tropical  vegetation,  exhibited,  even  in  their 
prime,  the  sure  symptoms  of  decay. 

It  would  seem  to  have  been  especially  ordered  by 
Providence  that  the  discovery  of  the  two  great  divis- 
ions of  the  American  hemisphere  should  fall  to  the 
two  races  best  fitted  to  conquer  and  colonize  them. 
Thus  the  northern  section  was  consigned  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race,  whose  orderly,  industrious  habits 
found  an  ample  field  for  development  under  its  colder 
skies  and  on  its  more  rugged  soil ; while  the  south- 
ern portion,  with  its  rich  tropical  products  and  treas- 
ures of  mineral  wealth,  held  out  the  most  attractive 
bait  to  invite  the  enterprise  of  the  Spaniard.  How 
different  might  have  been  the  result,  if  the  bark  of 
Columbus  had  taken  a more  northerly  direction,  as 
he  at  one  time  meditated,  and  landed  its  band  of 
adventurers  on  the  shores  of  what  is  now  Protestant 
America ! 

Under  the  pressure  of  that  spirit  of  nautical  en- 
terprise which  filled  the  maritime  communities  of 
Europe  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  whole  extent 
of  the  mighty  continent,  from  Labrador  to  Terra  del 
Fuego,  was  explored  in  less  than  thirty  years  after 
its  discovery  ; and  in  1521,  the  Portuguese  Ma- 
ghellan,  sailing  under  the  Spanish  flag,  solved  the 
problem  of  the  strait,  and  found  a westerly  way  to 
25 


VOL.  I. 


194 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


the  long  sought  Spice-islands  of  India,  — greatly  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  Portuguese,  who,  sailing 
from  the  opposite  direction,  there  met  their  rivals, 
face  to  face,  at  the  antipodes.  But  while  the  whole 
eastern  coast  of  the  American  continent  had  been 
explored,  and  the  central  portion  of  it  colonized,  — 
even  after  the  brilliant  achievement  of  the  Mexican 
conquest,  — the  veil  was  not  yet  raised  that  hung 
over  the  golden  shores  of  the  Pacific. 

Floating  rumors  had  reached  the  Spaniards,  from 
time  to  time,  of  countries  in  the  far  west,  teeming 
with  the  metal  they  so  much  coveted ; but  the  first 
distinct  notice  of  Peru  was  about  the  year  1511, 
when  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  the  discoverer  of 
the  Southern  Sea,  was  weighing  some  gold  which  he 
had  collected  from  the  natives.  A young  barbarian 
chieftain,  who  was  present,  struck  the  scales  with 
his  fist,  and,  scattering  the  glittering  metal  around 
the  apartment,  exclaimed,  — “If  this  is  what  you 
prize  so  much  that  you  are  willing  to  leave  your 
distant  homes,  and  risk  even  life  itself  for  it,  I can 
tell  you  of  a land  where  they  eat  and  drink  out  of 
golden  vessels,  and  gold  is  as  cheap  as  iron  is  with 
you.”  It  was  not  long  after  this  startling  intelli- 
gence that  Balboa  achieved  the  formidable  adventure 
of  scaling  the  mountain  rampart  of  the  isthmus 
which  divides  the  two  mighty  oceans  from  each 
other ; when,  armed  with  sword  and  buckler,  he 
rushed  into  the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  and  cried  out, 
in  the  true  chivalrous  vein,  that  “ he  claimed  this 
unknown  sea  with  all  that  it  contained  for  the  king 


Ch.  I.] 


RUMORS  CONCERNING  PERU. 


195 


of  Castile,  and  that  he  would  make  good  the  claim 
against  all,  Christian  or  infidel,  who  dared  to  gain- 
say it  ” ! ^ All  the  broad  continent  and  sunny  isles 
washed  by  the  waters  of  the  Southern  Ocean  ! Lit- 
tle did  the  bold  cavalier  comprehend  the  full  import 
of  his  magnificent  vaunt. 

On  this  spot  he  received  more  explicit  tidings  of 
the  Peruvian  empire,  heard  proofs  recounted  of  its 
civilization,  and  was  shown  drawings  of  the  llama, 
which,  to  the  European  eye,  seemed  a species  of 
the  Arabian  camel.  But,  although  he  steered  his 
caravel  for  these  golden  realms,  and  even  pushed  his 
discoveries  some  twenty  leagues  south  of  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Michael,  the  adventure  was  not  reserved  for 
him.  The  illustrious  discoverer  was  doomed  to  fall 
a victim  to  that  miserable  jealousy  with  which  a 
little  spirit  regards  the  achievements  of  a great  one. 

The  Spanish  colonial  domain  was  broken  up  into 
a number  of  petty  governments,  which  were  dis- 
pensed sometimes  to  court  favorites,  though,  as  the 
duties  of  the  post,  at  this  early  period,  were  of 
an  arduous  nature,  they  were  more  frequently  re- 
served for  men  of  some  practical  talent  and  en- 
terprise. Columbus,  by  virtue  of  his  original  con- 
tract with  the  Crown,  had  jurisdiction  over  the  ter- 
ritories discovered  by  himself,  embracing  some  of 
the  principal  islands,  and-a  few  places  on  the  conti- 
nent. This  jurisdiction  differed  from  that  of  oth- 
er functionaries,  inasmuch  as  it  was  hereditary  ; a 

3 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  Vidas  de  Espanoles  Celebres,  (Ma- 
1,  lib.  10,  cap.  2.  — Quintana,  drid,  1830,)  tom.  II.  p.  44. 


196 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


privilege  found  in  the  end  too  considerable  for  a 
subject,  and  commuted,  therefore,  for  a title  and  a 
pension.  These  colonial  governments  were  multi- 
plied with  the  increase  of  empire,  and  by  the  year 
1524,  the  period  at  which  our  narrative  properly 
commences,  were  scattered  over  the  islands,  along  the 
Isthmus  of  Darien,  the  broad  tract  of  Terra  Firma, 
and  the  recent  conquests  of  Mexico.  Some  of  these 
governments  were  of  no  great  extent.  Others,  like 
that  of  Mexico,  were  of  the  dimensions  of  a king- 
dom ; and  most  had  an  indefinite  range  for  discovery 
assigned  to  them  in  their  immediate  neighbourhood, 
by  which  each  of  the  petty  potentates  might  enlarge 
his  territorial  sway,  and  enrich  his  followers  and 
himself.  This  politic  arrangement  best  served  the 
ends  of  the  Crown,  by  affording  a perpetual  incen- 
tive to  the  spirit  of  enterprise.  Thus  living  on  their 
own  little  domains  at  a long  distance  from  the 
mother  country,  these  military  rulers  held  a sort  of 
vice-regal  sway,  and  too  frequently  exercised  it  in 
the  most  oppressive  and  tyrannical  manner ; op- 
pressive to  the  native,  and  tyrannical  towards  their 
own  followers.  It  was  the  natural  consequence, 
when  men,  originally  low  in  station,  and  unprepared 
by  education  for  office,  were  suddenly  called  to  the 
possession  of  a brief,  but  in  its  nature  irresponsible, 
authority.  It  was  not  till  after  some  sad  experience 
of  these  results,  that  measures  were  taken  to  hold 
these  petty  tyrants  in  check  by  means  of  regular 
tribunals,  or  Royal  Audiences,  as  they  were  termed, 
wliich,  composed  of  men  of  character  and  learning. 


Ch.  I.]  RUMORS  CONCERNING  PERU.  197 

might  interpose  the  arm  of  the  law,  or,  at  least, 
the  voice  of  remonstrance,  for  the  protection  of  both 
colonist  and  native. 

Among  the  colonial  governors,  who  were  indebted 
for  their  situation  to  their  rank  at  home,  was  Don 
Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  or  Pedrarias,  as  usually  called. 
He  was  married  to  a daughter  of  Dona  Beatriz  de 
Bobadilla,  the  celebrated  Marchioness  of  Moya,  best 
known  as  the  friend  of  Isabella  the  Catholic.  He 
was  a man  of  some  military  experience  and  consider- 
able energy  of  character.  But,  as  it  proved,  he  was 
of  a malignant  temper;  and  the  base  qualities,  which 
might  have  passed  unnoticed  in  the  obscurity  of 
private  life,  were  made  conspicuous,  and  perhaps 
created  in  some  measure,  by  sudden  elevation  to 
power  ; as  the  sunshine,  which  operates  kindly  on  a 
generous  soil,  and  stimulates  it  to  production,  calls 
forth  from  the  unwholesome  marsh  only  foul  and 
pestilent  vapors.  This  man  was  placed  over  the 
territory  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  the  ground  selected  by 
Nunez  de  Balboa  for  the  theatre  of  his  discoveries. 
Success  drew  on  this  latter  the  jealousy  of  his  supe- 
rior, for  it  was  crime  enough  in  the  eyes  of  Pedra- 
rias to  deserve  too  well.  The  tragical  history  of 
this  cavalier  belongs  to  a period  somewhat  earlier 
than  that  with  which  we  are  to  be  occupied.  It  has 
been  traced  by  abler  hands  than  mine,  and,  though 
brief,  forms  one  of  the  most  brilliant  passages  in  the 
annals  of  the  American  conquerors.^ 


^ The  memorable  adventures  of  recorded  by  Quintana,  (EspaRo- 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  have  been  les  Celebres,  tom.  II.)  and  by 


198 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


But  though  Pedrarias  was  willing  to  cut  short  the 
glorious  career  of  his  rival,  he  was  not  insensible  to 
the  important  consequences  of  his  discoveries.  He 
saw  at  once  the  unsuitableness  of  Darien  for  prose- 
cuting expeditions  on  the  Pacific,  and,  conformably 
to  the  original  suggestion  of  Balboa,  in  1519,  he 
caused  his  rising  capital  to  be  transferred  from  the 
shores  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  ancient  site  of  Panama, 
some  distance  east  of  the  present  city  of  that 
name.®  This  most  unhealthy  spot,  the  cemetery  of 
many  an  unfortunate  colonist,  was  favorably  situated 
for  the  great  object  of  maritime  enterprise  ; and  the 
port,  from  its  central  position,  afforded  the  best  point 
of  departure  for  expeditions,  whether  to  the  north 
or  south,  along  the  wide  range  of  undiscovered 
coast  that  lined  the  Southern  Ocean.  Yet  in  this 
new  and  more  favorable  position,  several  years  were 


Irving  in  his  Companions  of  Co- 
lumbus. — It  is  rare  that  the  life 
of  an  individual  has  formed  the 
subject  of  two  such  elegant  memo- 
rials, produced  at  nearly  the  same 
time,  and  in  different  languages, 
without  any  communication  be- 
tween the  authors. 

5 The  Court  gave  positive  in- 
structions to  Pedrarias  to  make  a 
settlement  in  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Michael,  in  obedience  to  the  sug- 
gestion of  Vasco  Nunez,  that  it 
would  be  the  most  eligible  site  for 
discovery  and  traffic  in  the  South 
Sea.  “ El  asiento  que  se  oviere 
de  hacer  en  el  golfo  de  S.  Miguel 
en  la  mar  del  sur  debe  ser  en  el 


puerto  que  mejor  se  hallare  y mas 
convenible  para  la  contratacion  de 
aque)  golfo,  porque  segund  lo  que 
A'^asco  Nuiiez  escribe,  seria  muy 
necesario  que  alii  haya  algunos 
navios,  asi  para  descubrir  las  cosas 
del  golfo;  y de  la  comarca  del,  como 
para  la  contratacion  de  rescates  de 
las  otras  cosas  necesarias  al  buen 
proveimiento  de  aquello ; e para 
que  estos  navios  aprovechen  es 
menester  que  se  hagan  alia.”  Ca- 
pitulo  de  Carta  escrita  por  el  Rey 
Catdlico  a Pedrarias  Davila,  ap. 
Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viages 
y Descubrimientos,  (Madrid,  1829,) 
tom.  III.  No.  3. 


Ch.  I.]  RUMORS  CONCERNING  PERU.  199 

suffered  to  elapse  before  the  course  of  discovery  took 
the  direction  of  Peru.  This  was  turned  exclusively 
towards  the  north,  or  rather  west,  in  obedience  to 
the  orders  of  government,  which  had  ever  at  heart 
the  detection  of  a strait  that,  as  was  supposed, 
must  intersect  some  part  or  other  of  the  long-ex- 
tended Isthmus.  Armament  after  armament  was 
fitted  out  with  this  chimerical  object ; and  Pedra- 
rias  saw  his  domain  extending  every  year  farther 
and  farther  without  deriving  any  considerable  ad- 
vantage from  his  acquisitions.  Veragua,  Costa 
Rica,  Nicaragua,  were  successively  occupied  ; and 
his  brave  cavaliers  forced  a way  across  forest  and 
mountain  and  warlike  tribes  of  savages,  till,  at 
Honduras,  they  came  in  collision  with  the  com- 
panions of  Cortes,  the  Conquerors  of  Mexico, 
who  had  descended  from  the  great  northern  pla- 
teau on  the  regions  of  Central  America,  and  thus 
completed  the  survey  of  this  wild  and  mysterious 
land. 

It  was  not  till  1522  that  a regular  expedition  was 
despatched  in  the  direction  south  of  Panama,  under 
the  conduct  of  Pascnal  de  Andagoya,  a cavalier  of 
much  distinction  in  the  colony.  But  that  officer 
penetrated  only  to  the  Puerto  de  Pinas,  the  limit  of 
Balboa’s  discoveries,  when  the  bad  state  of  his  health 
compelled  him  to  reembark  and  abandon  his  enter- 
prise at  its  commencement.® 


® According  to  Montesinos,  An-  ing  off  the  high-mettled  animal  to 
dagoya  received  a severe  injury  by  the  wondering  eyes  of  the  natives, 
a fall  from  his  horse,  while  show-  (jVnnales  del  Peru,  MS.,  ano 


200 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


Yet  the  floating  rumors  of  the  wealth  and  civili- 
zation of  a mighty  nation  at  the  South  were  contin- 
ually reaching  the  ears  and  kindling  the  dreamy  im- 
aginations of  the  colonists ; and  it  may  seem  aston- 
ishing that  an  expedition  in  that  direction  should 
have  been  so  long  deferred.  But  the  exact  position 
and  distance  of  this  fairy  realm  were  matter  of  con- 
jecture. The  long  tract  of  intervening  country  was 
occupied  by  rude  and  warlike  races ; and  the  little 
experience  which  the  Spanish  navigators  had  already 
had  of  the  neighbouring  coast  and  its  inhabitants, 
and  still  more,  the  tempestuous  character  of  the  seas 
— for  their  expeditions  had  taken  place  at  the  most 
unpropitious  seasons  of  the  year  — enhanced  the  ap- 
parent difficulties  of  the  undertaking,  and  made  even 
their  stout  hearts  shrink  from  it. 

Such  was  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  little  com- 
munity of  Panama  for  several  years  after  its  foun- 
dation. Meanwhile,  the  dazzling  conquest  of  Mex- 
ico gave  a new  impulse  to  the  ardor  of  discov- 
ery, and,  in  1524,  three  men  were  found  in  the 
colony,  in  whom  the  spirit  of  adventure  triumphed 
over  every  consideration  of  difficulty  and  danger 


1524.)  But  the  Adelantado,  in  a 
memorial  of  his  own  discoveries, 
drawn  up  by  himself,  says  nothing 
of  this  unlucky  feat  of  horseman- 
ship, but  imputes  his  illness  to  his 
having  fallen  into  the  water,  an 
accident  by  which  he  was  near 
being  drowned,  so  that  it  was  some 
years  before  he  recovered  from  the 
effects  of  it ; a mode  of  account- 


ing for  his  premature  return,  more 
soothing  to  his  vanity,  probably, 
than  the  one  usually  received. 
This  document,  important  as  com- 
ing from  the  pen  of  one  of  the 
primitive  discoverers,  is  preserved 
in  the  Indian  Archives  of  Seville, 
and  was  published  by  Navarrete, 
Coleccion,  tom.  III.  No  7. 


Ch.  I.] 


RUMORS  CONCERNING  PERU. 


201 


that  obstructed  the  prosecution  of  the  enterprise. 
One  among  them  was  selected  as  fitted  by  his  char- 
acter to  conduct  it  to  a successful  issue.  That  man 
was  Francisco  Pizarro ; and  as  he  held  the  same 
conspicuous  post  in  the  Conquest  of  Peru  that  was 
occupied  by  Cortes  in  that  of  Mexico,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  take  a brief  review  of  his  early  history. 


VOL.  I. 


26 


CHAPTER  II. 


Francisco  Pizarro.  — His  Early  History.  — First  Expedition  to 
THE  South.  — Distresses  of  the  Voyagers.  — Sharp  Encoun- 
ters. — Return  to  Panama.  — Almagro’s  Expedition.  . 

1524—1525. 

Francisco  Pizarro  was  born  at  Tmxillo,  a city 
of  Estremadura,  in  Spain.  The  period  of  his  birth  is 
uncertain;  but  probably  it  was  not  hir  from  1471.’ 
He  was  an  illegitimate  child,  and  that  his  parents 
should  not  have  taken  pains  to  perpetuate  the  date 
of  his  birth  is  not  surprising.  Few  care  to  make  a 


1 The  few  writers  who  venture 
to  assign  the  date  of  Pizarro ’s 
birth  do  it  in  so  vague  and  contra- 
dictory a manner  as  to  inspire  us 
with  but  little  confidence  in  their 
accounts.  Herrera,  it  is  true,  says 
positively,  that  he  was  sixty-three 
years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death, 
in  1541.  (Hist.  General,  dec.  6, 
lib.  10,  cap.  6.)  This  would  carry 
back  the  date  of  his  birth  only  to 
1478.  But  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 
affirms  that  he  w'as  more  than  fifty 
years  old  in  1525.  (Com.  Real., 
Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  1.)  This 
w'ould  place  his  birth  before  1475. 
Pizarro  y Orellana,  who,  as  a kins- 
man of  the  Conqueror,  may  be  sup- 


posed to  have  had  better  means  of 
information,  says  he  was  fifty-four 
years  of  age  at  the  same  date  of 
1525.  (Varones  Ilustres  del  Nuevo 
Mundo,  (Madrid,  1639,)  p.  128.) 
But  at  the  period  of  his  death  he 
calls  him  nearly  eighty  years  old  ! 
(p.  185.)  Taking  this  latter  as  a 
round  exaggeration  for  eflbct  in  the 
particular  connection  in  which  it  is 
used,  and  admitting  the  accuracy 
of  the  former  statement,  the  epoch 
of  his  birth  will  conform  to  that 
given  in  tlie  text.  This  makes 
him  somewhat  late  in  life  to  set 
about  the  conquest  of  an  empire. 
But  Columbus,  when  he  entered  on 
his  career,  was  still  older. 


Ch.  II  ] 


FRANCISCO  PIZARRO. 


203 


particular  record  of  their  transgressions.  His  father, 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  was  a colonel  of  infantry,  and 
served  with  some  distinction  in  the  Italian  cam- 
paigns under  the  Great  Captain,  and  afterwards  in 
the  wars  of  Navarre.  His  mother,  named  Francisca 
Gonzales,  was  a person  of  humble  condition  in  the 
town  of  Truxillo.^ 

But  little  is  told  of  Francisco’s  early  years,  and 
that  little  not  always  deserving  of  credit.  Accord- 
ing to  some,  he  was  deserted  by  both  his  parents, 
and  left  as  a foundling  at  the  door  of  one  of  the 
principal  churches  of  the  city.  It  is  even  said  that 
he  would  have  perished,  had  he  not  been  nursed  by 
a sow.^  This  is  a more  discreditable  fountain  of 
supply  than  that  assigned  to  the  infant  Romulus. 
The  early  history  of  men  who  have  made  their 
names  famous  by  deeds  in  after-life,  like  the  early 
history  of  nations,  affords  a fruitful  field  for  in- 
vention. 

It  seems  certain  that  the  young  Pizarro  received 
little  care  from  either  of  his  parents,  and  was  suf- 
fered to  grow  up  as  nature  dictated.  He  was  nei- 
ther taught  to  read  nor  write,  and  his  principal 
occupation  was  that  of  a swineherd.  But  this  torpid 
way  of  life  did  not  suit  the  stirring  spirit  of  Pizarro, 
as  he  grew  older,  and  listened  to  the  tales,  widely 

2 Xerez,  Conquista  del  Peru,  ronlo  a la  puerta  de  la  Iglesia, 

ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  179.  — mamo  una  Puerca  ciertos  Dias,  no 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  Ub.  l,cap.  se  hallando  quien  le  quisiese  dar 
1.  — Pizarro  y Orellana,  Yarones  leche.”  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Hustres,  p.  128.  Ind.,  cap.  144. 

3 “ Nacio  en  Truxillo,  i echa- 


204 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


circulated  and  so  captivating  to  a youthful  fancy,  of 
the  New  World.  He 'shared  in  the  popular  enthusi- 
asm, and  availed  himself  of  a favorable  moment  to 
abandon  his  ignoble  charge,  and  escape  to  Seville, 
the  port  where  the  Spanish  adventurers  embarked  to 
seek  their  fortunes  in  the  West.  Few  of  them  could 
have  turned  their  backs  on  their  native  land  with 
less  cause  for  regret  than  Pizarro.'* 

In  what  year  this  important  change  in  his  destiny 
took  place  we  are  not  informed.  The  first  we  hear 
of  him  in  the  New  World  is  at  the  island  of  His- 
paniola, in  1510,  where  he  took  part  in  the  expedi- 
tion to  Uraba  in  Terra  Firma,  under  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda,  a cavalier  whose  character  and  achievements 
find  no  parallel  but  in  the  pages  of  Cervantes.  Her- 
nando Cortes,  whose  mother  was  a Pizarro,  and 
related,  it  is  said,  to  the  father  of  Francis,  was  then 
in  St.  Domingo,  and  prepared  to  accompany  Ojeda’s 
expedition,  but  was  prevented  by  a temporary  lame- 
ness. Had  he  gone,  the  fall  of  the  Aztec  empire 
might  have  been  postponed  for  some  time  longer,  and 
the  sceptre  of  Montezuma  have  descended  in  peace 
to  his  posterity.  Pizarro  shared  in  the  disastrous 
fortunes  of  Ojeda’s  colony,  and,  by  his  discretion, 
obtained  so  far  the  confidence  of  his  commander,  as 
to  be  left  in  charge  of  the  settlement,  when  the 


According  to  the  Comendador  other  illustrious  discoverers,  in  the 
Pizarro  y Orellana,  Francis  Pizarro  New  World,  whose  successes  the 
served,  while  quite  a stripling,  with  author  modestly  attributes  to  his 
his  father,  in  the  Italian  wars  ; and  kinsman’s  valor,  as  a principal 
afterwards,  under  Columbus  and  cause!  Varones  Ilustres,  p.  187. 


Ch.  II.l 


HIS  EARLY  HISTORY. 


205 


latter  returned  for  supplies  to  the  islands.  The 
lieutenant  continued  at  his  perilous  post  for  nearly 
two  months,  waiting  deliberately  until  death  should 
have  thinned  off  the  colony  sufficiently  to  allow  the 
miserable  remnant  to  be  embarked  in  the  single 
small  vessel  that  remained  to  it.^ 

After  this,  w'e  find  him  associated  with  Balboa, 
the  discoverer  of  the  Pacific,  and  cooperating  with 
him  in  establishing  the  settlement  at  Darien.  He 
had  the  glory  of  accompanying  this  gallant  cavalier 
in  his  terrible  march  across  the  mountains,  and  of 
being  among  the  first  Europeans,  therefore,  whose 
eyes  were  greeted  with  the  long-promised  vision  of 
the  Southern  Ocean. 

After  the  untimely  death  of  his  commander,  Pi- 
zarro  attached  himself  to  the  fortunes  of  Pedrarias, 
and  was  employed  by  that  governor  in  several  mili- 
tary expeditions,  which,  if  they  afforded  nothing 
else,  gave  him  the  requisite  training  for  the  perils 
and  privations  that  lay  in  the  path  of  the  future 
Conqueror  of  Peru. 

In  1515,  he  was  selected,  with  another  cavalier 
named  Morales,  to  cross  the  Isthmus  and  traffic 
with  the  natives  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  And 
there,  while  engaged  in  collecting  his  booty  of  gold 
and  pearls  from  the  neighbouring  islands,  as  his  eye 
ranged  along  the  shadowy  line  of  coast  till  it  faded 
in  the  distance,  his  imagination  may  have  been  first 

5 Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio 
Ilxistres,  pp.  121,  128.  — Herrera,  1510. 

Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  14. 


206 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


fired  with  the  idea  of,  one  day,  attempting  the  con- 
quest of  the  mysterious  regions  beyond  the  moun- 
tains. On  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  government 
across  the  Isthmus  to  Panamd,  Pizarro  accompanied 
Pedrarias,  and  his  name  became  conspicuous  among 
the  cavaliers  who  extended  the  line  of  conquest  to 
the  north  over  the  martial  tribes  of  Veragua.  But 
all  these  expeditions,  whatever  glory  they  may  have 
brought  him,  were  productive  of  very  little  gold ; 
and,  at  the  age  of  fifty,  the  captain  Pizarro  found 
himself  in  possession  only  of  a tract  of  unhealthy 
land  in  the  neigbourhood  of  the  capital,  and  of  such 
repartimientos  of  the  natives  as  were  deemed  suited 
to  his  military  services.®  The  New  World  was  a 
lottery,  where  the  great  prizes  were  so  few  that  the 
odds  were  much  against  the  player ; yet  in  the 
game  he  was  content  to  stake  health,  fortune,  and, 
too  often,  his  fair  fame. 

Such  was  Pizarro’s  situation  when,  in  1522,  An- 
dagoya  returned  from  his  unfinished  enterprise  to 
the  south  of  Panamd,  bringing  back  with  him  more 
copious  accounts  than  any  hitherto  received  of  the 
opulence  and  grandeur  of  the  countries  that  lay  be- 
yond.^ It  was  at  this  time,  too,  that  the  splendid 


6 “ Teniendo  su  casa,  i Hacien- 
da, i Repartimiento  de  Indies  como 
uno  de  los  Principales  de  la  Tierra ; 
porque  siempre  lo  fue.”  Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
III.  p.  79. 

Andagoya  says  that  he  ob- 
tained, while  at  Bird,  very  minute 


accounts  of  the  empire  of  the  Incas, 
from  certain  itinerant  traders  who 
frequented  that  country.  “ En 
esta  provincia  supe  yhube  relacion, 
ansi  de  los  senores  como  de  mer- 
caderes  e interpretes  que  ellos  te- 
nian,  de  toda  la  costa  de  todo  lo 
que  despues  se  ha  visto  hasta  el 


Ch.  II.]  FIRST  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  SOUTH. 


207 


achievements  of  Cortes  made  their  impression  on 
the  public  mind,  and  gave  a new  impulse  to  the 
spirit  of  adventure.  The  southern  expeditions  be- 
came a common  topic  of  speculation  among  the 
colonists  of  Panama.  But  the  region  of  gold,  as  it 
lay  behind  the  mighty  curtain  of  the  Cordilleras, 
was  still  veiled  in  obscurity.  No  idea  could  be 
formed  of  its  actual  distance ; and  the  hardships 
and  difficulties  encountered  by  the  few  navigators 
who  had  sailed  in  that  direction  gave  a gloomy 
character  to  the  undertaking,  which  had  hitherto 
deterred  the  most  daring  from  embarking  in  it. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  Pizarro  showed  any  par- 
ticular alacrity  in  the  cause.  Nor  were  his  own 
funds  such  as  to  warrant  any  expectation  of  success 
without  great  assistance  from  others.  He  found 
this  in  two  individuals  of  the  colony,  who  took  too 
important  a part  in  the  subsequent  transactions  not 
to  be  particularly  noticed. 

One  of  them,  Diego  de  Almagro,  was  a soldier 
of  fortune,  somewhat  older,  it  seems  probable,  than 
Pizarro  ; though  little  is  known  of  his  birth,  and 
even  the  place  of  it  is  disputed.  It  is  supposed  to 
have  been  the  town  of  Almagro  in  New  Castile, 
whence  his  own  name,  for  want  of  a better  source, 
was  derived ; for,  like  Pizarro,  he  was  a found- 
ling.® Few  particulars  are  known  of  him  till  the 


Cuzco,  particularmente  de  cada  varrete,  Coleccion,  tom.  III.  No. 
provincia  la  manera  y gente  della,  7. 

porque  estos  alcanzaban  por  via  de  8 “ Hecia  el  que  hera  de  Alma- 
mercaduria  mucha  tierra.”  Na-  gro^'  says  Pedro  Pizarro,  who 


208 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


present  period  of  our  history ; for  he  was  one  of 
those  whom  the  working  of  turbulent  times  first 
thi’ows  upon  the  surface,  — less  fortunate,  perhaps, 
than  if  left  in  their  original  obscurity.  In  his  mili- 
tary career,  Almagro  had  earned  the  reputation  of  a 
gallant  soldier.  He  was  frank  and  liberal  in  his 
disposition,  somewhat  hasty  and  ungovernable  in  his 
passions,  hut,  like  men  of  a sanguine  temperament, 
after  the  first  sallies  had  passed  away,  not  difficult 
to  be  appeased.  He  had,  in  short,  the  good  quali- 
ties and  the  defects  incident  to  an  honest  nature, 
not  improved  by  the  discipline  of  early  education  or 
self-control. 

The  other  member  of  the  confederacy  was  Her- 
nando de  Luque,  a Spanish  ecclesiastic,  who  exer- 
cised the  functions  of  vicar  at  Panama,  and  had 
formerly  filled  the  office  of  schoolmaster  in  the  Ca- 
thedral of  Darien.  He  seems  to  have  been  a man 
of  singular  prudence  and  knowledge  of  the  world  ; 
and  by  his  respectable  qualities  had  acquired  con- 
siderable influence  in  the  little  community  to  which 
he  belonged,  as  well  as  the  control  of  funds,  which 
made  his  cooperation  essential  to  the  success  of  the 
present  enterprise. 

It  was  arranged  among  the  three  associates,  that 


knew  him  well.  Relacion  del  The  last  writer  admits  that 
Descubrimicnto  y Conquista  de  los  Almagro’s  parentage  is  unknown  ; 
Reyuos  del  Peru,  MS.  — See  also  but  adds  that  the  character  of  his 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  early  exploits  infers  an  illustrious 
1.  — Gomara,  Hist,  dc  las  Ind.,  descent. — This  would  scarcely  pass 
cap.  141. — Pizarro  y Orellana,  for  evidence  with  the  College  of 
Varones  Ilustres,  p.  211.  Heralds. 


Ch.  II.]  FIRST  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  SOUTH. 


209 


the  two  cavaliers  should  contribute  their  little 
stock  towards  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  arma- 
ment, but  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  funds  was 
to  be  furnished  by  Luque.  Pizarro  was  to  take 
command  of  the  expedition,  and  the  business  of 
victualling  and  equipping  the  vessels  was  assigned 
to  Almagro.  The  associates  found  no  difficulty  in 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  governor  to  their  under- 
taking. After  the  return  of  Andagoya,  he  had  pro- 
jected another  expedition,  but  the  officer  to  whom 
it  was  to  be  intrusted  died.  Why  he  did  not  pros- 
ecute his  original  purpose,  and  commit  the  affair  to 
an  experienced  captain  like  Pizarro,  does  not  ap- 
pear. He  was  probably  not  displeased  that  the 
burden  of  the  enterprise  should  be  borne  by  others, 
so  long  as  a good  share  of  the  profits  went  into  his 
own  coffers.  This  he  did  not  overlook  in  his  stipu- 
lations.® 

Thus  fortified  with  the  funds  of  Luque,  and  the 
consent  of  the  governor,  Almagro  was  not  slow  to 


9 “ Asi  que  estos  tres  compafie- 
ros  ya  dichos  Acordaron  de  yr  a 
conquistar  esta  provincia  ya  dicha. 
Pues  consultandolo  con  Pedro  Arias 
de  Avila  que  a la  sazon  hera  gover- 
nador  en  tierra  firme.  Vino  en 
ello  haziendo  compania  con  los 
dichos  companeros  con  condicion 
que  Pedro  Arias  no  havia  de  con- 
tribuir  entonces  con  ningun  dinero 
ni  otra  cosa  sino  de  lo  que  se  hallase 
en  la  tierra  de  lo  que  a el  le  cupiese 
por  virtud  de  la  compania  de  alii  se 
pagasen  los  gastos  que  a el  le  cu- 
piesen.  Los  tres  companeros  vi- 
VOL.  I.  27 


nieron  en  ello  por  aver  esta  licencia 
porque  de  otra  manera  no  la  alcan- 
zaran.”  (Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS.)  Andagoya,  however, 
affirms  that  the  governor  was  in- 
terested equally  with  the  other 
associates  in  the  adventure,  each 
taking  a fourth  part  on  himself. 
(Navarrete,  Coleccion,  tom.  III. 
No.  7.)  But  whatever  was  the 
original  interest  of  Pedrarias,  it 
mattered  little,  as  it  was  surren- 
dered before  any  profits  were  real- 
ized from  the  expedition. 


210 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


make  preparations  for  the  voyage.  Two  small  ves- 
sels were  purchased,  the  larger  of  which  had  been 
originally  built  by  Balboa,  for  himself,  with  a view 
to  this  same  expedition.  Since  his  death,  it  had 
lain  dismantled  in  the  harbour  of  Panama.  It  was 
now  refitted  as  well  as  circumstances  would  permit, 
and  put  in  order  for  sea,  while  the  stores  and  provis- 
ions were  got  on  board  with  an  alacrity  which  did 
more  credit,  as  the  event  proved,  to  Almagro’s  zeal 
than  to  his  forecast. 

There  was  more  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  neces- 
sary complement  of  hands ; for  a general  feeling  of 
distrust  had  gathered  round  expeditions  in  this  di- 
rection, which  could  not  readily  be  overcome.  But 
there  were  many  idle  hangers-on  in  the  colony,  who 
had  come  out  to  mend  their  fortunes,  and  were 
willing  to  take  their  chance  of  doing  so,  however 
desperate.  From  such  materials  as  these,  Almagro 
assembled  a body  of  somewhat  more  than  a hun- 
dred men  ; and  every  thing  being  ready,  Pizarro 
assumed  the  command,  and,  weighing  anchor,  took 
his  departure  from  the  little  port  of  Panamii,  about 
the  middle  of  November,  1524.  Almagro  was  to 
follow  in  a second  vessel  of  inferior  size,  as  soon  as 
it  could  be  fitted  out." 

10  Herrera,  the  most  popular  temporary,  and  resident  at  Lima, 
historian  of  these  transactions,  es-  even  allows  a hundred  and  twenty- 
timates  the  number  of  Pizarro’s  nine.  Relacion  sumaria  de  la  en- 
followers  only  at  eighty.  But  trada  de  los  Espanoles  en  el  Peru, 
every  other  authority  which  I have  MS. 

consulted  raises  them  to  over  a n There  is  the  usual  discrepancy 
hundred.  Father  Naharro,  a con-  among  authors  about  the  date  of 


Ch.  II  ] FIRST  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  SOUTH. 


211 


The  time  of  year  was  the  most  unsuitable  that 
could  have  been  selected  for  the  voyage ; for  it 
was  the  rainy  season,  when  the  navigation  to  the 
south,  impeded  by  contrary  winds,  is  made  doubly 
dangerous  by  the  tempests  that  sweep  over  the 
coast.  Blit  this  was  not  understood  by  the  adven- 
turers. After  touching  at  the  Isle  of  Pearls,  the 
frequent  resort  of  navigators,  at  a few  leagues’  dis- 
tance from  Panamd,  Pizarro  held  his  way  across  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Michael,  and  steered  almost  due  south 
for  the  Puerto  de  Pinas,  a headland  in  the  province 
of  Biruquete,  which  marked  the  limit  of  Andagoya’s 
voyage.  Before  his  departure,  Pizarro  had  obtained 
all  the  information  which  he  could  derive  from  that 
officer  in  respect  to  the  country,  and  the  route  he 
was  to  follow.  But  the  cavalier’s  own  experience 
had  been  too  limited  to  enable  him  to  be  of  much 
assistance. 

Doubling  the  Puerto  de  Pinas,  the  little  vessel 
entered  the  river  Biru,  the  misapplication  of  which 
name  is  supposed  by  some  to  have  given  rise  to 
that  of  the  empire  of  the  Incas. After  sailing  up 
this  stream  for  a couple  of  leagues,  Pizarro  came  to 

this  expedition.  Most  fix  it  at  by  Pizarro’s  Capituladon  with  the 
1525.  I have  conformed  to  Xerez,  Crown,  which  I had  not  examined 
Pizarro’s  secretary,  whose  narrative  till  after  the  above  was  wTitten. 
was  published  ten  years  after  the  This  instrument,  dated  July,  1529, 
voyage,  and  who  could  hardly  have  speaks  of  his  first  expedition  as 
forgotten  the  date  of  so  memorable  having  taken  place  about  five  years 
an  event,  in  so  short  an  interval  of  previous.  Appendix,  No.  VII.) 
time.  (See  his  Conquista  del  Peru,  12  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  179.)  cap.  1. — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 

The  year  seems  to  be  settled  dec.  3,  lib.  6,  cap.  13. 


212 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


anchor,  and  disembarking  his  whole  force  except  the 
sailors,  proceeded  at  the  head  of  it  to  explore  the 
country.  The  land  spread  out  into  a vast  swamp, 
where  the  heavy  rains  had  settled  in  pools  of  stag- 
nant water,  and  the  muddy  soil  afforded  no  foot- 
ing to  the  traveller.  This  dismal  morass  was  frin- 
ged with  woods,  through  whose  thick  and  tangled 
undergrowth  they  found  it  difficult  to  penetrate  ; and 
emerging  from  them,  they  came  out  on  a hilly  coun- 
try, so  rough  and  rocky  in  its  character,  that  their 
feet  were  cut  to  the  bone,  and  the  weary  soldier, 
encumbered  with  his  heavy  mail  or  thick-padded 
doublet  of  cotton,  found  it  difficult  to  drag  one  foot 
after  the  other.  The  heat  at  times  was  oppressive  ; 
and,  fainting  with  toil  and  famished  for  want  of  food, 
they  sank  down  on  the  earth  from  mere  exhaustion. 
Such  was  the  ominous  commencement  of  the  expe- 
dition to  Peru. 

Pizarro,  however,  did  not  lose  heart.  He  en- 
deavoured to  revive  the  spirits  of  his  men,  and  be- 
sought them  not  to  be  discouraged  by  difficulties 
which  a brave  heart  would  be  sure  to  overcome,  re- 
minding them  of  the  golden  prize  which  awaited 
those  who  persevered.  Yet  it  was  obvious  that 
nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  remaining  longer  in  this 
desolate  region.  Returning  to  their  vessel,  there- 
fore, it  was  suffered  to  drop  down  the  river  and 
proceed  along  its  southern  course  on  the  great  ocean. 

After  coasting  a few  leagues,  Pizarro  anchored 
off  a place  not  very  inviting  in  its  appearance,  where 
he  took  in  a supply  of  wood  and  water.  Then, 


Ch.  II  ] 


DISTRESSES  OF  THE  VOYAGERS. 


213 


Stretching  more  towards  the  open  sea,  he  held  on  in 
the  same  direction  towards  the  south.  But  in  this 
he  was  baffled  by  a succession  of  heavy  tempests, 
accompanied  with  such  tremendous  peals  of  thunder 
and  floods  of  rain  as  are  found  only  in  the  terrible 
storms  of  the  tropics.  The  sea  was  lashed  into 
fury,  and,  swelling  into  mountain  billows,  threatened 
every  moment  to  overwhelm  the  crazy  little  hark, 
which  opened  at  every  seam.  For  ten  days  the  un- 
fortunate voyagers  were  tossed  about  by  the  pitiless 
elements,  and  it  was  only  by  incessant  exertions  — 
the  exertions  of  despair  — that  they  preserved  the 
ship  from  foundering.  To  add  to  their  calamities, 
their  provisions  began  to  fail,  and  they  were  short  of 
water,  of  which  they  had  been  furnished  only  with 
a small  number  of  casks ; for  Almagro  had  counted 
on  their  recruiting  their  scanty  supplies,  from  time 
to  time,  from  the  shore.  Their  meat  was  wholly 
consumed,  and  they  were  reduced  to  the  wretched 
allowance  of  two  ears  of  Indian  corn  a day  for  each 
man. 

Thus  harassed  by  hunger  and  the  elements,  the 
battered  voyagers  were  too  happy  to  retrace  their 
course  and  regain  the  port  where  they  had  last 
taken  in  supplies  of  wood  and  water.  Yet  nothing 
could  be  more  unpromising  than  the  aspect  of  the 
country.  It  had  the  same  character  of  low,  swampy 
soil,  that  distinguished  the  former  landing-place ; 
while  thick-matted  forests,  of  a depth  which  the 
eye  could  not  penetrate,  stretched  along  the  coast  to 
an  interminable  length.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 


214 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


wearied  Spaniards  endeavoured  to  thread  the  mazes 
of  this  tangled  thieket,  where  the  ereepers  and  flow- 
ering vines,  that  shoot  up  luxuriant  in  a hot  and 
humid  atmosphere,  had  twined  themselves  round 
the  huge  trunks  of  the  forest-trees,  and  made  a net- 
work that  eould  be  opened  only  with  the  axe.  The 
rain,  in  the  mean  time,  rarely  slaekened,  and  the 
ground,  strewed  with  leaves  and  saturated  with 
moisture,  seemed  to  slip  away  beneath  their  feet. 

Nothing  could  be  more  dreary  and  disheartening 
than  the  aspect  of  these  funereal  forests ; where  the 
exhalations  from  the  overcharged  surface  of  the 
ground  poisoned  the  air,  and  seemed  to  allow  no 
life,  except  that,  indeed,  of  myriads  of  insects, 
whose  enamelled  wings  glanced  to  and  fro,  like 
sparks  of  fire,  in  every  opening  of  the  woods.  Even 
the  brute  creation  appeared  instinctively  to  have 
shunned  the  fatal  spot,  and  neither  beast  nor  bird 
of  any  description  was  seen  by  the  wanderers.  Si- 
lence reigned  unbroken  in  the  heart  of  these  dismal 
solitudes  ; at  least,  the  only  sounds  that  could  be 
heard  were  the  plashing  of  the  rain-drops  on  the 
leaves,  and  the  tread  of  the  forlorn  adventurers.^^ 

Entirely  discouraged  by  the  aspect  of  the  country, 
the  Spaniards  began  to  comprehend  that  they  had 
gained  nothing  by  changing  their  quarters  from  sea 
to  shore,  and  they  felt  the  most  serious  apprehen- 

13  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  lib.  1,  cap.  1.  — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  180.  — Rela-  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  7. — 
cion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  lib.  6,  cap.  13. 

1515.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 


Cii.  II.] 


DISTRESSES  OF  THE  VOYAGERS. 


215 


sions  of  perishing  from  famine  in  a region  which 
afforded  nothing  but  such  unwholesome  berries  as 
they  could  pick  up  here  and  there  in  the  woods. 
They  loudly  complained  of  their  hard  lot,  accus- 
ing their  commander  as  the  author  of  all  their  trou- 
bles, and  as  deluding  them  with  promises  of  a fairy- 
land, which  seemed  to  recede  in  proportion  as  they 
advanced.  It  was  of  no  use,  they  said,  to  con- 
tend against  fate,  and  it  was  better  to  take  their 
chance  of  regaining  the  port  of  Panama  in  time  to 
save  their  lives,  than  to  wait  where  they  were  to  die 
of  hunger. 

But  Pizarro  was  prepared  to  encounter  much 
greater  evils  than  these,  before  returning  to  Pana- 
ma, bankrupt  in  credit,  an  object  of  derision  as  a 
vainglorious  dreamer,  who  had  persuaded  others  to 
embark  in  an  adventure  which  he  had  not  the  cour- 
age to  carry  through  himself.  The  present  was  his 
only  chance.  To  return  would  be  ruin.  He  used 
every  argument,  therefore,  that  mortified  pride  or 
avarice  could  suggest  to  turn  his  followers  from  their 
purpose ; represented  to  them  that  these  were  the 
troubles  that  necessarily  lay  in  the  path  of  the  dis- 
coverer ; and  called  to  mind  the  brilliant  successes 
of  their  countrymen  in  other  quarters,  and  the  re- 
peated reports,  which  they  had  themselves  received, 
of  the  rich  regions  along  this  coast,  of  which  it 
required  only  courage  and  constancy  on  their  part  to 
become  the  masters.  Yet,  as  their  present  exigencies 
were  pressing,  he  resolved  to  send  back  the  vessel 
to  the  Isle  of  Pearls,  to  lay  in  a fresh  stock  of  pro- 


216 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


visions  for  his  company,  which  might  enable  them 
to  go  forward  with  renewed  confidence.  The  dis- 
tance was  not  great,  and  in  a few  days  they  would 
all  be  relieved  from  their  perilous  position.  The 
officer  detached  on  this  service  was  named  Monte- 
negro ; and  taking  with  him  nearly  half  the  com- 
pany, after  receiving  Pizarro’s  directions,  he  instant- 
ly weighed  anchor,  and  steered  for  the  Isle  of  Pearls. 

On  the  departure  of  his  vessel,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander made  an  attempt  to  explore  the  country, 
and  see  if  some  Indian  settlement  might  not  be 
found,  where  he  could  procure  refreshments  for 
his  followers.  But  his  efforts  were  vain,  and  no 
trace  was  visible  of  a human  dwelling ; though,  in 
the  dense  and  impenetrable  foliage  of  the  equatorial 
regions,  the  distance  of  a few  rods  might  suffice 
to  screen  a city  from  observation.  The  only  means 
of  nourishment  left  to  the  unfortunate  adventurers 
were  such  shell-fish  as  they  occasionally  picked 
up  on  the  shore,  or  the  bitter  buds  of  the  palm- 
tree,  and  such  berries  and  unsavoury  herbs  as  grew 
wild  in  the  woods.  Some  of  these  were  so  poison- 
ous, that  the  bodies  of  those  who  ate  them  swelled 
up  and  were  tormented  with  racking  pains.  Others, 
preferring  famine  to  this  miserable  diet,  pined  away 
from  weakness  and  actually  died  of  starvation.  Yet 
their  resolute  leader  strove  to  maintain  his  own 
cheerfulness  and  to  keep  up  the  drooping  spirits  of 
his  men.  He  freely  shared  with  them  his  scanty 
stock  of  provisions,  was  unwearied  in  his  endeavours 
to  procure  them  sustenance,  tended  the  sick,  and 


Ch.  II  ] 


DISTRESSES  OF  THE  VOYAGERS. 


217 


ordered  barracks  to  be  constructed  for  their  accom- 
modation, which  might,  at  least,  shelter  them  from 
the  drenching  storms  of  the  season.  By  this  ready 
sympathy  with  his  followers  in  their  sufferings,  he 
obtained  an  ascendency  over  their  rough  natures, 
which  the  assertion  of  authority,  at  least  in  the  pres- 
ent extremity,  could  never  have  secured  to  him. 

Day  after  day,  week  after  week,  had  now  passed 
away,  and  no  tidings  were  heard  of  the  vessel  that 
was  to  bring  relief  to  the  wanderers.  In  vain  did 
they  strain  their  eyes  over  the  distant  waters  to 
catch  a glimpse  of  their  coming  friends.  Not  a 
speck  was  to  be  seen  in  the  blue  distance,  where 
the  canoe  of  the  savage  dared  not  venture,  and  the 
sail  of  the  white  man  was  not  yet  spread.  Those 
who  had  borne  up  bravely  at  first  now  gave  way  to 
despondency,  as  they  felt  themseh'es  abandoned  by 
their  countrymen  on  this  desolate  shore.  They 
pined  under  that  sad  feeling  which  “ maketh  the 

heart  sick.”  More  than  twentv  of  the  little  band 

«/ 

had  already  died,  and  the  sur\dvors  seemed  to  be 
rapidly  following. 

At  this  crisis  reports  were  brought  to  Pizarro  of  a 
light  having  been  seen  through  a distant  opening  in 
the  woods.  He  hailed  the  tidings  with  eagerness, 
as  intimating  the  existence  of  some  settlement  in 
the  neighbourhood ; and,  putting  himself  at  the  head 
of  a small  party,  went  in  the  direction  pointed  out, 
to  reconnoitre.  He  was  not  disappointed,  and,  after 

Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. — Xe- 
rez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 

VOL.  I.  28 


218 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


extricating  himself  from  a dense  wilderness  of  un- 
derbrush and  foliage,  he  emerged  into  an  open 
space,  where  a small  Indian  village  was  planted. 
The  timid  inhabitants,  on  the  sudden  apparition  of 
the  strangers,  quitted  their  huts  in  dismay ; and  the 
famished  Spaniards,  rushing  in,  eagerly  made  them- 
selves masters  of  their  contents.  These  consisted 
of  different  articles  of  food,  chiefly  maize  and  cocoa- 
nuts.  The  supply,  though  small,  was  too  seasona- 
ble not  to  fill  them  with  rapture. 

The  astonished  natives  made  no  attempt  at  re- 
sistance. But,  gathering  more  confidence  as  no  vio- 
lence was  offered  to  their  persons,  they  drew  nearer 
the  white  men,  and  inquired,  “ Why  they  did  not 
stay  at  home  and  till  their  own  lands,  instead  of 
roaming  about  to  rob  others  who  had  never  harmed 
them  ? ” Whatever  may  have  been  their  opinion 
as  to  the  question  of  right,  the  Spaniards,  no  doubt, 
felt  then  that  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  do  so. 
But  the  savages  wore  about  their  persons  gold  or- 
naments of  some  size,  though  of  clumsy  workman- 
ship. This  furnished  the  best  reply  to  their  de- 
mand. It  was  the  golden  bait  which  lured  the 
Spanish  adventurer  to  forsake  his  pleasant  home  for 
the  trials  of  the  wilderness.  From  the  Indians 
Pizarro  gathered  a confirmation  of  the  reports  he 
had  so  often  received  of  a rich  country  lying  farther 
south ; and  at  the  distance  of  ten  days’  journey 


15  “ Porque  decian  h los  Cas-  los  Bastimentos  agenos,  pasando 
tellanos,  que  por  qu^  no  sembra-  tantos  trabajost”  Herrera,  Hist, 
ban,  i cogian,  sin  andar  tomando  General,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  II.] 


DISTRESSES  OF  THE  VOYAGERS. 


219 


across  the  mountains,  they  told  him,  there  dwelt  a 
mighty  monarch  whose  dominions  had  been  invad- 
ed by  another  still  more  powerful,  the  Child  of  the 
Sun.’®  It  may  have  been  the  invasion  of  Quito 
that  was  meant,  by  the  valiant  Inca  Huayna  Capac, 
which  took  place  some  years  previous  to  Pizarro’s 
expedition. 

At  length,  after  the  expiration  of  more  than  six 
weeks,  the  Spaniards  beheld  with  delight  the  return 
of  the  wandering  bark  that  had  borne  away  their 
comrades,  and  Montenegro  sailed  into  port  with  an 
ample  supply  of  provisions  for  his  famishing  coun- 
trymen. Great  was  his  horror  at  the  aspect  pre- 
sented by  the  latter,  their  wild  and  haggard  coun- 
tenances and  wasted  frames,  — so  wasted  by  hun- 
ger and  disease,  that  their  old  companions  found 
it  difficult  to  recognize  them.  Montenegro  account- 
ed for  his  delay  by  incessant  head  winds  and  bad 
weather ; and  he  himself  had  also  a doleful  tale  to 
tell  of  the  distress  to  which  he  and  his  crew  had 
been  reduced  by  bunger,  on  their  passage  to  the 
Isle  of  Pearls.  — It  is  minute  incidents  like  these 


16  “ Dioles  noticia  el  viejo  por 
medio  del  lengua,  como  diez  soles 
de  alii  habia  un  Rey  muy  poderoso 
yendo  por  espesas  montaiias,  y que 
otro  mas  poderoso  hijo  del  sol  ha- 
bia venido  de  milagro  a quitarle  el 
Reino  sobre  que  tenian  mui  san- 
grientas  batallas.”  (Montesinos, 
Ajinales,MS.,atio  1525.)  Thecon- 
quest  of  Quito  by  Huayna  Capac 
took  place  more  than  thirty  years 
before  this  period  in  our  history. 


But  the  particulars  of  this  revolu- 
tion, its  time  or  precise  theatre, 
were,  probably,  but  very  vaguely 
comprehended  by  the  rude  nations 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Panama ; 
and  their  allusion  to  it  in  an  un- 
known dialect  was  as  little  compre- 
hended by  the  Spanish  voyagers, 
who  must  have  collected  their  in- 
formation from  signs  much  more 
than  words. 


220 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


with  which  we  have  been  occupied,  that  enable 
one  to  comprehend  the  extremity  of  suffering  to 
which  the  Spanish  adventurer  was  subjected  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  great  work  of  discovery. 

Revived  by  the  substantial  nourishment  to  which 
they  had  so  long  been  strangers,  the  Spanish  cava- 
liers, with  the  buoyancy  that  belongs  to  men  of  a 
hazardous  and  roving  life,  forgot  their  past  distresses 
in  their  eagerness  to  prosecute  their  enterprise.  Re- 
embarking therefore  on  board  his  vessel,  Pizarro 
bade  adieu  to  the  scene  of  so  much  suffering,  which 
he  branded  with  the  appropriate  name  of  Puerto  de 
la  Hambre,  the  Port  of  Famine,  and  again  opened 
his  sails  to  a favorable  breeze  that  bore  him  onwards 
towards  the  south. 

Had  he  struck  boldly  out  into  the  deep,  instead 
of  hugging  the  inhospitable  shore,  where  he  had 
hitherto  found  so  little  to  recompense  him,  he  might 
have  spared  himself  the  repetition  of  wearisome  and 
unprofitable  adventures,  and  reached  by  a shorter 
route  the  point  of  his  destination.  But  the  Spanish 
mariner  groped  his  way  along  these  unknown  coasts, 
landing  at  every  convenient  headland,  as  if  fearful 
lest  some  fruitful  region  or  precious  mine  might  be 
overlooked,  should  a single  break  occur  in  the  line  of 
survey.  Yet  it  should  be  remembered,  that,  though 
the  true  point  of  Pizarro’s  destination  is  obvious  to 
us,  familiar  with  the  topography  of  these  countries, 
he  was  wandering  in  the  dark,  feeling  his  way 
along,  inch  by  inch,  as  it  were,  without  chart  to 
guide  him,  without  knowledge  of  the  seas  or  of  the 


Ch.  II  ] 


SHARP  ENCOUNTERS. 


221 


bearings  of  the  coast,  and  even  with  no  better  defin- 
ed idea  of  the  object  at  which  he  aimed  than  that 
of  a land,  teeming  with  gold,  that  lay  somewhere  at 
the  south ! It  was  a hunt  after  an  El  Dorado  ; on 
information  scarcely  more  circumstantial  or  authen- 
tic than  that  which  furnished  the  basis  of  so  many 
cliimerical  enterprises  in  this  land  of  wonders.  Suc- 
cess only,  the  best  argument  with  the  multitude, 
redeemed  the  expeditions  of  Pizarro  from  a similar 
imputation  of  extravagance. 

Holding  on  his  southerly  course  under  the  lee  of 
the  shore,  Pizarro,  after  a short  run,  found  himself 
abreast  of  an  open  reach  of  country,  or  at  least  one 
less  encumbered  wfith  wood,  which  rose  by  a gradual 
swell,  as  it  receded  from  the  coast.  He  landed 
with  a small  body  of  men,  and,  advancing  a short 
distance  into  the  interior,  fell  in  with  an  Indian 
hamlet.  It  was  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants,  who, 
on  the  approach  of  the  invaders,  had  betaken  them- 
selves to  the  mountains ; and  the  Spaniards,  entering 
their  deserted  dwellings,  found  there  a good  store 
of  maize  and  other  articles  of  food,  and  rude  orna- 
ments of  gold  of  considerable  value.  Food  was  not 
more  necessary  for  their  bodies  than  was  the  sight 
of  gold,  from  time  to  time,  to  stimulate  their  appe- 
tite for  adventure.  One  spectacle,  however,  chilled 
their  blood  with  horror.  This  was  the  si^ht  of 

O 

human  flesh,  which  they  found  roasting  before  the 
fii-e,  as  the  barbarians  had  left  it,  preparatory  to 
their  obscene  repast.  The  Spaniards,  conceiving 
that  they  had  fallen  in  with  a tribe  of  Caribs,  the 


222 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


only  race  in  that  part  of  the  New  World  known  to 
be  cannibals,  retreated  precipitately  to  their  ves- 
sel.*^ They  were  not  steeled  by  sad  familiarity 
with  the  spectacle,  like  the  Conquerors  of  Mexico. 

The  weather,  which  had  been  favorable,  now  set 
in  tempestuous,  with  heavy  squalls,  accompanied  by 
incessant  thunder  and  lightning,  and  the  rain,  as 
usual  in  these  tropical  tempests,  descended  not  so 
much  in  drops  as  in  unbroken  sheets  of  water. 
The  Spaniards,  however,  preferred  to  take  their 
chance  on  the  raging  element  rather  than  remain  in 
the  scene  of  such  brutal  abominations.  But  the 
fury  of  the  storm  gradually  subsided,  and  the  little 
vessel  held  on  her  way  along  the  coast,  till,  coming 
abreast  of  a bold  point  of  land  named  by  Pizarro 
Punta  Quemada,  he  gave  orders  to  anchor.  The 
margin  of  the  shore  was  fringed  with  a deep  belt  of 
mangrove-trees,  the  long  roots  of  which,  interlacing 
one  another,  formed  a kind  of  submarine  lattice- 
work  that  made  the  place  difficult  of  approach. 
Several  avenues,  opening  through  this  tangled  thick- 
et, led  Pizarro  to  conclude  that  the  country  must  be 
inhabited,  and  he  disembarked,  with  the  greater 
part  of  his  force,  to  explore  the  interior. 

He  had  not  penetrated  more  than  a league,  when 
he  found  his  conjecture  verified  by  the  sight  of  an 
Indian  town  of  larger  size  than  those  he  had  hither- 


“Ten  las  Ollas  de  la  comida,  cieron,  que  aquellos  Indies  cran 
que  estaban  al  Fuego,  entre  la  Caribes.”  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
Came,  que  sacaban,  havia  Pies  i dec.  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  11. 

Manes  de  Hembres,  de  dende  cene- 


Ch.  II  ] 


SHARP  ENCOUNTERS. 


223 


to  seen,  occupying  the  brow  of  an  eminence,  and 
well  defended  by  palisades.  The  inhabitants,  as 
usual,  had  fled ; but  left  in  their  dwellings  a good 
supply  of  provisions  and  some  gold  trinkets,  which 
the  Spaniards  made  no  difficulty  of  appropriating  to 
themselves.  Pizarro’s  flimsy  bark  had  been  strain- 
ed by  the  heavy  gales  it  had  of  late  encountered,  so 
that  it  was  unsafe  to  prosecute  the  voyage  further 
without  more  thorough  repairs  than  could  be  given 
to  her  on  this  desolate  coast.  He  accordingly  de- 
termined to  send  her  back  wflth  a few  hands  to  be 
careened  at  Panama,  and  meanwhile  to  establish  his 
quarters  in  his  present  position,  which  was  so  favor- 
able for  defence.  But  fii’st  he  despatched  a small 
party  under  Montenegro  to  reconnoitre  the  country, 
and,  if  possible,  to  open  a communication  with  the 
natives. 

The  latter  were  a warlike  race.  They  had  left 
their  habitations  in  order  to  place  their  wives  and 
children  in  safety.  But  they  had  kept  an  eye  on 
the  movements  of  the  invaders,  and,  when  they  saw 
their  forces  divided,  they  resolved  to  fall  upon  each 
body  singly  before  it  could  communicate  with  the 
other.  So  soon,  therefore,  as  Montenegro  had  pen- 
etrated through  the  defiles  of  the  lofty  hills,  which 
shoot  out  like  spurs  of  the  Cordilleras  along  this 
part  of  the  coast,  the  Indian  warriors,  springing 
from  their  ambush,  sent  off  a cloud  of  arrows  and 
other  missiles  that  darkened  the  air,  W'hile  they 
made  the  forest  ring  with  their  shrill  war-whoop. 
The  Spaniards,  astonished  at  the  appearance  of  the 


224 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


savages,  with  their  naked  bodies  gaudily  painted, 
and  brandishing  their  weapons  as  they  glanced 
among  the  trees  and  straggling  underbrush  that 
choked  up  the  defile,  were  taken  by  surprise  and 
thrown  for  a moment  into  disarray.  Three  of  their 
number  were  killed  and  several  wounded.  Yet, 
speedily  rallying,  they  returned  the  discharge  of  the 
assailants  with  their  cross-bows,  — for  Pizarro’s 
troops  do  not  seem  to  have  been  provided  with 
muskets  on  this  expedition,  — and  then  gallantly 
charging  the  enemy,  sword  in  hand,  succeeded  in 
driving  them  back  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  moun- 
tains. But  it  only  led  them  to  shift  their  operations 
to  another  quarter,  and  make  an  assault  on  Pizarro 
before  he  could  be  relieved  by  his  lieutenant. 

Availing  themselves  of  their  superior  knowledge 
of  the  passes,  they  reached  that  commander’s  quar- 
ters long  before  Montenegro,  who  had  commenced  a 
countermarch  in  the  same  direction.  And  issuing 
from  the  woods,  the  bold  savages  saluted  the  Span- 
ish ' garrison  with  a tempest  of  darts  and  arrows, 
some  of  which  found  their  way  through  the  joints  of 
the  harness  and  the  quilted  mail  of  the  cavaliers. 
But  Pizarro  was  too  well  practised  a soldier  to  be  off 
his  guard.  Calling  his  men  about  him,  he  resolved 
not  to  abide  the  assault  tamely  in  the  works,  but  to 
sally  out,  and  meet  the  enemy  on  their  own  ground. 
The  barbarians,  who  had  advanced  near  the  de- 
fences, fell  back  as  the  Spaniards  burst  forth  with 
their  valiant  leader  at  their  head.  But,  soon  re- 
turning with  admirable  ferocity  to  the  charge,  they 


Ch.  II.] 


RETURN  TO  PANAMA. 


225 


singled  out  Pizarro,  whom,  by  his  bold  bearing  and 
air  of  authority,  they  easily  recognized  as  the  chief; 
and,  hurling  at  him  a storm  of  missiles,  wounded 
him,  in  spite  of  his  armour,  in  no  less  than  seven 
places.*® 

Driven  back  by  the  fury  of  the  assault  directed 
against  his  own  person,  the  Spanish  commander  re- 
treated down  the  slope  of  the  hill,  still  defending 
himself  as  he  could  with  sword  and  buckler,  when 
his  foot  slipped  and  he  fell.  The  enemy  set  up 
a fierce  yell  of  triumph,  and  some  of  the  boldest 
sprang  forward  to  despatch  him.  But  Pizarro  was 
on  his  feet  in  an  instant,  and,  striking  down  two  of 
the  foremost  with  his  strong  arm,  held  the  rest  at 
bay  till  his  soldiers  could  come  to  the  rescue.  The 
barbarians,  struck  with  admiration  at  his  valor,  be- 
gan to  falter,  when  Montenegro  luckily  coming  on 
the  ground  at  the  moment,  and  falling  on  their  rear, 
completed  their  confusion ; and,  abandoning  the  field, 
they  made  the  best  of  their  way  into  the  recesses  of 
the  mountains.  The  ground  was  covered  with  their 
slain ; but  the  victory  was  dearly  purchased  by  the 
death  of  two  more  Spaniards  and  a long  list  of 
wounded. 

A council  of  war  was  then  called.  The  position 
had  lost  its  charm  in  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards,  who 
had  met  here  with  the  first  resistance  they  had  yet 
experienced  on  their  expedition.  It  was  necessary  to 

^8  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  1. — 
MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Balboa,  Hist,  du  Perou,  chap.  15, 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  180.  — Zarate, 

VOL.  I.  29 


226 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


place  the  wounded  in  some  secure  spot,  where  their 
injuries  could  be  attended  to.  Yet  it  was  not  safe 
to  proceed  farther,  in  the  crippled  state  of  their  ves- 
sel. On  the  whole,  it  was  decided  to  return  and 
report  their  proceedings  to  the  governor;  and,  though 
the  magnificent  hopes  of  the  adventurers  had  not 
been  realized,  Pizarro  trusted  that  enough  had  been 
done  to  vindicate  the  importance  of  the  enterprise, 
and  to  secure  the  countenance  of  Pedrarias  for  the 
further  prosecution  of  it.^® 

Yet  Pizarro  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  pre- 
sent himself,  in  the  present  state  of  the  undertaking, 
before  the  governor.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
be  set  on  shore  with  the  principal  part  of  his  com- 
pany at  Chicama,  a place  on  the  main  land,  at  a 
short  distance  west  of  Panama.  From  this  place, 
which  he  reached  without  any  further  accident,  he 
despatched  the  vessel,  and  in  it  his  treasurer,  Nicolas 
de  Ribera,  with  the  gold  he  had  collected,  and  with 
instructions  to  lay  before  the  governor  a full  account 
of  his  discoveries,  and  the  result  of  the  expedition. 

While  these  events  were  passing,  Pizarro’s  asso- 
ciate, Almagro,  had  been  busily  employed  in  fitting 
out  another  vessel  for  the  expedition  at  the  port  of 
Panama.  It  was  not  till  long  after  his  friend’s  de- 
parture that  he  was  prepared  to  follow  him.  With 
the  assistance  of  Luque,  he  at  length  succeeded  in 
equipping  a small  caravel  and  embarking  a body  of 
between  sixty  and  seventy  adventurers,  mostly  of 

19  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  11.  — Xerez,  ubi 
supra. 


^Ch.  II.]  ALMAGRO’S  EXPEDITION.  227 

the  lowest  order  of  the  colonists.  He  steered  in  the 
track  of  his  comrade,  with  the  intention  of  over- 
taking him  as  soon  as  possible.  By  a signal  previ- 
ously concerted  of  notching  the  trees,  he  was  able 
to  identify  the  spots  visited  by  Pizarro,  — Puerto  de 
Pinas,  Puerto  de  la  Hambre,  Pueblo  Quemado,  — 
touching  successively  at  every  point  of  the  coast 
explored  by  his  countrymen,  though  in  a much 
shorter  time.  At  the  last-mentioned  place  he  was 
received  by  the  fierce  natives  with  the  same  hostile 
demonstrations  as  Pizarro,  though  in  the  present  en- 
counter the  Indians  did  not  venture  beyond  their 
defences.  But  the  hot  blood  of  Almagro  was  so 
exasperated  by  this  check,  that  he  assaulted  the 
place  and  carried  it  sword  in  hand,  setting  fire  to 
the  outworks  and  dwellings,  and  driving  the  wretch- 
ed inhabitants  into  the  forests. 

His  victory  cost  him  dear.  A wound  from  a jave- 
lin on  the  head  caused  an  inflammation  in  one  of  his 
eyes,  which,  after  great  anguish,  ended  in  the  loss  of 
it.  Yet  the  intrepid  adventurer  did  not  hesitate  to 
pursue  his  voyage,  and,  after  touching  at  several 
places  on  the  coast,  some  of  which  rewarded  him  with 
a considerable  booty  in  gold,  he  reached  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  de  San  Juan,  about  the  fourth  degree  of 
north  latitude.  He  w'as  struck  with  the  beauty  of 
the  stream,  and  with  the  cultivation  on  its  borders, 
which  were  sprinkled  with  Indian  cottages  showing 
some  skill  in  their  construction,  and  altogether  inti- 
mating a higher  civilization  than  any  thing  he  had 
yet  seen. 


228 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 

I 

Still  his  mind  was  filled  with  anxiety  for  the  fate 
of  Pizarro  and  his  followers.  No  trace  of  them  had 
been  found  on  the  coast  for  a long  time,  and  it  was 
evident  they  must  have  foundered  at  sea,  or  made 
their  way  back  to  Panama.  This  last  he  deemed 
most  probable ; as  the  vessel  might  have  passed 
him  unnoticed  under  the  cover  of  the  night,  or  of 
the  dense  fogs  that  sometimes  hang  over  the  coast. 

Impressed  with  this  belief,  he  felt  no  heart  to 
continue  liis  voyage  of  discovery,  for  which,  indeed, 
his  single  bark,  with  its  small  complement  of  men, 
was  altogether  inadequate.  He  proposed,  therefore, 
to  return  without  delay.  On  his  way,  he  touched  at 
the  Isle  of  Pearls,  and  there  learned  the  result  of  his 
friend’s  expedition,  and  the  place  of  his  present  res- 
idence. Directing  his  course,  at  once,  to  Chica- 
md,  the  two  cavaliers  soon  had  the  satisfaction  of 
embracing  each  other,  and  recounting  their  several 
exploits  and  escapes.  Almagro  returned  even  better 
freighted  with  gold  than  his  confederate,  and  at 
every  step  of  his  progress  he  had  collected  fresh  con- 
firmation of  the  existence  of  some  great  and  opulent 
empire  in  the  South.  The  confidence  of  the  two 
friends  was  much  strengthened  by  their  discoveries  ; 
and  they  unhesitatingly  pledged  themselves  to  one 
another  to  die  rather  than  abandon  the  enterprise.^® 

The  best  means  of  obtaining  the  levies  requisite 

20  Xerez,  ubi  supra.  — Naharro,  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. — Zarate,  lib.  8,  cap.  13.  — LevinusApoUo- 
Conq.  del  Peru,  loc.  cit.  — Balboa,  nius,  fol.  12.  — Gomara,  Hist.de 
Hist,  du  Perou,  chap.  15. — Re-  laslnd.,cap.  108. 
laciondel  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. — 


Ch.  II.] 


ALMAGRO’S  EXPEDITION. 


229 


for  so  formidable  an  undertaking  — more  formidable, 
as  it  now  appeared  to  them,  than  before  — were 
made  the  subject  of  long  and  serious  discussion.  It 
was  at  length  decided  that  Pizarro  should  remain 
in  his  present  quarters,  inconvenient  and  even  un- 
wholesome as  they  were  rendered  by  the  humidity 
of  the  climate,  and  the  pestilent  swarms  of  insects 
that  filled  the  atmosphere.  Almagro  would  pass 
over  to  Panama,  lay  the  case  before  the  governor, 
and  secure,  if  possible,  his  good-will  towards  the 
prosecution  of  the  enterprise.  If  no  obstacle  were 
thrown  in  their  way  from  this  quarter,  they  might 
hope,  with  the  assistance  of  Luque,  to  raise  the 
necessary  supplies ; while  the  results  of  the  recent 
expedition  were  sufficiently  encouraging  to  draw 
adventurers  to  their  standard  in  a community  which 
had  a craving  for  excitement  that  gave  even  danger 
a charm,  and  which  held  life  cheap  in  comparison 
with  gold. 


CHAPTER  III. 


The  famous  Contract.  — Second  Expedition.  — Ruiz  explores 
THE  Coast.  — Pizarro’s  Sufferings  in  the  Forests. — Arrival 
of  New  Recruits.  — Fresh  Discoveries  and  Disasters:  — Pi- 

ZARRO  ON  THE  IsLE  OF  GaLLO. 

1526  — 1527. 

On  his  arrival  at  Panama,  Almagro  found  that 
events  had  taken  a turn  less  favorable  to  his  views 
than  he  had  anticipated.  Pedrarias,  the  governor, 
was  preparing  to  lead  an  expedition  in  person  against 
a rebellious  officer  in  Nicaragua ; and  his  temper, 
naturally  not  the  most  amiable,  was  still  further 
soured  by  this  defection  of  his  lieutenant,  and  the 
necessity  it  imposed  on  him  of  a long  and  perilous 
march.  When,  therefore,  Almagro  appeared  before 
him  with  the  request  that  he  might  be  permitted  to 
raise  further  levies  to  prosecute  his  enterprise,  the 
governor  received  him  with  obvious  dissatisfaction, 
listened  coldly  to  the  narrative  of  his  losses,  turned 
an  incredulous  ear  to  his  magnificent  promises  for 
the  future,  and  bluntly  demanded  an  account  of  the 
lives,  which  had  been  sacrificed  by  Pizarro’s  obsti 
nacy,  but  which,  had  they  been  spared,  might  have 
stood  him  in  good  stead  in  his  present  expedition  to 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


THE  FAMOUS  CONTRACT. 


231 


Nicaragua.  He  positively  declined  to  countenance 
the  rash  schemes  of  the  two  adventurers  any  longer, 
and  the  conquest  of  Peru  would  have  been  crushed 
in  the  bud,  but  for  the  efficient  interposition  of  the 
remaining  associate,  Fernando  de  Luque. 

This  sagacious  ecclesiastic  had  received  a very 
different  impression  from  Almagro’s  narrative,  from 
that  which  had  been  made  on  the  mind  of  the  irri- 
table governor.  The  actual  results  of  the  enterprise 
in  gold  and  silver,  thus  far,  indeed,  had  been  small, 
— forming  a mortifying  contrast  to  the  magnitude 
of  their  expectations.  But,  in  another  point  of  view, 
they  were  of  the  last  importance  ; since  the  intelli- 
gence which  the  adventurers  had  gained  in  every 
successive  stage  of  their  progress  confirmed,  in  the 
strongest  manner,  the  previous  accounts,  received 
from  Andagoya  and  others,  of  a rich  Indian  empire 
at  the  south,  which  might  repay  the  trouble  of  con- 
quering it  as  well  as  Mexico  had  repaid  the  en- 
terprise of  Cortes.  Fully  entering,  therefore,  into 
the  feelings  of  his  military  associates,  he  used  all 
his  influence  with  the  governor  to  incline  him  to 
a more  favorable  view  of  Almagro’s  petition  ; and 
no  one  in  the  little  community  of  Panama  exercised 
greater  influence  over  the  councils  of  the  executive 
than  Father  Luque,  for  which  he  was  indebted  no 
less  to  his  discretion  and  acknowledged  sagacity 
than  to  his  professional  station. 

But  while  Pedrarias,  overcome  by  the  arguments 
or  importunity  of  the  churchman,  yielded  a reluc- 
tant assent  to  the  application,  he  took  care  to  tes- 


232 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


tify  his  displeasure  with  Pizarro,  on  whom  he  par- 
ticularly charged  the  loss  of  his  followers,  by  naming 
Almagro  as  his  equal  in  command  in  the  proposed 
expedition.  This  mortification  sunk  deep  into  Pi- 
zarro’s  mind.  He  suspected  his  comrade,  with 
what  reason  does  not  appear,  of  soliciting  this  boon 
from  the  governor.  A temporary  coldness  arose 
between  them,  which  subsided,  in  outward  show, 
at  least,  on  Pizarro’s  reflecting  that  it  was  better 
to  have  this  authority  conferred  on  a friend  than 
on  a stranger,  perhaps  an  enemy.  But  the  seeds 
of  permanent  distrust  were  left  in  his  bosom,  and 
lay  waiting  for  the  due  season  to  ripen  into  a fruit- 
ful harvest  of  discord.* 

Pedrarias  had  been  originally  interested  in  the 
enterprise,  at  least,  so  far  as  to  stipulate  for  a 
share  of  the  gains,  though  he  had  not  contributed, 
as  it  appears,  a single  ducat  towards  the  expen- 
ses. He  was  at  length,  however,  induced  to  relin- 
quish all  right  to  a share  of  the  contingent  profits. 
But,  in  his  manner  of  doing  so,  he  showed  a mer- 
cenary spirit,  better  becoming  a petty  trader  than 
a high  officer  of  the  Crown.  He  stipulated  that 
the  associates  should  secure  to  him  the  sum  of 
one  thousand  pesos  de  oro  in  requital  of  his  good- 
will, and  they  eagerly  closed  with  his  proposal, 
rather  than  be  encumbered  with  his  pretensions. 
For  so  paltry  a consideration  did  he  resign  his  por- 

I Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
Barcia,  tom.  IH.  p.  180.  — Mon-  lib.  8,  cap.  12. 
tcsinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1526. 


Ch.  TIL] 


THE  FAMOUS  CONTRACT. 


233 


tion  of  the  rich  spoil  of  the  Incas ! ^ But  the  gov- 
ernor was  not  gifted  with  the  eye  of  a prophet. 
His  avarice  was  of  that  short-sighted  kind  which 
defeats  itself.  He  had  sacrificed  the  chivalrous 
Balboa  just  as  that  officer  was  opening  to  lum  the 
conquest  of  Peru,  and  he  would  now  have  quenched 
the  spirit  of  enterprise,  that  was  taking  the  same  di- 
rection, in  Pizarro  and  his  associates. 

Not  long  after  this,  in  the  following  year,  he 
was  succeeded  in  his  government  by  Don  Pedro 
de  los  Rios,  a cavalier  of  Cordova.  It  was  the 
policy  of  the  Castilian  Crown  to  allow  no  .one  of 
the  great  colonial  officers  to  occupy  the  same  sta- 
tion so  long  as  to  render  himself  formidable  by  his 
authority.^  It  had,  moreover,  many  particular  causes 
of  disgust  with  Pedrarias.  The  functionary  they 


2 Such  is  Oviedo’s  account,  who 
was  present  at  the  interview  be- 
tween the  governor  and  Almagro, 
when  the  terms  of  compensation 
were  discussed.  The  dialogue, 
which  is  amusing  enough,  and  well 
told  by  the  old  Chronicler,  may  be 
found  translated  in  Appendix,  No. 
5.  Another  version  of  the  affair 
is  given  in  the  Relacion,  often 
quoted  by  me,  of  one  of  the  Peru- 
vian conquerors,  in  which  Pedra- 
rias is  said  to  have  gone  out  of  the 
partnership  voluntarily,  from  his 
disgust  at  the  unpromising  state  of 
affairs.  “ Vueltos  con  la  dicha 
gente  a Panama,  destrozados  y 
gastados  que  ya  no  tenian  hacien- 
das para  tornar  con  provisiones  y 
gentes  que  todo  lo  habian  gastado, 

VOL.  I.  30 


el  dicho  Pedrarias  de  Avila  les 
dijo,  que  ya  el  no  queria  mas  hacer 
compania  con  eUos  en  los  gastos 
de  la  armada,  que  si  ellos  querian 
volver  a su  costa,  que  lo  hiciesen ; 
y ansi  como  gente  que  habia  per- 
dido  todo  lo  que  tenia  y tanto  habia 
trabajado,  acordaron  de  tornar  a 
prosegutr  su  jornada  y dar  fin  a las 
vidas  y haciendas  que  les  quedaba, 
6 descubrir  aqueUa  tierra,  y cierta- 
mente  ellos  tubieron  grande  con- 
stancia  y animo.”  Relacion  del 
Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

3 This  policy  is  noticed  by  the 
sagacious  Martyr.  “ De  mutandis 
namque  plaerisque  gubematoribus, 
ne  longa  nimis  imperii  assuetudine 
insolescant,  cogitatur,  qui  praecipue 
non  fuerint  prouinciarum  domitores. 


234 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


sent  out  to  succeed  him  was  fortified  with  ample 
instructions  for  the  good  of  the  colony,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  natives,  whose  religious  conversion 
was  urged  as  a capital  object,  and  whose  personal 
freedom  was  unequivocally  asserted,  as  loyal  vassals 
of  the  Crown.  It  is  but  justice  to  the  Spanish 
government  to  admit  that  its  provisions  were  gen- 
erally guided  by  a humane  and  considerate  pol- 
icy, which  was  as  regularly  frustrated  by  the  cu- 
pidity of  the  colonist,  and  the  capricious  cruelty 
of  the  conqueror.  The  few  remaining  years  of 
Pedrarias  were  spent  in  petty  squabbles,  both  of  a 
personal  and  official  nature ; for  he  was  still  con- 
tinued in  office,  though  in  one  of  less  consideration 
than  that  which  he  had  hitherto  filled.  He  survived 
but  a few  years,  leaving  behind  him  a reputation 
not  to  be  envied,  of  one  who  united  a pusillanimous 
spirit  with  uncontrollable  passions ; who  displayed, 
notwithstanding,  a certain  energy  of  character,  or, 
to  speak  more  correctly,  an  impetuosity  of  purpose, 
which  might  have  led  to  good  results  had  it  taken 
a right  direction.  Unfortunately,  his  lack  of  discre- 
tion was  such,  that  the  direction  he  took  was  rarely 
of  service  to  his  country  or  to  himself. 

Having  settled  their  difficulties  with  the  governor. 


de  hisce  ducibus  namque  alia  ratio 
ponderatur.”  (De  Orbe  Novo, 
(Parisiis,  1587,)  p.  498.)  One  can- 
not but  regret  that  the  philosopher, 
who  took  so  keen  an  interest  in 
the  successive  revelations  of  the 
different  portions  of  the  New 


World,  should  have  died  before 
the  empire  of  the  Incas  was  dis- 
closed to  Europeans.  He  lived  to 
learn  and  to  record  the  wonders  of 

“ Rich  Mexico,  the  seat  of  Montezuma; 

Not  Cuzco  in  Peru,  the  richer  seat  of 
Alabalipa.” 


Ch.  III.] 


THE  FAMOUS  CONTRACT. 


235 


and  obtained  his  sanction  to  their  enterprise,  the 
confederates  lost  no  time  in  making  the  requisite 
preparations  for  it.  Their  first  step  was  to  execute 
the  memorable  contract  which  served  as  the  basis 
of  their  future  arrangements ; and,  as  Pizarro’s  name 
appears  in  this,  it  seems  probable  that  that  chief  had 
crossed  over  to  Panama  so  soon  as  the  favorable 
disposition  of  Pedrarias  had  been  secured."*  The 
instrument,  after  invoking  in  the  most  solemn  man- 
ner the  names  of  the  Holy  Trinity  and  Our  Lady 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  sets  forth,  that,  whereas  the  par- 
ties have  full  authority  to  discover  and  subdue  the 
countries  and  provinces  lying  south  of  the  Gulf, 
belonging  to  the  empire  of  Peru,  and  as  Fernando 
de  Luque  had  advanced  the  funds  for  the  enter- 
prise in  bars  of  gold  of  the  value  of  twenty  thou- 
sand pesos,  they  mutually  bind  themselves  to  di- 
vide equally  among  them  the  whole  of  the  conquer- 
ed territory.  This  stipulation  is  reiterated  over 
and  over  again,  particularly  with  reference  to  Lu- 
que, who,  it  is  declared,  is  to  be  entitled  to  one 
third  of  all  lands,  repartimientos,  treasures  of  every 
kind,  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  — to  one 
third  even  of  all  vassals,  rents,  and  emoluments 
arising  from  such  grants  as  may  be  conferred  by  the 
Crown  on  either  of  his  military  associates,  to  be 

4 In  opposition  to  most  authoii-  of  the  first,  expedition.  This 
ties,  — but  not  to  the  judicious  arrangement  coincides  with  the 
Quintana,  — I have  conformed  to  date  of  the  instrument  itself,  which, 
Montesinos,  in  placing  the  execu-  moreover,  is  reported  in  extenso  by 
tion  of  the  contract  at  the  com-  no  ancient  writer  whom  I have 
mencement  of  the  second,  instead  consulted  except  Montesinos. 


236 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


held  for  his  own  use,  or  for  that  of  his  heirs,  assigns, 
or  legal  representative. 

The  two  captains  solemnly  engage  to  devote 
themselves  exclusively  to  the  present  undertaking 
until  it  is  accomplished ; and,  in  case  of  failure  in 
their  part  of  the  covenant,  they  pledge  themselves 
to  reimburse  Luque  for  his  advances,  for  which  all 
the  property  they  possess  shall  be  held  respon- 
sible, and  this  declaration  is  to  be  a sufficient  war- 
rant for  the  execution  of  judgment  against  them,  in 
the  same  manner  as  if  it  had  proceeded  from  the 
decree  of  a court  of  justice. 

The  commanders,  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  made 
oath,  in  the  name  of  God  and  the  Holy  Evangelists, 
sacredly  to  keep  this  covenant,  swearing  it  on  the 
missal,  on  which  they  traced  with,  their  own  hands 
the  sacred  emblem  of  the  cross.  To  give  still 
greater  efficacy  to  the  compact.  Father  Luque  ad- 
ministered the  sacrament  to  the  parties,  dividing 
the  consecrated  wafer  into  three  portions,  of  which 
each  one  of  them  partook ; while  the  by-standers, 
says  an  historian,  were  affected  to  tears  by  this 
spectacle  of  the  solemn  ceremonial  with  which  these 
men  voluntarily  devoted  themselves  to  a sacrifice 
that  seemed  little  short  of  insanity.® 

The  instrument,  which  was  dated  March  10, 
1326,  was  subscribed  by  Luque,  and  attested  by 
three  respectable  citizens  of  Panama,  one  of  whom 

5 This  singular  instrument  is  may  be  found  in  the  original  in 
given  at  length  by  Montesinos.  Appendix,  No.  6. 

(Annales,  MS.,  ano  1526.)  It 


Ch.  III.] 


THE  FAMOUS  CONTRACT. 


237 


signed  on  behalf  of  Pizarro,  and  the  other  for  Al- 
magro ; since  neither  of  these  parties,  according  to 
the  avowal  of  the  instrument,  was  able  to  subscribe 
his  own  name.® 

Such  was  the  singular  compact  by  which  three 
obscure  individuals  coolly  carved  out  and  partitioned 
among  themselves,  an  empire  of  whose  extent, 
power,  and  resources,  of  whose  situation,  of  whose 
existence,  even,  they  had  no  sure  or  precise  knowl- 
edge. The  positive  and  unhesitating  manner  in 
which  they  speak  of  the  grandeur  of  this  empire, 
of  its  stores  of  wealth,  so  conformable  to  the  event, 
but  of  which  they  could  have  really  known  so  little, 
forms  a striking  contrast  with  the  general  skepti- 
cism and  indifference  manifested  by  nearly  every 
other  person,  high  and  low,  in  the  community  of 
Panama. 

The  religious  tone  of  the  instrument  is  not  the 
least  remarkable  feature  in  it,  especially  when  we 
contrast  this  with  the  relentless  policy,  pursued  by 
the  very  men  who  were  parties  to  it,  in  their  con- 
quest of  the  country.  “ In  the  name  of  the  Prince 
of  Peace,”  says  the  illustrious  historian  of  America, 
“ they  ratified  a contract  of  which  plunder  and 

6 For  some  investigation  of  the  exertions  in  behalf  of  the  enter- 
fact,  which  has  been  disputed  by  prise;  Padre  Luque  b loco,  says 
more  than  one,  of  Pizarro’s  igno-  Oviedo  of  him,  as  if  it  were  sy- 
rance  of  the  art  of  writing,  see  nonymous.  Historia  de  las  Indias 
Book  4,  chap.  5,  of  this  History.  Islas  e Tierra  Firme  del  Mar 

7 The  epithet  of  Zoco  or  “ mad-  Oceano,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
man  ” was  jmnningly  bestowed  cap.  1. 

on  Father  Luque,  for  his  spirited 


238 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


bloodshed  were  the  objects.”®  The  reflection  seems 
reasonable.  Yet,  in  criticizing  what  is  done,  as  well 
as  what  is  written,  we  must  take  into  account  the 
spirit  of  the  times.®  The  invocation  of  Heaven 
was  natural,  where  the  object  of  the  undertaking 
was,  in  part,  a religious  one.  Religion  entered, 
more  or  less,  into  the  theory,  at  least,  of  the  Span- 
ish conquests  in  the  New  World.  That  motives 
of  a baser  sort  mingled  largely  with  these  higher 
ones,  and  in  different  proportions  according  to  the 
character  of  the  individual,  no  one  will  deny.  And 
few  are  they  that  have  proposed  to  themselves  a 
long  career  of  action  without  the  intermixture  of 
some  vulgar  personal  motive,  — fame,  honors,  or 
emolument.  Yet  that  religion  furnishes  a key  to  the 
American  crusades,  however  rudely  they  may  have 
been  conducted,  is  e\ident  from  the  history  of  their 
origin  ; from  the  sanction  openly  given  to  them  by 
the  Head  of  the  Church ; from  the  throng  of  self-de- 
voted missionaries,  who  followed  in  the  track  of  the 
conquerors  to  garner  up  the  rich  harvest  of  souls  ; 
from  the  reiterated  instructions  of  the  Crown,  the 
great  object  of  which  was  the  conversion  of  the  na- 
tives ; from  those  superstitious  acts  of  the  iron-heart- 
ed soldiery  themselves,  which,  however  they  may  be 
set  down  to  fanaticism,  were  clearly  too  much  in 

8 Robertson,  America,  vol.  111.  fair  criticism  will  apply  the  same 

P-  5.  rule  to  action  as  to  writing,  and, 

9 “A  perfect  judge  will  read  each  work  jj,  moral  estimate  of  conduct, 

Wilfirfsame  spirit  that  its  author  the 

writ,”  spirit  of  the  age  which  prompt- 

says  the  great  bard  of  Reason.  A ed  it. 


Ch.  III.] 


THE  FAMOUS  CONTRACT. 


239 


earnest  to  leave  any  ground  for  the  charge  of  hy- 
pocrisy. It  was  indeed  a fiery  cross  that  was  borne 
over  the  devoted  land,  scathing  and  consuming  it  in 
its  terrible  progress ; but  it  was  still  the  cross,  the 
sign  of  man’s  salvation,  the  only  sign  by  which 
generations  and  generations  yet  unborn  were  to  be 
rescued  from  eternal  perdition. 

It  is  a remarkable  fact,  which  has  hitherto  es- 
caped the  notice  of  the  historian,  that  Luque  was 
not  the  real  party  to  this  contract.  He  represented 
another,  who  placed  in  his  hands  the  funds  required 
for  the  undertaking.  This  appears  from  an  instru- 
ment signed  by  Luque  himself  and  certified  before 
the  same  notary  that  prepared  the  original  contract. 
The  instrument  declares  that  the  whole  sum  of 
twenty  thousand  pesos  advanced  for  the  expedition 
was  furnished  by  the  Licentiate  Caspar  de  Espino- 
sa, then  at  Panama ; that  the  vicar  acted  only  as 
his  agent  and  by  his  authority  ; and  that,  in  conse- 
quence, the  said  Espinosa  and  no  other  was  entitled 
to  a third  of  all  the  profits  and  acquisitions  resulting 
from  the  conquest  of  Peru.  This  instrument,  at- 
tested by  three  persons,  one  of  them  the  same  who 
had  witnessed  the  original  contract,  was  dated  on 
the  6th  of  August,  1531.*°  The  Licentiate  Espi- 


1®  The  instrument  making  this  formerly  preserved  in  the  library 
extraordinary  disclosure  is  cited  of  the  great  college  of  Cuenca  at 
at  length  in  a manuscript  en-  Salamanca,  is  now  to  be  found  in 
titled  Noticia  General  del  Peru,  her  Majesty’s  library  at  Madrid. 
Tierra  Firme  y Chili,  by  Francisco  The  passage  is  extracted  by  Quin- 
Lopez  de  Caravantes,  a fiscal  offi-  tana,  Espanoles  Celebres,  tom.  II. 
cer  in  these  colonies.  The  MS.,  Apend.  No.  2,  nota. 


240 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


nosa  was  a respectable  functionary,  who  had  filled 
the  office  of  principal  alcalde  in  Darien,  and  since 
taken  a conspicuous  part  in  the  conquest  and  settle- 
ment of  Tierra  Firme.  He  enjoyed  much  consid- 
eration for  his  personal  character  and  station ; and  it 
is  remarkable  that  so  little  should  be  known  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  covenant,  so  solemnly  made, 
was  executed  in  reference  to  him.  As  in  the  case 
of  Columbus,  it  is  probable  that  the  unexpected 
magnitude  of  the  results  was  such  as  to  prevent  a 
faithful  adherence  to  the  original  stipulation ; and 
yet,  from  the  same  consideration,  one  can  hardly 
doubt  that  the  twenty  thousand  pesos  of  the  bold 
speculator  must  have  brought  him  a magnificent 
return.  Nor  did  the  worthy  vicar  of  Panama,  as 
the  history  will  show  hereafter,  go  without  his  re- 
ward. 

Having  completed  these  preliminary  arrange- 
ments, the  three  associates  lost  no  time  in  making 
preparations  for  the  voyage.  Two  vessels  were 
purchased,  larger  and  every  way  better  than  those 
employed  on  the  former  occasion.  Stores  were  laid 
in,  as  experience  dictated,  on  a larger  scale  than 
before,  and  proclamation  was  made  of  “an  expedi- 
tion to  Peru.”  But  the  call  was  not  readily  an- 
swered by  the  skeptical  citizens  of  Panama.  Of 
nearly  two  hundred  men  who  had  embarked  on  the 
former  cruise,  not  more  than  three  fourths  now  re- 
mained." This  dismal  mortality,  and  the  emaciated. 


u “ Con  ciento  i diez  Hombres  el  Capitan  Pi5arro  con  otros  cin- 
sali6  de  Panamk,  i fue  donde  estaba  quenta  de  los  primeros  ciento  i 


Ch.  III.]  SECOND  EXPEDITION.  241 

poverty-stricken  aspect  of  the  survivors,  spoke  more 
eloquently  than  the  braggart  promises  and  magnifi- 
cent prospects  held  out  by  the  adventurers.  Still 
there  were  men  in  the  community  of  such  desperate 
circumstances,  that  any  change  seemed  like  a chance 
of  bettering  their  condition.  Most  of  the  former 
company  also,  strange  to  say,  felt  more  pleased  to 
follow  up  the  adventure  to  the  end  than  to  abandon 
it,  as  they  saw  the  light  of  a better  day  dawning 
upon  them.  From  these  sources  the  two  captains 
succeeded  in  mustering  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
men,  making  altogether  a very  inadequate  force  for 
the  conquest  of  an  empire.  A few  horses  were  also 
purchased,  and  a better  supply  of  ammunition  and 
military  stores  than  before,  though  still  on  a very 
limited  scale.  Considering  their  funds,  the  only 
way  of  accounting  for  this  must  be  by  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  supplies  at  Panama,  which,  recently 
founded,  and  on  the  remote  coast  of  the  Pacific, 
could  be  approached  only  by  crossing  the  rugged 
barrier  of  mountains,  which  made  the  transportation 
of  bulky  articles  extremely  difficult.  Even  such 
scanty  stock  of  materials  as  it  possessed  was  prob- 
ably laid  under  heavy  contribution,  at  the  present 
juncture,  by  the  governor’s  preparations  for  his  own 
expedition  to  the  north. 

Thus  indifferently  provided,  the  two  captains, 
edch  in  his  own  vessel,  again  took  their  departure 

diez,  que  con  el  salieron,  i de  los  losciento  itreinta  iaeran  muertos.” 
setenta,  que  el  Capitan  Almagro  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
llevo,  quando  le  fue  a buscar,  que  tom.  HI.  p.  180. 

31 


VOL.  I. 


242 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II 


from  Panama,  under  the  direction  of  Bartholomew 
Ruiz,  a sagacious  and  resolute  pilot,  well  experi- 
enced in  the  navigation  of  the  Southern  Ocean. 
He  was  a native  of  Moguer,  in  Andalusia,  that  little 
nursery  of  nautical  enterprise,  which  furnished  so 
many  seamen  for  the  first  voyages  of  Columbus. 
Without  touching  at  the  intervening  points  of  the 
coast,  which  offered  no  attraction  to  the  voyagers, 
they  stood  farther  out  to  sea,  steering  direct  for  the 
Rio  de  San  Juan,  the  utmost  limit  reached  by  Alma- 
gro.  The  season  was  better  selected  than  on  the 
former  occasion,  and  they  were  borne  along  by 
favorable  breezes  to  the  place  of  their  destination, 
which  they  reached  without  accident  in  a few  days. 
Entering  the  mouth  of  the  river,  they  saw  the  banks 
well  lined  with  Indian  habitations ; and  Pizarro,  dis- 
embarking, at  the  head  of  a party  of  soldiers,  suc- 
ceeded in  surprising  a small  village  and  carrying  off 
a considerable  booty  of  gold  ornaments  found  in  the 
dwellings,  together  with  a few  of  the  natives. 

Flushed  with  their  success,  the  two  chiefs  were 
confident  that  the  sight  of  the  rich  spoil  so  speedily 
obtained  could  not  fail  to  draw  adventurers  to  their 
standard  in  Panama ; and,  as  they  felt  more  than 
ever  the  necessity  of  a stronger  force  to  cope  with 
the  thickening  population  of  the  country  which  they 
were  now  to  penetrate,  it  was  decided  that  Alma- 
gro  should  return  with  the  treasure  and  beat  up  for 

12  Ibid.,  pp.  180,  I8I.  — Na-  I.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
harro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  — 3,  lib.  8,  cap.  13. 

Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap. 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


RUIZ  EXPLORES  THE  COAST. 


243 


reinforcements,  while  the  pilot  Ruiz,  in  the  other 
vessel,  should  reconnoitre  the  country  towards  the 
south,  and  obtain  such  information  as  might  de- 
termine their  future  movements.  Pizarro,  with  the 
rest  of  the  force,  would  remain  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  river,  as  he  was  assured  by  the  Ind- 
ian prisoners,  that  not  far  in  the  interior  was  an 
open  reach  of  country,  where  he  and  his  men  could 
find  comfortable  quarters.  This  arrangement  was 
instantly  put  in  execution.  We  will  first  accom- 
pany the  intrepid  pilot  in  his  cruise  towards  the 
south. 

Coasting  along  the  great  continent,  with  his  can- 
vas still  spread  to  favorable  winds,  the  first  place 
at  which  Ruiz  cast  anchor  was  off  the  little  island 
of  Gallo,  about  two  degrees  north.  The  inhabi- 
tants, who  were  not  numerous,  were  prepared  to 
give  him  a hostile  reception,  — for  tidings  of  the 
invaders  had  preceded  them  along  the  country,  and 
even  reached  this  insulated  spot.  As  the  object 
of  Ruiz  was  to  explore,  not  to  conquer,  he  did  not 
care  to  entangle  himself  in  hostilities  with  the  na- 
tives ; so,  changing  his  purpose  of  landing,  he 
weighed  anchor,  and  ran  down  the  coast  as  far  as 
what  is  now  called  the  Bay  of  St.  Matthew.  The 
country,  which,  as  he  advanced,  continued  to  ex- 
hibit evidence  of  a better  culture  as  well  as  of  a 
more  dense  population  than  the  parts  hitherto  seen, 
was  crowded,  along  the  shores,  with  spectators,  who 
gave  no  signs  of  fear  or  hostility.  They  stood  gaz- 
ing on  the  vessel  of  the  white  men  as  it  glided 


244 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


smoothly  into  the  crystal  waters  of  the  bay,  fancy- 
ing it,  says  an  old  writer,  some  mysterious  being 
descended  from  the  skies. 

Without  staying  long  enough  on  this  friendly 
coast  to  undeceive  the  simple  people,  Ruiz,  stand- 
ing off  shore,  struck  out  into  the  deep  sea;  but' 
he  had  not  sailed  far  in  that  direction,  when  he 
was  surprised  by  the  sight  of  a vessel,  seeming 
in  the  distance  like  a caravel  of  considerable  size, 
traversed  by  a large  sail  that  carried  it  sluggishly 
over  the  waters.  The  old  navigator  was  not  a 
little  perplexed  by  this  phenomenon,  as  he  was  con- 
fident no  European  bark  could  have  been  before 
him  in  these  latitudes,  and  no  Indian  nation,  yet 
discovered,  not  even  the  civilized  Mexican,  was 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  sails  in  navigation.  As 
he  drew  near,  he  found  it  was  a large  vessel,  or 
rather  raft,  called  halsa  by  the  natives,  consisting 
of  a number  of  huge  timbers  of  a light,  porous 
wood,  tightly  lashed  together,  with  a frail  floor- 
ing of  reeds  raised  on  them  by  way  of  deck.  Two 
masts,  or  sturdy  poles,  erected  in  the  middle  of  the 
vessel,  sustained  a large  square-sail  of  cotton,  while 
a rude  kind  of  rudder  and  a movable  keel,  made  of 
plank  inserted  between  the  logs,  enabled  the  mari- 
ner to  give  a direction  to  the  floating  fabric,  which 
held  on  its  course  without  the  aid  of  oar  or  paddle.^^ 

13  “ Traia  sus  manteles  y an-  brimientos  de  F.  Pizarro  y Diego 
tenas  de  muy  fina  madera  y velas  de  Almagro,  sacada  del  Codice, 
de  algodon  del  mismo  talle  de  ma-  No.  120  de  la  Biblioteca  Imperial 
nera  que  los  nuestros  navios.”  de  Vienna,  MS. 

Relacion  de  los  Primeros  Descu- 


Ch.  III.] 


RUIZ  EXPLORES  THE  COAST. 


245 


The  simple  architecture  of  this  craft  was  sufficient 
for  the  purposes  of  the  natives,  and  indeed  has 
continued  to  answer  them  to  the  present  day ; for 
the  balsa,  surmounted  by  small  thatched  huts  or 
cabins,  still  supplies  the  most  commodious  means 
for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and  luggage  on 
the  streams  and  along  the  shores  of  this  part  of  the 
South  American  continent. 

On  coming  alongside,  Ruiz  found  several  Ind- 
ians, both  men  and  women,  on  board,  some  with 
rich  ornaments  on  their  persons,  besides  several  ar- 
ticles wrought  with  considerable  skill  in  gold  and 
silver,  which  they  were  carrjing  for  purposes  of 
traffic  to  the  different  places  along  the  coast.  But 
what  most  attracted  his  attention  was  the  woollen 
cloth  of  which  some  of  their  dresses  were  made. 
It  was  of  a fine  texture,  delicately  embroidered 
with  figures  of  birds  and  flowers,  and  dyed  in 
brilliant  colors.  He  also  observed  in  the  boat  a 
pair  of  balances  made  to  weigh  the  precious  met- 
als.'^ His  astonishment  at  these  proofs  of  ingenuity 

I'*  In  a short  notice  of  this  ex-  alaremes,  y otras  muchas  ropas, 
pedition,  written  apparently  at  the  todo  lo  mas  de  ello  muy  labrado  de 
time  of  it,  or  soon  after,  a minute  labores  muy  ricas  de  colores  de 
specification  is  given  of  the  several  grana  y carmisi  y azul  y amarillo, 
articles  found  in  the  balsa;  among  y de  todas  otras  colores  de  diversas 
them  are  mentioned  vases  and  maneras  de  labores  y figuras  de 
mirrors  of  burnished  silver,  and  aves  y animales,  y Pescados,  y 
curious  fabrics  both  cotton  and  arbolesas  y trahian  unos  pesos  chi- 
woollen.  “ Espejos  guarnecidos  quitos  de  pesar  oro  como  hechura 
de  la  dicha  plata,  y tasas  y otras  de  Romana,  y otras  muchas  cosas.” 
vasijas  para  beber,  trahian  muchas  Relacion  sacada  de  la  Biblioteca 
mantas  de  lana  y de  algodon,  y Imperial  de  Vienna,  MS. 
camisas  y aljubas  y alca5eres  y 


246 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


and  civilization,  so  much  higher  than  any  thing  he 
had  ever  seen  in  the  country,  was  heightened  by 
the  intelligence  which  he  collected  from  some  of 
these  Indians.  Two  of  them  had  come  from  Tum- 
bez,  a Peruvian  port,  some  degrees  to  the  south ; 
and  they  gave  him  to  understand,  that  in  their 
neighbourhood  the  fields  were  covered  with  large 
flocks  of  the  animals  from  which  the  wool  was 
obtained,  and  that  gold  and  silver  were  almost  as 
common  as  wood  in  the  palaces  of  their  mon- 
arch. The  Spaniards  listened  greedily  to  reports 
which  harmonized  so  well  with  their  fond  desires. 
Though  half  distrusting  the  exaggeration,  Ruiz  re- 
solved to  detain  some  of  the  Indians,  including  the 
natives  of  Tumbez,  that  they  might  repeat  the  Mmn- 
drous  tale  to  his  commander,  and  at  the  same  time, 
by  learning  the  Castilian,  might  hereafter  serve  as 
interpreters  with  their  countrymen.  The  rest  of 
the  party  he  suffered  to  proceed  without  further  in- 
terruption on  their  voyage.  Then  holding  on  his 
course,  the  prudent  pilot,  without  touching  at  any 
other  point  of  the  coast,  advanced  as  far  as  the 
Punta  de  Pasado,  about  half  a degree  south,  having 
the  glory  of  being  the  first  European  who,  sailing 
in  this  direction  on  the  Pacific,  had  crossed  the 
equinoctial  line.  This  was  the  limit  of  his  discov- 
eries ; on  reaching  which  he  tacked  about,  and 
standing  away  to  the  north,  succeeded,  after  an 
absence  of  several  weeks,  in  regaining  the  spot 
where  he  had  left  Pizarro  and  his  comrades.*® 


^ Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  181.  — Rela- 


Ch.  Ill,]  PIZARRO’S  SUFFERINGS  IN  THE  FORESTS.  247 


It  was  high  time  ; for  the  spirits  of  that  little 
band  had  been  sorely  tried  by  the  perils  they  had 
encountered.  On  the  departure  of  his  vessels,  Pi- 
zarro  marched  into  the  interior,  in  the  hope  of  find- 
ing the  pleasant  champaign  country  which  had 
been  promised  him  by  the  natives.  But  at  every 
step  the  forests  seemed  to  grow  denser  and  darker, 
and  the  trees  towered  to  a height  such  as  he  had 
never  seen,  even  in  these  fruitful  regions,  where 
Nature  works  on  so  gigantic  a scale.'®  Hill  contin- 
ued to  rise  above  hill,  as  he  advanced,  rolling  on- 
ward, as  it  were,  by  successive  waves  to  join  that 
colossal  barrier  of  the  Andes,  whose  frosty  sides,  far 
away  above  the  clouds,  spread  out  like  a curtain  of 
burnished  silver,  that  seemed  to  connect  the  heavens 
with  the  earth. 

On  crossing  these  woody  eminences,  the  forlorn 
adventurers  would  plunge  into  ravines  of  fright- 
ful depth,  where  the  exhalations  of  a humid  soil 
steamed  up  amidst  the  incense  of  sweet-scented 
flowers,  which  shone  through  the  deep  glooms  in 
every  conceivable  variety  of  color.  Birds,  especial- 
ly of  the  parrot  tribe,  mocked  this  fantastic  variety 
of  nature  with  tints  as  brilliant  as  those  of  the  vege- 

cion  sacada  de  la  Biblioteca  Impe-  nology  is  a thing  beneath  the  no- 
rial de  Vienna,  MS.  — Herrera,  tice  of  these  ancient  chroniclers. 
Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  who  seem  to  think  that  the  date 
13.  of  events,  so  fresh  in  their  own 

One  of  the  authorities  speaks  of  memory,  must  be  so  in  that  of 
his  having  been  sixty  days  on  this  every  one  else, 
cruise.  I regret  not  to  be  able  to  “ Todo  era  montanas,  con 

give  precise  dates  of  the  events  in  arboles  hasta  el  cielo  ! ” Herrera, 
these  early  expeditions.  But  chro-  Hist.  General,  ubi  supra. 


248 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


table  world.  Monkeys  chattered  in  crowds  above 
their  heads,  and  made  grimaces  like  the  fiendish 
spirits  of  these  solitudes ; while  hideous  reptiles, 
engendered  in  the  slimy  depths  of  the  pools,  gath- 
ered round  the  footsteps  of  the  wanderers.  Here 
was  seen  the  gigantic  boa,  coiling  his  unwieldy  folds 
about  the  trees,  so  as  hardly  to  be  distinguished 
from  their  trunks,  till  he  was  ready  to  dart  upon  his 
prey ; and  alligators  lay  basking  on  the  borders  of 
the  streams,  or,  gliding  under  the  waters,  seized 
their  incautious  victim  before  he  was  aware  of 
their  approach.*^  Many  of  the  Spaniards  perished 
miserably  in  this  way,  and  others  were  waylaid  by 
the  natives,  who  kept  a jealous  eye  on  their  move- 
ments, and  availed  themselves  of  every  opportunity 
to  take  them  at  advantage.  Fourteen  of  Pizarro’s 
men  were  cut  off  at  once  in  a canoe  which  had 
stranded  on  the  hank  of  a stream.*® 

Famine  came  in  addition  to  other  troubles,  and  it 
was  with  difficulty  that  they  found  the  means  of  sus- 
taining life  on  the  scanty  fare  of  the  forest,  — occa- 
sionally the  potato,  as  it  grew  without  cultivation,  or 
the  wild  cocoa-nut,  or,  on  the  shore,  the  salt  and 
bitter  fruit  of  the  mangrove  ; though  the  shore  was 
less  tolerable  than  the  forest,  from  the  swarms  of 
mosquitos  which  compelled  the  wretched  adven- 
turers to  bury  their  bodies  up  to  their  very  faces  in 
the  sand.  In  this  extremity  of  suffering,  they 
thought  only  of  return ; and  all  schemes  of  avarice 

D Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  108. — 

Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  — Gomara,  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 


Ch.  Ill  ] ARRIVAL  OF  NEW  RECRUITS.  249 

and  ambition  — except  with  Pizarro  and  a few 
dauntless  spirits  — were  exchanged  for  the  one 
craving  desire  to  return  to  Panama. 

It  was  at  this  crisis  that  the  pilot  Ruiz  returned 
with  the  report  of  his  brilliant  discoveries ; and,  not 
long  after,  Almagro  sailed  into  port  with  his  vessel 
laden  with  refreshments,  and  a considerable  rein- 
forcement of  volunteers.  The  voyage  of  that  com- 
mander had  been  prosperous.  When  he  arrived  at 
Panama,  he  found  the  government  in  the  hands  of 
Don  Pedro  de  los  Rios ; and  he  came  to  anchor  in 
the  harbour,  unwilling  to  trust  himself  on  shore,  till 
he  had  obtained  from  Father  Luque  some  account 
of  the  dispositions  of  the  executive.  These  were 
sufficiently  favorable ; for  the  new  governor  had  par- 
ticular instructions  fully  to  carry  out  the  arrange- 
ments made  by  his  predecessor  with  the  associates. 
On  learning  Almagro’s  arrival,  he  came  down  to  the 
port  to  welcome  him,  professing  his  willingness  to 
afford  every  facility  for  the  execution  of  his  designs. 
Fortunately,  just  before  this  period,  a small  body  of 
military  adventurers  had  come  to  Panama  from  the 
mother  country,  burning  with  desire  to  make  their 
fortunes  in  the  New  World.  They  caught  much 
more  eagerly  than  the  old  and  w'ary  colonists  at  the 
golden  bait  held  out  to  them  ; and  with  their  ad- 
dition, and  that  of  a few  supernumerary  stragglers 
who  hung  about  the  town,  Almagro  found  himself 
at  the  head  of  a reinforcement  of  at  least  eighty 
men,  with  which,  having  laid  in  a fresh  supply  of 
stores,  he  again  set  sail  for  the  Rio  de  San  Juan. 

32 


VOL.  I. 


250 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


The  arrival  of  the  new  recruits  all  eager  to  follow 
up  the  expedition,  the  comfortable  change  in  their 
circumstances  produced  by  an  ample  supply  of  re- 
freshments, and  the  glowing  pictures  of  the  wealth 
that  awaited  them  in  the  south,  all  had  their  effect 
on  the  dejected  spirits  of  Pizarro’s  followers.  Their 
late  toils  and  privations  were  speedily  forgotten, 
and,  with  the  buoyant  and  variable  feelings  incident 
to  a freebooter’s  life,  they  now  called  as  eagerly  on 
their  commander  to  go  forward  in  the  voyage,  as 
they  had  before  called  on  him  to  abandon  it.  Avail- 
ing themselves  of  the  renewed  spirit  of  enterprise, 
the  captains  embarked  on  board  their  vessels,  and, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  veteran  pilot,  steered  in 
the  same  track  he  had  lately  pursued. 

But  the  favorable  season  for  a southern  course, 
which  in  these  latitudes  lasts  but  a few  months  in 
the  year,  had  been  suffered  to  escape.  The  breezes 
blew  steadily  towards  the  north,  and  a strong  cur- 
rent, not  far  from  shore,  set  in  the  same  direction. 
The  winds  frequently  rose  into  tempests,  and 
the  unfortunate  voyagers  were  tossed  about,  for 
many  days,  in  the  boiling  surges,  amidst  the  most 
awful  storms  of  thunder  and  lightning,  until,  at 
length,  they  found  a secure  haven  in  the  island 
of  Gallo,  already  visited  by  Ruiz.  As  they  were 
now  too  strong  in  numbers  to  apprehend  an  assault, 
the  crews  landed,  and,  experiencing  no  molestation 
from  the  natives,  they  continued  on  the  island  for  a 
fortnight,  refitting  their . damaged  vessels,  and  re- 
cruiting themselves  after  the  fatigues  of  the  ocean. 


Cn.  III.]  FRESH  DISCOVERIES  AND  DISASTERS. 


251 


Then,  resuming  their  voyage,  the  captains  stood 
towards  the  south  until  they  reached  the  Bay  of  St. 
Matthew\  As  they  advanced  along  the  coast,  they 
were  struck,  as  Ruiz  had  been  before,  with  the 
endences  of  a higher  civilization  constantly  exhib- 
ited in  the  general  aspect  of  the  country  and  its 
inhabitants.  The  hand  of  cultivation  was  visible  in 
every  quarter.  The  natural  appearance  of  the  coast, 
too,  had  something  in  it  more  inviting ; for,  instead 
of  the  eternal  labyrinth  of  mangrove-trees,  with 
their  complicated  roots  snarled  into  formidable  coils 
under  the  water,  as  if  to  waylay  and  entangle  the 
voyager,  the  low"  margin  of  the  sea  was  covered  with 
a stately  growth  of  ebony,  and  with  a species  of 
mahogany,  and  other  hard  woods  that  take  the  most 
brilliant  and  variegated  polish.  The  sandal-w"ood, 
and  many  balsamic  trees  of  unknown  names,  scat- 
tered their  sweet  odors  far  and  wide,  not  in  an 
atmosphere  tainted  with  vegetable  corruption,  but 
on  the  pure  breezes  of  the  ocean,  bearing  health  as 
w'ell  as  fragrance  on  their  wings.  Broad  patches 
of  cultivated  land  intervened,  disclosing  hill-sides 
covered  with  the  yellow  maize  and  the  potato, 
or  checkered,  in  the  lower  levels,  with  blooming 
plantations  of  cacao.*® 

The  villages  became  more  numerous ; and,  as  the 
vessels  rode  at  anchor  off  the  port  of  Tacamez,  the 

19  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  sines,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1526. — 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  181.  — Rela-  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1, 
cion  sacada  de  la  Biblioteca  Impe-  cap.  1.  — Relacion  del  Primer, 
rial  de  Vienna,  MS.  — Naharro,  Descub.,  MS. 

Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  — Monte- 


252 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


Spaniards  saw  before  them  a town  of  two  thousand 
houses  or  more,  laid  out  into  streets,  with  a numer- 
ous population  clustering  around  it  in  the  suburbs.®” 
The  men  and  women  displayed  many  ornaments  of 
gold  and  precious  stones  about  their  persons,  which 
may  seem  strange,  considering  that  the  Peruvian  In- 
cas claimed  a monopoly  of  jewels  for  themselves  and 
the  nobles  on  whom  they  condescended  to  bestow 
them.  But,  although  the  Spaniards  had  now  reach- 
ed the  outer  limits  of  the  Peruvian  empire,  it  was 
not  Peru,  but  Quito,  and  that  portion  of  it  but  re- 
cently brought  under  the  sceptre  of  the  Jncas,  where 
the  ancient  usages  of  the  people  could  hardly  have 
been  effaced  under  the  oppressive  system  of  the 
American  despots.  The  adjacent  country  was, 
moreover,  particularly  rich  in  gold,  which,  collected 
from  the  washings  of  the  streams,  still  forms  one 
of  the  staple  products  of  Barbacoas.  Here,  too, 
was  the  fair  River  of  Emeralds,  so  called  from  the 
quarries  of  the  beautiful  gem  on  its  borders,  from 
which  the  Indian  monarchs  enriched  their  treasury.®* 


20  Pizarro’s  secretary  speaks  of 
one  of  the  towns  as  containing  3,000 
hou.ses.  “ En  esta  Tierra  havia 
muchos  Mantenimientos,  i la  Gente 
tenia  mui  buena  orden  de  vivir,  los 
Pueblos  con  sus  Calles,  i Pla5as : 
Pueblo  bavia  que  tenia  mas  de  tres 
mil  Casas,  i otros  havia  men  ores.” 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
III.  p.  181. 

21  Stevenson,  who  visited  this 
part  of  the  coast  early  in  the  pres- 
ent century,  is  profuse  in  his  de- 


scription of  its  mineral  and  vegeta- 
ble treasures.  The  emerald  mine 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Las  Esme- 
raldas,  once  so  famous,  is  now 
placed  under  the  ban  of  a super- 
stition, more  befitting  the  times  of 
the  Incas.  “ I never  visited  it,” 
says  the  traveller,  “ owing  to  the 
superstitious  dread  of  the  natives, 
who  assured  me  that  it  was  en- 
chanted, and  guarded  by  an  enor- 
mous dragon,  which  poured  forth 
thunder  and  lightning  on  those  who 


Ch.  m.]  FRESH  DISCOVERIES  AND  DISASTERS.  253 


The  Spaniards  gazed  with  delight  on  these  unde- 
niable evidences  of  wealth,  and  saw  in  the  careful 
cultivation  of  the  soil  a comfortable  assurance  that 
they  had  at  length  reached  the  land  which  had  so 
long  been  seen  in  brilliant,  though  distant,  perspec- 
tive before  them.  But  here  again  they  were  doomed 
to  be  disappointed  by  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple, who,  conscious  of  their  own  strength,  showed 
no  disposition  to  quail  before  the  invaders.  On 
the  contrary,  several  of  their  canoes  shot  out,  loaded 
with  warriors,  who,  displaying  a gold  mask  as  their 
ensign,  hovered  round  the  vessels  with  looks  of  de- 
fiance, and,  when  pursued,  easily  took  shelter  under 
the  lee  of  the  land.^ 

A more  formidable  body  mustered  along  the  shore, 
to  the  number,  according  to  the  Spanish  accounts, 
of  at  least  ten  thousand  warriors,  eager,  apparently, 
to  come  to  close  action  with  the  invaders.  Nor 
could  Pizarro,  who  had  landed  with  a party  of  his 
men  m the  hope  of  a conference  with  the  natives, 
wholly  prevent  hostilities  ; and  it  might  have  gone 
hard  with  the  Spaniards,  hotly  pressed  by  their 
resolute  enemy  so  superior  in  numbers,  but  for  a 
ludicrous  accident  reported  by  the  historians  as  hap- 

dared  to  ascend  the  river.”  Resi-  dieron  una  suelta  a los  navios  por 
dence  in  South  America,  vol.  II.  avisarlos  en  manera  que  no  los 
p.  406.  pudiese  enojar,  y asi  dieron  vuelta 

22  “ Salieron  a los  dichos  navios  acia  a su  pueblo,  y los  navios  no 
quatorce  canoas  grandes  con  mu-  los  pudieron  tomar  porque  se  me- 
chos  Indios  dos  armados  de  oro  y tieron  en  los  baxos  junto  a la 
plata,  y trahian  en  la  una  canoa  6 tierra.”  Relacion  sacada  de  la  Bib- 
en  estandarte  y encima  de  el  un  boteca  Imperial  de  Vienna,  MS. 
bolto  de  un  mucho  desio  de  oro,  y 


254 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


pening  to  one  of  the  cavaliers.  This  was  a fall 
from  his  horse,  which  so  astonished  the  barbarians, 
who  were  not  prepared  for  this  division  of  what 
seemed  one  and  the  same  being  into  two,  that,  filled 
with  consternation,  they  fell  back,  and  left  a way 
open  for  the  Christians  to  regain  their  vessels 

A council  of  war  was  now  called.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  forces  of  the  Spaniards  were  unequal 
to  a contest  with  so  numerous  and  well-appointed  a 
body  of  natives  ; and,  even  if  they  should  prevail 
here,  they  could  have  no  hope  of  stemming  the  tor- 
rent which  must  rise  against  them  in  their  prog- 
ress — for  the  country  was  becoming  more  and 
more  thickly  settled,  and  towns  and  hamlets  start- 
ed into  view  at  every  new  headland  which  they 
doubled.  It  was  better,  in  the  opinion  of  some,  — 
the  faint-hearted,  — to  abandon  the  enterprise  at 
once,  as  beyond  their  strength.  But  Almagro  took 
a different  view  of  the  affair.  “ To  go  home,”  he 
said,  “ with  nothing  done,  would  be  ruin,  as  well  as 
disgrace.  There  was  scarcely  one  but  had  left 
creditors  at  Panama,  who  looked  for  payment  to  the 


23  “ A1  tiempo  del  romper  los 
unos  con  los  otros,  uno  de  aquellos 
de  caballo  cayo  del  caballo  abajo  ; 
y como  los  Indios  vieron  dividirse 
aquel  animal  en  dos  partes,  tenien- 
do  por  cierto  que  todo  era  una  cosa, 
fue  tanto  el  miedo  que  tubieron 
que  volvieron  las  espaldas  dando 
voces  a los  suyos,  diciendo,  que  se 
habia  hecho  dos  hacicndo  admira- 
cion  dello ; lo  cual  no  fue  sin  mis- 


terio ; porque  a no  acaecer  esto  se 
presume,  que  mataran  todos  los 
cristianos.”  (Relacion  del  Primer. 
Descub.,  MS.)  This  way  of  ac- 
counting for  the  panic  of  the  bar- 
barians is  certainly  quite  as  credible 
as  the  explanation,  under  similar 
circumstances,  afforded  by  the  ap- 
parition of  the  militant  apostle  St. 
James,  so  often  noticed  by  the  his- 
torians of  these  wars. 


Ch.  III.]  FRESH  DISCOVERIES  AND  DISASTERS.  255 

fruits  of  this  expedition.  To  go  home  now  would 
be  to  deliver  themselves  at  once  into  their  hands. 
It  would  be  to  go  to  prison.  Better  to  roam  a free- 
man, though  in  the  wilderness,  than  to  lie  bound 
with  fetters  in  the  dungeons  of  Panamd.^  The 
only  course  for  them,”  he  concluded,  “ was  the  one 
lately  pursued.  Pizarro  might  find  some  more  com- 
modious place  where  he  could  remain  with  part  of 
the  force,  while  he  himself  went  back  for  recruits  to 
Panama.  The  story  they  had  now  to  tell  of  the 
riches  of  the  land,  as  they  had  seen  them  with  their 
own  eyes,  would  put  their  expedition  in  a very  dif- 
ferent light,  and  could  not  fail  to  draw  to  their 
banner  as  many  volunteers  as  they  needed.” 

But  this  recommendation,  however  judicious,  was 
not  altogether  to  the  taste  of  the  latter  commander, 
who  did  not  relish  the  part,  which  constantly  fell  to 
him,  of  remaining  behind  in  the  swamps  and  forests 
of  this  wild  country.  “ It  is  all  very  well,”  he  said 
to  Almagro,  “ for  you,  who  pass  your  time  pleasantly 
enough,  careering  to  and  fro  in  your  vessel,  or  snug- 
ly sheltered  in  a land  of  plenty  at  Panamd  ; but  it 
is  quite  another  matter  for  those  who  stay  behind 
to  droop  and  die  of  hunger  in  the  wilderness.”  ^ 
To  this  Almagro  retorted  with  some  heat,  professing 

S'*  “ No  era  bien  bolver  pobres,  tualla,  no  padecia  la  miseria  de  la 
a pedir  limosna,  i morir  en  las  hambre,  i otras  angustias  que  te- 
Carceles,  los  que  tenian  deudas.”  nian,  i ponian  a todos  en  estrema 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  congoja.”  (Herrera,  Hist.  Gene- 
lib.  10,  cap.  2.  ral,  dec.  3,  lib.  10,  cap.  2.)  Th» 

S5  “ Como  iba,  i venia  en  los  cavaliers  of  Cortes  and  Pizarro 
Navios,  adonde  no  le  faltaba  Vi-  however  doughty  their  achieve- 


256 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


his  own  willingness  to  take  charge  of  the  brave 
men  who  would  remain  with  him,  if  Pizarro  de- 
clined it.  The  controversy  assuming  a more  angry 
and  menacing  tone,  from  words  they  would  have 
soon  come  to  blows,  as  both,  laying  their  hands  on 
their  swords,  were  preparing  to  rush  on  each  other, 
when  the  treasurer  Ribera,  aided  by  the  pilot  Ruiz, 
succeeded  in  pacifying  them.  It  required  but  little 
effort  on  the  part  of  these  cooler  counsellors  to  con- 
vince the  cavaliers  of  the  folly  of  a conduct  which 
must  at  once  terminate  the  expedition  in  a manner 
little  creditable  to  its  projectors.  A reconciliation 
consequently  took  place,  sufficient,  at  least  in  out- 
ward show,  to  allow  the  two  commanders  to  act 
together  in  concert.  Almagro’s  plan  was  then 
adopted ; and  it  only  remained  to  find  out  the  most 
secure  and  convenient  spot  for  Pizarro’s  quarters. 

Several  days  were  passed  in  touching  at  different 
parts  of  the  coast,  as  they  retraced  their  course  ; 
but  everywhere  the  natives  appeared  to  have  caught 
the  alarm,  and  assumed  a menacing,  and  from  their 
numbers  a formidable,  aspect.  The  more  northerly 
region,  with  its  unwholesome  fens  and  forests,  where 
nature  wages  a w'ar  even  more  relentless  than  man, 
was  not  to  be  thought  of.  In  this  perplexity,  they 
decided  on  the  little  island  of  Gallo,  as  being,  on 
the  whole,  from  its  distance  from  the  shore,  and 


ments,  certainly  fell  short  of  those 
knights-errant,  commemorated  by 
Hudibras,  who, 

“ As  some  think, 

Of  old  did  neither  eat  nor  drink ; 


Because,  when  thorough  deserts  vast 
And  regions  desolate  they  past, 

Unless  they  grazed,  there  notone  word 
Of  their  provision  on  record  ; 

Which  made  some  confidently  write, 
They  liad  no  stomachs  but  to  fight.’' 


Ch.  III.]  PIZARRO  ON  THE  ISLE  OF  GALLO. 


257 


from  the  scantiness  of  its  population,  the  most  eligi- 
ble spot  for  them  in  their  forlorn  and  destitute 
condition.^® 

But  no  sooner  was  the  resolution  of  the  two  cap- 
tains made  known,  than  a feeling  of  discontent 
broke  forth  among  their  followers,  especially  those 
who  were  to  remain  with  Pizarro  on  the  island. 
“What!”  they  exclaimed,  “were  they  to  be  dragged 
to  that  obscure  spot  to  die  by  hunger  ? The  whole 
expedition  had  been  a cheat  and  a failure,  from  be- 
ginning to  end.  The  golden  countries,  so  much 
vaunted,  had  seemed  to  fly  before  them  as  they 
advanced  ; and  the  little  gold  they  had  been  for- 
tunate enough  to  glean  had  all  been  sent  back  to 
Panama  to  entice  other  fools  to  follow  their  exam- 
ple. What  had  they  got  in  return  for  all  their  suf- 
ferings ? The  only  treasures  they  could  boast  were 
their  bows  and  arrows,  and  they  were  now  to  be 
left  to  die  on  this  dreary  island,  without  so  much  as 
a rood  of  consecrated  ground  to  lay  their  bones 


* Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS.  — Relacion  sacada  de 
la  Biblioteca  Imperial  de  Vienna, 
MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria, 
MS.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  1,  cap.  1. — Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10,  cap.  2. 

It  was  singularly  unfortunate, 
that  Pizarro,  instead  of  striking 
farther  south,  should  have  so  long 
clung  to  the  northern  shores  of  the 
continent.  Dampier  notices  them 
as  afflicted  with  incessant  rain  ; 

33 


while  the  inhospitable  forests  and 
the  particularly  ferocious  character 
of  the  natives  continued  to  make 
these  regions  but  little  known  down 
to  his  time.  See  his  Voyages  and 
Adventures,  (London,  1776,)  vol. 
I.  chap.  14. 

27  “ Miserablemente  morir  adon- 
de  aun  no  havia  lugar  Sagrado,  para 
sepultura  de  sus  cuerpos.”  Her- 
rera, Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10, 
cap.  3. 


VOL.  1. 


258 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


In  this  exasperated  state  of  feeling,  several  of  the 
soldiers  wrote  back  to  their  friends,  informing  them 
of  their  deplorable  condition,  and  complaining  of 
the  cold-blooded  manner  in  which  they  were  to  be 
sacrificed  to  the  obstinate  cupidity  of  their  leaders. 
But  the  latter  were  wary  enough  to  anticipate  this 
movement,  and  Almagro  defeated  it  by  seizing  all 
the  letters  in  the  vessels,  and  thus  cutting  off  at 
once  the  means  of  communication  with  their  friends 
at  home.  Yet  this  act  of  unscrupulous  violence, 
like  most  other  similar  acts,  fell  short  of  its  purpose ; 
for  a soldier  named  Sarabia  had  the  ingenuity  to 
evade  it  by  introducing  a letter  into  a ball  of  cotton, 
which  was  to  be  taken  to  Panama  as  a specimen 
of  the  products  of  the  country,  and  presented  to 
the  governor’s  lady.^ 

The  letter,  which  was  signed  by  several  of  the 
disaffected  soldiery  besides  the  writer,  painted  in 
gloomy  colors  the  miseries  of  their  condition,  ac- 
cused the  two  commanders  of  being  the  authors 
of  this,  and  called  on  the  authorities  of  Pana- 
ma to  interfere  by  sending  a vessel  to  take  them 
from  the  desolate  spot,  while  some  of  them  might 
still  be  found  surviving  the  horrors  of  their  con- 
finement. The  epistle  concluded  with  a stanza,  in 
which  the  two  leaders  were  stigmatized  as  partners 

28  “ Metieron  en  un  oviUo  de  cosa  de  risa  todo,  pues  las  riquezas 
algodon  una  carta  firmada  de  mu-  se  habian  convertido  en  flechas,  y 
chos  en  que  sumariamente  daban  no  bavia  otra  cosa.”  Montesinos, 
cuenta  de  las  bambres,  muertes  y Annales,  MS.,  ano  1527. 
desnudez  que  padecian,  y que  era 


Ch.  III.]  PIZARRO  ON  THE  ISLE  OF  GALLO. 


259 


in  a slaughter-house  ; one  being  employed  to  drive 
in  the  cattle  for  the  other  to  butcher.  The  verses, 
which  had  a currency  in  their  day  among  the  colo- 
nists to  which  they  were  certainly  not  entitled  by 
their  poetical  merits,  may  be  thus  rendered  into 
corresponding  doggerel : 


29  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Juan  de  Sarabia,  natural  de  Tru- 
Barcia,  tom.  m.  p.  181.  — Na-  jillo,  esta  cuaxteta  : — 


“A1  fin  de  la  peticion  que  ha-  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano 
dan  en  la  carta  al  Govemador  puso  1527. 


“ Look  out,  Senor  Governor, 

For  the  drover  while  he ’s  near  ; 
Since  he  goes  home  to  get  the  sheep 
For  the  butcher,  who  stays  here.”  29 


harro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  — 
Balboa,  Hist,  du  Perou,  chap. 


Puc3  Senor  Gobernador, 
Mirelo  bien  por  enlero 
que  alia  va  el  recogedor, 
y ac4  queda  el  camicero.^* 


15. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Indignation  of  the  Governor.  — Stern  Resolution  of  Pizarro. — 
Prosecution  of  the  Voyage.  — Brilliant  Aspect  of  Tumbez. — 
Discoveries  along  the  Coast.  — Return  to  Panama.  — Pi- 
zarro EMBARKS  FOR  SPAIN. 

1527—1528. 

Not  long  after  Almagro’s  departure,  Pizarro  sent 
off  the  remaining  vessel,  under  the  prete.xt  of  its  be- 
ing put  in  repair  at  Panama.  It  probably  relieved 
him  of  a part  of  his  followers,  whose  mutinous  spirit 
made  them  an  obstacle  rather  than  a help  in  his 
forlorn  condition,  and  with  whom  he  was  the  more 
willing  to  part  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  sub- 
sistence on  the  barren  spot  which  he  now  occupied. 

Great  was  the  dismay  occasioned  by  the  return 
of  Almagro  and  his  followers,  in  the  little  community 
of  Panama ; for  the  letter,  surreptitiously  conveyed 
in  the  ball  of  cotton,  fell  into  the  hands  for  which  it 
was  intended,  and  the  contents  soon  got  abroad 
with  the  usual  quantity  of  exaggeration.  The  hag- 
gard and  dejected  mien  of  the  adventurers,  of  it- 
self, told  a tale  sufficiently  disheartening,  and  it  was 
soon  generally  believed  that  the  few  ill-fated  sur- 
vivors of  the  expedition  were  detained  against  their 


Ch.  IV.l 


INDIGNATION  OF  THE  GOVERNOR. 


261 


will  bj  Pizarro,  to  end  their  days  with  their  disap- 
pointed leader  on  his  desolate  island. 

Pedro  de  los  Rios,  the  governor,  was  so  much 
incensed  at  the  result  of  the  expedition,  and  the 
waste  of  life  it  had  occasioned  to  the  colony,  that 
he  turned  a deaf  ear  to  all  the  applications  of  Luque 
and  Almagro  for  further  countenance  in  the  affair; 
he  derided  their  sanguine  anticipations  of  the  future, 
and  finally  resolved  to  send  an  officer  to  the  isle  of 
Gallo,  with  orders  to  bring  back  every  Spaniard 
whom  he  should  find  still  living  in  that  dreary 
abode.  Two  vessels  were  immediately  despatched 
for  the  purpose,  and  placed  under  charge  of  a cava- 
lier named  Tafur,  a native  of  Cordova. 

Meanwhile  Pizarro  and  his  follow’ers  were  ex- 
periencing all  the  miseries  which  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  character  of  the  barren  spot  on 
which  they  were  imprisoned.  They  were,  indeed, 
relieved  from  all  apprehensions  of  the  natives, 
since  these  had  quitted  the  island  on  its  occupation 
by  the  white  men  ; but  they  had  to  endure  the 
pains  of  hunger  even  in  a greater  degree  than  they 
had  formerly  experienced  in  the  wild  woods  of  the 
neighbouring  continent.  Their  principal  food  was 
crabs  and  such  shell-fish  as  they  could  scantily  pick 
up  along  the  shores.  Incessant  storms  of  thunder 
and  lightning,  for  it  was  the  rainy  season,  swept 
over  the  devoted  island,  and  drenched  them  with  a 
perpetual  flood.  Thus,  half-naked,  and  pining  with 
famine,  there  were  few  in  that  little  company  w'ho 
did  not  feel  the  spirit  of  enterprise  quenched  within 


262 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


them,  or  who  looked  for  any  happier  termination 
of  their  difficulties  than  that  afforded  by  a return  to 
Panama.  The  appearance  of  Taffir,  therefore,  with 
his  two  vessels,  well  stored  with  provisions,  was 
greeted  with  all  the  rapture  that  the  crew  of  a sink- 
ing wreck  might  feel  on  the  arrival  of  some  unex- 
pected succour ; and  the  only  thought,  after  satisfy- 
ing the  immediate  cravings  of  hunger,  was  to  em- 
bark and  leave  the  detested  isle  for  ever. 

But  by  the  same  vessel  letters  came  to  Pizarro 
from  his  two  confederates,  Luque  and  Almagro,  be- 
seeching him  not  to  despair  in  his  present  extremity, 
but  to  hold  fast  to  his  original  purpose.  To  return 
under  the  present  ckcumstances  would  be  to  seal 
the  fate  of  the  expedition  ; and  they  solemnly  en- 
gaged, if  he  would  remain  firm  at  his  post,  to  fur- 
nish him  in  a short  time  with  the  necessary  means 
for  going  forward.' 

A ray  of  hope  was  enough  for  the  courageous 
spirit  of  Pizarro.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  him- 
self had  entertained,  at  any  time,  thoughts  of  re- 
turning. If  he  had,  these  words  of  encouragement 
entirely  banished  them  from  his  bosom,  and  he  pre- 
pared to  stand  the  fortune  of  the  cast  on  which  he 
had  so  desperately  ventured.  He  knew,  however, 
that  solicitations  or  remonstrances  would  avail  little 
with  the  companions  of  his  enterprise ; and  he  prob- 


1 Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  1527.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  182.  — Zarate,  dec.  3,  lib.  10,  cap.  3.  — Naharro, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  2. — Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 
Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  aiio 


Ch.  IV.] 


STERN  RESOLUTION  OF  PIZARRO. 


263 


ably  did  not  care  to  win  over  the  more  timid  spirits 
who,  by  perpetually  looking  back,  would  only  be  a 
clog  on  his  future  movements.  He  announced  his 
own  purpose,  however,  in  a laconic  but  decided 
manner,  characteristic  of  a man  more  accustomed 
to  act  than  to  talk,  and  well  calculated  to  make 
an  impression  on  his  rough  followers. 

Drawing  his  sword,  he  traced  a line  with  it  on 
the  sand  from  east  to  west.  Then  turning  towards 
the  south,  “Friends  and  comrades!”  he  said,  “on 
that  side  are  toil,  hunger,  nakedness,  the  drenching 
storm,  desertion,  and  death ; on  this  side,  ease  and 
pleasure.  There  lies  Peru  with  its  riches;  here,  Pan- 
ama and  its  poverty.  Choose,  each  man,  what  best 
becomes  a brave  Castilian.  For  my  part,  I go  to 
the  south.”  So  saying,  he  stepped  across  the  line.^ 
He  was  followed  by  the  brave  pilot  Ruiz ; next  by 
Pedro  de  Candia,  a cavalier,  born,  as  his  name  im- 
ports, in  one  of  the  isles  of  Greece.  Eleven  others 
successively  crossed  the  line,  thus  intimating  their 
willingness  to  abide  the  fortunes  of  their  leader,  for 
good  or  for  evil.^  Fame,  to  quote  the  enthusiastic 


2 “ Obedeciola  Pizarro  y antes 
que  se  egecutase  saco  un  Punal,  y 
con  notable  animo  hizo  con  la  punta 
una  raya  de  Oriente  a Poniente ; y 
senalando  al  medio  dia,  que  era  la 
parte  de  su  noticia,  y derrotero 
dijo  : camaradas  y amigos  esta 
parte  es  la  de  la  muerte,  de  los 
trabajos,  de  las  hambres,  de  la 
desnudez,  de  los  aguaceros,  y de- 
samparos  ; la  otra  la  del  gusto : 
Por  aqui  se  ba  a Panama  ^ ser 


pobres,  por  alia  al  Peru  a serricos. 
Escoja  el  que  fuere  buen  Castellano 
lo  que  mas  bien  le  estubiere.  Di- 
ciendo  esto  paso  la  raya : siguie- 
ronle  Barthome  Ruiz  natural  de 
Moguer,  Pedro  de  Candi  Griego, 
natural  de  Candia.”  Montesinos, 
Annales,  MS.,  ailo  1527. 

3 The  names  of  these  thirteen 
faithful  companions  are  preserved 
in  the  convention  made  with  the 
Crown  two  years  later,  w'here  they 


264 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


language  of  an  ancient  chronicler,  has  commemo- 
rated the  names  of  this  little  band,  “ who  thus,  in 
the  face  of  difficulties  unexampled  in  history,  with 
death  rather  than  riches  for  their  reward,  preferred 
it  all  to  abandoning  their  honor,  and  stood  firm  by 
their  leader  as  an  example  of  loyalty  to  future 
ages.”'* 

But  the  act  excited  no  such  admiration  in  the 
mind  of  Tafur,  who  looked  on  it  as  one  of  gross 
disobedience  to  the  commands  of  the  governor,  and 
as  little  better  than  madness,  involving  the  certain 
destruction  of  the  parties  engaged  in  it.  He  refused 
to  give  any  sanction  to  it  himself  by  leaving  one  of 
his  vessels  with  the  adventurers  to  prosecute  their 
voyage,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he 
could  be  persuaded  even  to  allow  them  a part  of  the 
stores  which  he  had  brought  for  their  support.  This 
had  no  influence  on  their  determination,  and  the 
little  party,  bidding  adieu  to  their  returning  com- 
rades, remained  unshaken  in  their  purpose  of  abid- 
ing the  fortunes  of  their  commander.^ 


are  suitably  commemorated  for 
their  loyalty.  Their  names  should 
not  be  omitted  in  a history  of  the 
Conquest  of  Peru.  They  were 
“ Bartolome  Ruiz,  Cristoval  de 
Peralta,  Pedro  de  Candia,  Domingo 
de  Soria  Luce,  Nicolas  de  Ribera, 
Francisco  de  Cuellar,  Alonso  de 
Molina,  Pedro  Alcon,  Garcia  de 
Jerez,  Anton  de  Carrion,  Alonso 
Briceno,  Martin  de  Paz,  Joan  de 
la  Torre.” 

4 “ Estos  fueron  los  trece  de  la 


fama.  Estos  los  que  cercados  de 
los  mayores  trabajos  que  pudo  el 
Mundo  ofrecer  d hombres,  y los  que 
estando  mas  para  esperar  la  muerte 
que  las  riquezas  que  se  les  prome- 
tian,  todo  lo  pospusieron  d la  honra, 
y siguieron  a su  capitan  y caudillo 
para  egemplo  de  lealtad  en  lo  fu- 
turo.”  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
ano  1527. 

5 Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
1,  cap.  2.  — Montesinos,  Annales, 
MS.,  ai5o  1527.  — Naharro,  Re- 


Ch.  IV.]  STERN  RESOLUTION  OF  PIZARRO.  265 

There  is  something  striking  to  the  imagination 
in  the  spectacle  of  these  few  brave  spirits,  thus  con- 
secrating themselves  to  a daring  enterprise,  which 
seemed  as  far  above  their  strength  as  any  recorded 
in  the  fabulous  annals  of  knight-errantry.  A handful 
of  men,  without  food,  without  clothing,  almost  with- 
out arms,  without  knowledge  of  the  land  to  which 
they  were  bound,  without  vessel  to  transport  them, 
were  here  left  on  a lonely  rock  in  the  ocean  with 
the  avowed  purpose  of  carrying  on  a crusade  against 
a powerful  empire,  staking  their  lives  on  its  success. 
What  is  there  in  the  legends  of  chivalry  that  sur- 
passes it  ? This  was  the  crisis  of  Pizarro’s  fate. 
There  are  moments  in  the  lives  of  men,  which,  as 
they  are  seized  or  neglected,  decide  their  future 
destiny.®  Had  Pizarro  faltered  from  his  strong  pur- 
pose, and  yielded  to  the  occasion,  now  so  temptingly 
presented,  for  extricating  himself  and  his  broken 
band  from  their  desperate  position,  his  name  would 
have  been  buried  with  his  fortunes,  and  the  conquest 
of  Peru  would  have  been  left  for  other  and  more  suc- 
cessful adventurers.  But  his  constancy  was  equal 
to  the  occasion,  and  his  conduct  here  proved  him 


lacion  Sumaria,  MS.  — Herrera, 
Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10, 
cap.  3. 

6 This  common  sentiment  is  ex- 
pressed with  uncommon  beauty  by 
the  fanciful  Boiardo,  where  he  rep- 
resents Rinaldo  as  catching  For- 
tune, under  the  guise  of  the  fickle 
fairy  Morgana,  by  the  forelock. 
The  Italian  reader  may  not  be 

34 


displeased  to  refresh  his  memory 
with  it. 

“ Chi  cerca  in  quesio  mondo  aver  tesoro, 

O diletto,  e piacere,  honore,  e siato, 

Ponga  la  mano  a questa  chioma  d*  oro, 
Ch’  io  porlo  in  fronte,  e lo  fard  beato  ; 

Ma  quando  ha  in  destro  si  fallo  lavoro, 
Non  prenda  indugio,  che  ’1  tempo  passato 
Perdulo  k luilo,  e non  ritoma  mai, 

Ed  io  mi  volto,  e lui  lascio  con  guai.” 
Orlando,  Innamorato,  lib.  2,  canto  8. 


VOL.  I. 


266 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


competent  to  the  perilous  post  he  had  assumed,  and 
inspired  others  with  a confidence  in  him  which  was 
the  best  assurance  of  success. 

In  the  vessel  that  bore  back  Tafur  and  those  who 
seceded  from  the  expedition  the  pilot  Ruiz  was 
also  permitted  to  return,  in  order  to  cooperate  with 
Luque  and  Almagro  in  their  application  for  further 
succour. 

Not  long  after  the  departure  of  the  ships,  it  was 
decided  by  Pizarro  to  abandon  his  present  quarters, 
which  had  little  to  recommend  them,  and  which,  he 
reflected,  might  now  be  exposed  to  annoyance  from 
the  original  inhabitants,  should  they  take  courage 
and  return,  on  learning  the  diminished  number  of 
the  white  men.  The  Spaniards,  therefore,  by  his 
orders,  constructed  a rude  boat  or  raft,  on  which 
they  succeeded  in  transporting  themselves  to  the 
little  island  of  Gorgona,  twenty-five  leagues  to  the 
north  of  their  present  residence.  It  lay  about  five 
leagues  from  the  continent,  and  was  uninhabited. 
It  had  some  advantages  over  the  isle  of  Gallo  ; for 
it  stood  higher  above  the  sea,  and  was  partially 
covered  with  wood,  which  afforded  shelter  to  a 
species  of  pheasant,  and  the  hare  or  rabbit  of  the 
country,  so  that  the  Spaniards,  with  their  cross- 
bows, were  enabled  to  procure  a tolerable  supply 
of  game.  Cool  streams  that  issued  from  the  living 
rock  furnished  abundance  of  water,  though  the 
drenching  rains  that  fell,  without  intermission,  left 
them  in  no  danger  of  perishing  by  thirst.  From 
this  annoyance  they  found  some  protection  in  the 


Ch.  IV.] 


STERN  RESOLUTION  OF  PIZARRO. 


267 


rude  huts  which  they  constructed ; though  here,  as 
in  their  former  residence,  they  suffered  from  the 
no  less  intolerable  annoyance  of  venomous  insects, 
which  multiplied  and  swarmed  in  the  exhalations 
of  the  rank  and  stimulated  soil.  In  this  dreary 
abode  Pizarro  omitted  no  means  by  which  to  sus- 
tain the  drooping  spirits  of  his  men.  Morning  pray- 
ers were  duly  said,  and  the  evening  hymn  to  the 
Virgin  was  regularly  chanted ; the  festivals  of  the 
church  were  carefully  commemorated,  and  every 
means  taken  by  their  commander  to  give  a kind 
of  religious  character  to  his  enterprise,  and  to  in- 
spire his  rough  followers  with  a confidence  in  the 
protection  of  Heaven,  that  might  support  them  in 
their  perilous  circumstances.^ 

In  these  uncomfortable  quarters,  then  chief  em- 
ployment was  to  keep  watch  on  the  melancholy 
ocean,  that  they  might  hail  the  first  signal  of  the 
anticipated  succour.  But  many  a tedious  month 
passed  away,  and  no  sign  of  it  appeared.  All 
around  was  the  same  wide  waste  of  waters,  except 
to  the  eastward,  where  the  frozen  crest  of  the 
Andes,  touched  with  the  ardent  sun  of  the  equator, 
glowed  like  a ridge  of  fire  along  the  whole  extent 
of  the  great  continent.  Every  speck  in  the  distant 
horizon  was  carefully  noticed,  and  the  drifting  tim- 
ber or  masses  of  sea-weed,  heaving  to  and  fro  on 

7 “ Cada  Manana  daban  gracias  con  los  Viemes,  i Domingos.” 
a Dios  : a las  tardes  decian  la  Salve,  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
i otras  Oraciones,  por  las  Horas  : lib.  10,  cap.  3. 

sabian  las  Fiestas,  i tenian  cuenta 


268 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


the  bosom  of  the  waters,  was  converted  by  their 
imaginations  into  the  promised  vessel ; till,  sinking 
under  successive  disappointments,  hope  gradually 
gave  way  to  doubt,  and  doubt  settled  into  despair.® 
Meanwhile  the  vessel  of  Tafur  had  reached  the 
port  of  Panama.  The  tidings  which  she  brought 
of  the  inflexible  obstinacy  of  Pizarro  and  his  follow- 
ers filled  the  governor  with  indignation.  He  could 
look  on  it  in  no  other  light  than  as  an  act  of  suicide, 
and  steadily  refused  to  send  further  assistance  to 
men  who  were  obstinately  bent  on  their  own  de- 
struction. Yet  Luque  and  Almagro  were  true  to 
their  engagements.  They  represented  to  the  gov- 
ernor, that,  if  the  conduct  of  their  comrade  was  rash, 
it  was  at  least  in  the  service  of  the  Crown,  and  in 
prosecuting  the  great  work  of  discovery.  Rios  had 
been  instructed,  on  his  taking  the  government,  to 
aid  Pizarro  in  the  enterprise  ; and  to  desert  him  now 
would  be  to  throw  away  the  remaining  chance  of 
success,  and  to  incur  the  responsibility  of  his  death 
and  that  of  the  brave  men  who  adhered  to  him. 
These  remonstrances,  at  length,  so  far  operated 
on  the  mind  of  that  functionary,  that  he  reluctantly 
consented  that  a vessel  should  be  sent  to  the  island 
of  Gorgona,  but  with  no  more  hands  than  were 
necessary  to  work  her,  and  tvith  positive  instructions 
to  Pizarro  to  return  in  six  months  and  report  him- 

8 “ A1  cabo  de  muchos  Dias  bien  dentro  de  la  Mar,  les  parecia, 
aguardando,  estaban  tan  angustia-  que  era  el  Navio.”  Herrera,  Hist, 
dos,  que  los  salages,  que  se  hacian  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10,  cap.  4. 


Ch.  IV.] 


PROSECUTION  OF  THE  VOYAGE. 


269 


self  at  Panamii,  whatever  might  be  the  future  results 
of  his  expedition. 

Having  thus  secured  the  sanction  of  the  execu- 
tive, the  two  associates  lost  no  time  in  fitting  out 
a small  vessel  with  stores  and  a supply  of  arms 
and  ammunition,  and  despatched  it  to  the  island. 
The  unfortunate  tenants  of  this  little  wilderness, 
who  had  now  occupied  it  for  seven  months,®  hardly 
dared  to  trust  their  senses  when  they  descried  the 
white  sails  of  the  friendly  bark  coming  over  the 
waters.  And  although,  when  the  vessel  anchored 
off  the  shore,  Pizarro  was  disappointed  to  find  that 
it  brought  no  additional  recruits  for  the  enterprise, 
yet  he  greeted  it  with  joy,  as  affording  the  means  of 
solving  the  great  problem  of  the  existence  of  the 
rich  southern  empire,  and  of  thus  opening  the  way 
for  its  future  conquest.  Two  of  his  men  were  so  ill, 
that  it  was  determined  to  leave  them  in  the  care  of 
some  of  the  friendly  Indians  who  had  continued 
with  him  through  the  whole  of  his  sojourn,  and  to 
call  for  them  on  his  return.  Taking  with  him  the 
rest  of  his  hardy  followers  and  the  natives  of  Tum- 
bez,  he  embarked,  and,  speedily  w eighing  anchor, 
bade  adieu  to  the  “ Hell,”  as  it  was  called  by  the 
Spaniards,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  so  much 
suffering  and  such  undaunted  resolution.'® 

9 “ Estubieron  con  estos  trabajos  tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  aiio  1527. 
con  igualdad  dc  animo  sictc  me-  — Naharro,RclacionSumaria,MS. 
scs.”  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
aiio  1527.  lib.  10,  cap.  4. — Pedro  Pizarro, 

Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  182.  — Mon- 


270 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


Every  heart  was  now  elated  with  hope,  as  they 
found  tlieniselves  once  more  on  the  winters,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  good  pilot  Ruiz,  who,  obeying 
the  directions  of  the  Indians,  proposed  to  steer  for 
the  land  of  Tumbez,  which  would  bring  them  at 
once  into  the  golden  empire  of  the  Incas,  — the 
El  Dorado,  of  which  they  had  been  so  long  in  pur- 
suit. Passing  by  the  dreary  isle  of  Gallo,  which 
they  had  such  good  cause  to  remember,  they  stood 
farther  out  to  sea  until  they  made  Point  Tacumez, 
near  which  they  had  landed  on  their  previous 
voyage.  They  did  not  touch  at  any  part  of  the 
coast,  but  steadily  held  on  their  way,  though  con- 
siderably impeded  by  the  currents,  as  well  as  by  the 
wind,  which  blew  with  little  variation  from  the 
south.  Fortunately,  the  wind  was  light,  and,  as  the 
weather  was  favorable,  their  voyage,  though  slow, 
was  not  uncomfortable.  In  a few  days,  they  came 
in  sight  of  Point  Pasado,  the  limit  of  the  pilot’s 
former  navigation  ; and,  crossing  the  line,  the  little 
bark  entered  upon  those  unknown  seas  which  had 
never  been  ploughed  by  European  keel  before. 
The  coast,  they  observed,  gradually  declined  from 
its  former  bold  and  rugged  character,  gently  sloping 
tow^ards  the  shore,  and  spreading  out  into  sandy 
plains,  relieved  here  and  there  by  patches  of  uncom- 
mon richness  and  beauty ; while  the  white  cottages 
of  the  natives  glistening  along  the  margin  of  the 
sea,  and  the  smoke  that  rose  among  the  distant  hills, 
intimated  the  increasing  population  of  the  country. 

At  length,  after  the  lapse  of  twenty  days  from 


Ch.  IV.] 


BRILLIANT  ASPECT  OF  TUMBEZ. 


271 


their  departure  from  the  island,  the  adventurous  ves- 
sel rounded  the  point  of  St.  Helena,  and  glided 
smoothly  into  the  waters  of  the  beautiful  gulf  of 
Guayaquil.  The  country  was  here  studded  along 
the  shore  with  towns  and  villages,  though  the 
mighty  chain  of  the  Cordilleras,  sweeping  up  ab- 
ruptly from  the  coast,  left  but  a narrow  strip  of 
emerald  verdure,  through  which  numerous  rivulets, 
spreading  fertility  around  them,  wound  their  way 
into  the  sea. 

The  voyagers  were  now  abreast  of  some  of  the 
most  stupendous  heights  of  this  magnificent  range  ; 
Chimborazo,  with  its  broad  round  summit,  towering 
like  the  dome  of  the  Andes,  and  Cotopaxi,  with 
its  dazzling  cone  of  silvery  white,  that  knows  no 
change  except  from  the  action  of  its  own  volcanic 
fii'es  ; for  this  mountain  is  the  most  terrible  of  the 
American  volcanoes,  and  was  in  formidable  activity 
at  no  great  distance  from  the  period  of  our  narra- 
tive. Well  pleased  with  the  signs  of  civilization 
that  opened  on  them  at  every  league  of  their  pro- 
gress, the  Spaniards,  at  length,  came  to  anchor,  off 
the  island  of  Santa  Clara,  lying  at  the  entrance 
of  the  bay  of  Tumbez.” 

The  place  was  uninhabited,  but  was  recognized 


11  According  to  Garcilasso,  two  of  these  transactions,  where  it  is 
years  elapsed  between  the  depar-  as  difficult  to  fix  a precise  date, 
ture  from  Gorgona  and  the  arrival  amidst  the  silence,  rather  than 
at  Tumbez.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  the  contradictions,  of  contemporary 
2,  lib.  1,  cap.  11.)  Such  gross  statements,  as  if  the  events  had 
defiance  of  chronology  is  rather  happened  before  the  deluge, 
uncommon  even  in  the  narratives 


272 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


by  the  Indians  on  board,  as  occasionally  resorted  to 
by  the  warlike  people  of  the  neighbouring  isle  of 
Puna,  for  purposes  of  sacrifice  and  worship.  The 
Spaniards  found  on  the  spot  a few  bits  of  gold 
rudely  wrought  into  various  shapes,  and  probably 
designed  as  offerings  to  the  Indian  deity.  Their 
hearts  were  cheered,  as  the  natives  assured  them 
they  would  see  abundance  of  the  same  precious 
metal  in  their  own  city  of  Tumbez. 

The  following  morning  they  stood  across  the  bay 
for  this  place.  As  they  drew  near,  they  beheld  a 
town  of  considerate  size,  with  many  of  the  build- 
ings apparently  of  stone  and  plaster,  situated  in  the 
bosom  of  a fruitful  meadow,  which  seemed  to  have 
been  redeemed  from  the  sterility  of  the  surrounding 
country  by  careful  and  minute  irrigation.  When 
at  some  distance  from  shore,  Pizarro  saw  standing 
towards  him  several  large  balsas,  which  were  found 
to  be  filled  with  warriors  going  on  an  expedition 
against  the  island  of  Puna.  Running  alongside  of 
the  Indian  flotilla,  he  invited  some  of  the  chiefs  to 
come  on  board  of  his  vessel.  The  Peruvians  gazed 
with  wonder  on  every  object  which  met  their  eyes, 
and  especially  on  their  own  countrymen,  whom  they 
had  little  expected  to  meet  there.  The  latter  in- 
formed them  in  what  manner  they  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  strangers,  whom  they  described  as 
a wonderful  race  of  beings,  that  had  come  thither 
for  no  harm,  but  solely  to  be  made  acquainted  with 
the  country  and  its  inhabitants.  This  account  was 
confirmed  by  the  Spanish  commander,  who  per- 


Ch.  IV]  BRILLIANT  ASPECT  OF  TUMBEZ.  273 

suaded  the  Indians  to  return  in  their  balsas  and 
report  what  they  had  learned  to  their  townsmen, 
requesting  them  at  the  same  time  to  provide  his 
vessel  with  refreshments,  as  it  was  his  desire  to 
enter  into  a friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives. 

The  people  of  Tumbez  were  gathered  along  the 
shore,  and  were  gazing  wuth  unutterable  amazement 
on  the  floating  castle,  which,  now  having  dropped 
anchor,  rode  lazily  at  its  moorings  in  their  bay. 
They  eagerly  listened  to  the  accounts  of  their  coun- 
trymen, and  instantly  reported  the  affair  to  the  cu- 
raca  or  ruler  of  the  district,  who,  conceiving  that 
the  strangers  must  be  beings  of  a superior  order, 
prepared  at  once  to  comply  with  their  request.  It 
was  not  long  before  several  balsas  were  seen  steer- 
ing for  the  vessel  laden  with  bananas,  plantains, 
yuca,  Indian  corn,  sweet  potatoes,  pine-apples,  co- 
coa-nuts, and  other  rich  products  of  the  bountiful 
vale  of  Tumbez.  Game  and  fish,  also,  were  added, 
with  a number  of  llamas,  of  which  Pizarro  had 
seen  the  rude  drawings  belonging  to  Balboa,  but 
of  which  till  now  he  had  met  with  no  living  speci- 
men. He  examined  this  curious  animal,  the  Peru- 
vian sheep,  — or,  as  the  Spaniards  called  it,  the 
“little  camel”  of  the  Indians, — with  much  inter- 
est, greatly  admiring  the  mixture  of  wool  and  hair 
which  supplied  the  natives  with  the  materials  for 
their  fabrics. 

At  that  time  there  happened  to  be  at  Tumbez  an 
Inca  noble,  or  orejon, — for  so,  as  I have  already 
noticed,  men  of  his  rank  were  called  by  the  Span- 
35 


VOL.  I. 


274 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


iards,  from  the  huge  ornaments  of  gold  attached 
to  their  ears.  He  expressed  great  curiosity  to  see 
the  wonderful  strangers,  and  had,  accordingly,  come 
out  with  the  balsas  for  the  purpose.  It  was  easy 
to  perceive  from  the  superior  quality  of  his  dress, 
as  well  as  from  the  deference  paid  to  him  by  the 
others,  that  he  was  a person  of  consideration,  and 
Pizarro  received  him  with  marked  distinction.  He 
showed  him  the  different  parts  of  the  ship,  explain- 
ing to  him  the  uses  of  whatever  engaged  his  atten- 
tion, and  answering  his  numerous  queries,  as  well 
as  he  could,  by  means  of  the  Indian  interpreters. 
The  Peruvian  chief  was  especially  desirous  of  know- 
ing whence  and  why  Pizarro  and  his  followers  had 
come  to  these  shores.  The  Spanish  captain  replied, 
that  he  was  the  vassal  of  a great  prince,  the  great- 
est and  most  powerful  in  the  world,  and  that  he  had 
come  to  this  country  to  assert  his  master’s  laivful 
supremacy  over  it.  He  had  further  come  to  rescue 
the  inhabitants  from  the  darkness  of  unbelief  in 
which  they  were  now  wandering.  They  worship- 
ped an  evil  spirit,  who  would  sink  their  souls  into 
everlasting  perdition ; and  he  would  give  them  the 
knowledge  of  the  true  and  only  God,  Jesus  Christ, 
since  to  believe  on  him  was  eternal  salvation.'^ 
The  Indian  prince  listened  with  deep  attention 


12  The  text  abridges  somewhat 
the  discourse  of  the  military  po- 
lemic ; which  is  reported  at  length 
by  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
lib.  10,  cap.  4. — See  also  Mon- 


tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1527 

— Conq.  i Fob.  del  Piru,  MS.  — 
Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 

— Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub. , 
MS. 


Ch.  IV.] 


BRILLIANT  ASPECT  OF  TUMBEZ. 


275 


and  apparent  wonder ; but  answered  nothing.  It 
may  be,  that  neither  he  nor  his  interpreters  had  any 
very  distinct  ideas  of  the  doctrines  thus  abruptly 
revealed  to  them.  It  may  be  that  he  did  not  be- 
lieve there  was  any  other  potentate  on  earth  greater 
than  the  Inca ; none,  at  least,  who  had  a better 
right  to  rule  over  his  dominions.  And  it  is  very 
possible  he  was  not  disposed  to  admit  that  the  great 
luminary  whom  he  worshipped  was  inferior  to  the 
God  of  the  Spaniards.  But  whatever  may  have 
passed  in  the  untutored  mind  of  the  barbarian,  he 
did  not  give  vent  to  it,  but  maintained  a discreet 
silence,  without  any  attempt  to  controvert  or  to  con- 
vince his  Christian  antagonist. 

He  remained  on  board  the  vessel  till  the  hour  of 
dinner,  of  which  he  partook  with  the  Spaniards, 
expressing  his  satisfaction  at  the  strange  dishes, 
and  especially  pleased  with  the  wine,  which  he 
pronounced  far  superior  to  the  fermented  liquors 
of  his  own  country.  On  taking  leave,  he  courte- 
ously pressed  the  Spaniards  to  visit  Tumbez,  and 
Pizarro  dismissed  him  with  the  present,  among  other 
things,  of  an  iron  hatchet,  which  had  greatly  excited 
his  admiration ; for  the  use  of  iron,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  as  little  known  to  the  Peruvians  as  to  the  Mex- 
icans. 

On  the  day  following,  the  Spanish  captain  sent 
one  of  his  own  men,  named  Alonso  de  Molina,  on 
shore,  accompanied  by  a negro  who  had  come  in  the 
vessel  from  Panama,  together  with  a present  for 
the  curaca  of  some  swine  and  poultry,  neither  of 


276 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


which  were  indigenous  to  the  New  World.  To- 
wards evening  his  emissary  returned  with  a fresh 
supply  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  that  the  friendly 
people  sent  to  the  vessel.  Molina  had  a wondrous 
tale  to  tell.  On  landing,  he  was  surrounded  by  the 
natives,  who  expressed  the  greatest  astonishment  at 
his  dress,  his  fair  complexion,  and  his  long  beard. 
The  women,  especially,  manifested  great  curiosity 
in  respect  to  him,  and  Molina  seemed  to  be  entirely 
won  by  their  charms  and  captivating  manners.  He 
probably  intimated  his  satisfaction  by  his  demeanour, 
since  they  urged  him  to  stay  among  them,  promising 
in  that  case  to  provide  him  with  a beautiful  wife. 

Their  surprise  was  equally  great  at  the  complex- 
ion of  his  sable  companion.  They  could  not  believe 
it  was  natural,  and  tried  to  rub  off  the  imaginary 
dye  with  their  hands.  As  the  African  bore  all  this 
with  characteristic  good-humor,  displaying  at  the 
same  time  his  rows  of  ivory  teeth,  they  were  pro- 
digiously delighted.'^  The  animals  were  no  less 
above  their  comprehension ; and,  when  the  cock 
crew,  the  simple  people  clapped  their  hands,  and 
inquired  what  he  was  saying.’'^  Their  intellects 
were  so  bewildered  by  sights  so  novel,  that  they 
seemed  incapable  of  distinguishing  between  man 
and  brute. 

, Molina  was  then  escorted  to  the  residence  of  the 

13  “ No  se  cansaban  de  mirarle,  do  sus  Dientes  blancos.”  Herrera, 
hacianle  labar,  para  Ter  si  se  le  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10, 
quitaba  la  Tinta  negra,  i el  lo  hacia  cap.  5. 
de  buena  gana,  riendose,  i mostran-  i^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  IV.] 


BRILLIANT  ASPECT  OF  TUMBEZ. 


277 


curaca,  whom  he  found  living  in  much  state,  with 
porters  stationed  at  his  doors,  and  with  a quantity 
of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  from  which  he  was  served. 
He  was  then  taken  to  different  parts  of  the  Indian 
city,  saw  a fortress  built  of  rough  stone,  and,  though 
low,  spreading  over  a large  extent  of  ground.'® 
Near  this  was  a temple  ; and  the  Spaniard’s  de- 
scription of  its  decorations,  blazing  with  gold  and 
silver,  seemed  so  extravagant,  that  Pizarro,  distrust- 
ing his  whole  account,  resolved  to  send  a more  dis- 
creet and  trustworthy  emissary  on  the  following 
day.'® 

The  person  selected  was  Pedro  de  Candia,  the 
Greek  cavalier  mentioned  as  one  of  the  first  who 
intimated  his  intention  to  share  the  fortunes  of  his 
commander.  He  was  sent  on  shore,  dressed  in 
complete  mail  as  became  a good  knight,  with  his 
sword  by  his  side,  and  his  arquebuse  on  his  shoulder. 
The  Indians  were  even  more  dazzled  by  his  ap- 
pearance than  by  Molina’s,  as  the  sun  fell  brightly 
on  his  polished  armour,  and  glanced  from  his  military 
weapons.  They  had  heard  much  of  the  formidable 
arquebuse  from  their  townsmen  who  had  come  in 
the  vessel,  and  they  besought  Candia  “ to  let  it 
speak  to  them.”  He  accordingly  set  up  a wmoden 

“ Cerca  del  solia  estar  una  de  dar  muestra  de  lo  mucho  que 
fortaleza  muy  fuerte  y de  linda  fue.”  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
obra,  hecha  por  los  Yngas  reyes  cap.  4. 

del  Cuzco  y senores  de  todo  el  16  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

Peru Ya  esta  el  edificio  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  loc.  cit. 

desta  fortaleza  muy  gastado  y — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1, 
deshecho : mas  no  para  que  dexe  cap.  2. 


278 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


board  as  a target,  and,  taking  deliberate  aim,  fired 
off  the  musket.  The  flash  of  the  powder  and  the 
startling  report  of  the  piece,  as  the  board,  struck  by 
the  ball,  was  shivered  into  splinters,  filled  the  na- 
tives with  dismay.  Some  fell  on  the  ground,  cover- 
ing their  faces  with  their  hands,  and  others  ap- 
proached the  cavalier  with  feelings  of  awe,  which 
were  gradually  dispelled  by  the  assurance  they  re- 
ceived from  the  smiling  expression  of  his  counte- 
nance.’’^ 

They  then  show  ed  him  the  same  hospitable  at- 
tentions wdiich  they  had  paid  to  Molina ; and  his 
description  of  the  marvels  of  the  place,  on  his  re- 
turn, fell  nothing  short  of  his  predecessor’s.  The 
fortress,  which  was  surrounded  by  a triple  row  of 
wall,  was  strongly  garrisoned.  The  temple  he  de- 
scribed as  literally  tapestried  with  plates  of  gold  and 
silver.  Adjoining  this  structure  was  a sort  of  con- 


It  is  moreover  stated  that  the 
Indians,  desirous  to  prove  still 
further  the  superhuman  nature  of 
the  Spanish  cavalier,  let  loose  on 
him  a tig-er  — a jaguar  probably  — 
which  was  caged  in  the  royal  for- 
tress. But  Don  Pedro  was  a good 
Catholic,  and  he  gently  laid  the 
cross  which  he  wore  round  his 
neck  on  the  animal’s  back,  who, 
instantly  forgetting  his  ferocious 
nature,  crouched  at  the  cavalier’s 
feet,  and  began  to  play  round  him 
in  innocent  gambols.  The  Indians, 
now  more  amazed  than  ever,  noth- 
ing doubted  of  the  sanetity  of  their 
guest,  and  bore  him  in  triumph  on 


their  shoulders  to  the  temple. — 
This  credible  anecdote  is  repeated, 
without  the  least  qualification  or 
distrust,  by  several  contemporary 
writers.  (.See  Naharro,  Relacion 
Sumaria,  MS.  — Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  10,  cap.  5. — 
Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  54.  — 
Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 
lib.  1,  cap.  12.)  This  last  author 
may  have  had  his  version  from 
Candia’s  own  son,  with  whom  he 
tells  us  he  was  brought  up  at 
school.  It  will  no  doubt  find  as 
easy  admission  with  those  of  the 
present  day,  who  conceive  that  the 
age  of  miracles  has  not  yet  past. 


Ch.  IV.] 


BRILLIANT  ASPECT  OF  TUMBEZ. 


279 


vent  appropriated  to  the  Inca’s  destined  brides,  who 
manifested  great  curiosity  to  see  him.  Whether 
this  was  gratified  is  not  clear  ; but  Candia  described 
the  gardens  of  the  convent,  which  he  entered,  as 
glowing  with  imitations  of  fruits  and  vegetables  all 
in  pure  gold  and  silver ! He  had  seen  a number 
of  artisans  at  work,  whose  sole  business  seemed  to 
be  to  furnish  these  gorgeous  decorations  for  the  re- 
ligious houses. 

The  reports  of  the  cavalier  may  have  been  some- 
what over-colored.^®  It  was  natural  that  men  com- 


ing from  the  dreary  wilderness,  in  which  they  had 
been  buried  the  last  six  months,  should  have  been 
Hvidly  impressed  by  the  tokens  of  civilization 
which  met  them  on  the  Peruvian  coast.  But  Tum- 
bez  was  a favorite  city  of  the  Peruvian  princes.  It 
was  the  most  important  place  on  the  northern  bor- 
ders of  the  empire,  contiguous  to  the  recent  acqui- 
sition of  Quito.  The  great  Tupac  Yupanqui  had 


18  “ Que  habia  visto  un  jardin 
donde  las  yerbas  eran  de  oro  imi- 
tando  en  un  todo  a las  naturales, 
arboles  con  frutas  de  lo  mismo,  y 
otras  muchas  cosas  a este  modo, 
con  que  aficiono  grandemente  a 
sus  companeros  a esta  conquista.” 
Montesinos,  Annales,  ano  1527. 

18  The  worthy  knight’s  account 
does  not  seem  to  have  found  favor 
with  the  old  Conqueror,  so  often 
cited  in  these  pages,  who  says,  that, 
when  they  afterwards  visited  Tum- 
bez,  the  Spaniards  found  Candia’s 
relation  a lie  from  beginning  to 
end,  except,  indeed,  in  respect  to 


the  temple  ; though  the  veteran 
acknowledges  that  what  was  de- 
ficient in  Tumbez  was  more  than 
made  up  by  the  magnificence  of 
other  places  in  the  empire  not  then 
visited.  “ Lo  cual  fue  mentira; 
porque  despues  que  todos  los 
Espaiioles  entramos  en  ella,  se  vio 
por  vista  de  ojos  haber  mentido  en 
todo,  salvo  en  lo  del  templo,  que 
este  era  cosa  de  ver,  aunque  mucho 
mas  de  lo  que  aquel  encarecio,  lo 
que  falto  en  esta  ciudad,  se  hallo 
despues  en  otras  que  muchas  leguas 
mas  adelante  se  descubrieron.” 
Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


280 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


established  a strong  fortress  there,  and  peopled  it 
with  a colony  of  mitimaes.  The  temple,  and  the 
house  occupied  hy  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  had  been 
erected  hy  Huayna  Capac,  and  were  liberally  en- 
dowed by  that  Inca,  after  the  sumptuous  fashion  of 
the  religious  establishments  of  Peru.  The  town 
w’as  well  supplied  with  water  by  numerous  aque- 
ducts, and  the  fruitful  valley  in  which  it  was  em- 
bosomed, and  the  ocean  which  bathed  its  shores, 
supplied  ample  means  of  subsistence  to  a consid- 
erable population.  But  the  cupidity  of  the  Span- 
iards, after  the  Conquest,  was  not  slow  in  despoiling 
the  place  of  its  glories  ; and  the  site  of  its  proud 
towers  and  temples,  in  less  than  half  a century  after 
that  fatal  period,  w'as  to  be  traced  only  by  the  huge 
mass  of  ruins  that  encumbered  the  ground.^” 

The  Spaniards  were  nearly  mad  with  joy,  says 
an  old  writer,  at  receiving  these  brilliant  tidings  of 
the  Peruvian  city.  All  their  fond  dreams  were  now 
to  be  realized,  and  they  had  at  length  reached  the 
realm  which  had  so  long  flitted  in  visionary  splendor 
before  them.  Pizarro  expressed  his  gratitude  to 
Heaven  for  having  crowned  his  labors  with  so  glori- 
ous a result;  but  he  bitterly  lamented  the  hard  fate 
which,  by  depriving  him  of  his  followers,  denied 
him,  at  such  a moment,  the  means  of  availing  him- 
self of  his  success.  Yet  he  had  no  cause  for  lamen- 


20  Cieza  de  Leon,  who  crossed  had  fallen  on  the  Indian  edifices, 
this  part  of  the  country  in  1548,  which  lay  in  ruin,  even  at  that 
mentions  the  wanton  manner  in  early  period.  Cronica,  cap.  67. 
which  the  hand  of  the  Conqueror 


Ch.  IV.]  DISCOVERIES  ALONG  THE  COAST.  281 

tation  ; and  the  devout  Catholic  saw  in  this  very 
circumstance  a providential  interposition  which  pre- 
vented the  attempt  at  conquest,  while  such  attempts 
would  have  been  premature.  Peru  was  not  yet 
torn  asunder  by  the  dissensions  of  rival  candidates 
for  the  throne  ; and,  united  and  strong  under  the 
sceptre  of  a warlike  monarch,  she  might  well  have 
bid  defiance  to  all  the  forces  that  Pizarro  could 
muster.  “ It  was  manifestly  the  work  of  Heaven,” 
exclaims  a devout  son  of  the  Church,  “ that  the 
natives  of  the  country  should  have  received  him  in 
so  kind  and  loving  a spirit,  as  best  fitted  to  facili- 
tate the  conquest ; for  it  was  the  Lord’s  hand 
which  led  him  and  his  followers  to  this  remote 
region  for  the  extension  of  the  holy  faith,  and  for 
the  salvation  of  souls.” 

Having  now  collected  all  the  information  essential 
to  his  object,  Pizarro,  after  taking  leave  of  the  na- 
tives of  Tumbez,  and  promising  a speedy  return, 
weighed  anchor,  and  again  turned  his  prow  towards 
the  south.  Still  keeping  as  near  as  possible  to  the 
coast,  that  no  place  of  importance  might  escape 
his  observation,  he  passed  Cape  Blanco,  and,  after 
sailing  about  a degree  and  a half,  made  the  port  of 
Payta.  The  inhabitants,  who  had  notice  of  his  ap- 
proach, came  out  in  their  balsas  to  get  sight  of  the 
wonderful  strangers,  bringing  with  them  stores  of 

21  “ I si  le  recibiesen  con  amor,  que  el  haverlos  traido  Dios  era 
hiciese  su  Mrd.  lo  que  mas  conve-  para  que  su  santa  fe  se  dilatase  i 
niente  le  parcciese  al  efecto  de  su  aquellas  almas  se  salvasen.”  Na- 
conquista  : porque  tenia  entendido,  harro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 

36 


VOL.  I. 


282 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


fruits,  fish,  and  vegetables,  with  the  same  hospitable 
spirit  shown  by  their  countrymen  at  Tumbez. 

After  staying  here  a short  time,  and  interchang- 
ing presents  of  trifling  value  with  the  natives,  Pi- 
zarro  continued  his  cruise ; and,  sailing  by  the  sandy 
plains  of  Sechura  for  an  extent  of  near  a hundred 
miles,  he  doubled  the  Punta  de  Aguja,  and  swept 
down  the  coast  as  it  fell  off  towards  the  east,  still 
carried  forward  by  light  and  somewhat  variable 
breezes.  The  weather  now  became  unfavorable, 
and  the  voyagers  encountered  a succession  of  heavy 
gales,  which  drove  them  some  distance  out  to  sea, 
and  tossed  them  about  for  many  days.  But  they 
did  not  lose  sight  of  the  mighty  ranges  of  the  An- 
des, which,  as  they  proceeded  towards  the  south, 
were  still  seen,  at  nearly  the  same  distance  from  the 
shore,  rolling  onwards,  peak  after  peak,  with  their 
stupendous  surges  of  ice,  like  some  vast  ocean,  that 
had  been  suddenly  arrested  and  frozen  up  in  the 
midst  of  its  wild  and  tumultuous  career.  With  this 
landmark  always  in  view,  the  navigator  had  little 
need  of  star  or  compass  to  guide  his  bark  on  her 
course. 

As  soon  as  the  tempest  had  subsided,  Pizarro 
stood  in  again  for  the  continent,  touching  at  the 
principal  points  as  he  coasted  along.  Everywhere 
he  was  received  with  the  same  spirit  of  generous 
hospitality ; the  natives  coming  out  in  their  balsas  to 
welcome  him,  laden  with  their  little  cargoes  of  fruits 
and  vegetables,  of  all  the  luscious  varieties  that 
grow  in  the  tierra  caliente.  All  were  eager  to  have 


Ch.  IV.] 


DISCOVERIES  ALONG  THE  COAST. 


283 


a glimpse  of  the  strangers,  the  “ Children  of  the 
Sim,”  as  the  Spaniards  began  already  to  be  called, 
from  their  fair  complexions,  brilliant  armour,  and  the 
thunderbolts  which  they  bore  in  their  hands.^  The 
most  favorable  reports,  too,  had  preceded  them,  of 
the  urbanity  and  gentleness  of  their  manners,  thus 
unlocking  the  hearts  of  the  simple  natives,  and  dis- 
posing them  to  confidence  and  kindness.  The  iron- 
hearted  soldier  had  not  yet  disclosed  the  darker 
side  of  his  character.  He  was  too  weak  to  do  so. 
The  hour  of  Conquest  had  not  yet  come. 

In  every  place  Pizarro  received  the  same  accounts 
of  a powerful  monarch  who  ruled  over  the  land, 
and  held  his  court  on  the  mountain  plains  of  the 
interior,  where  his  capital  was  depicted  as  blazing 
with  gold  and  silver,  and  displaying  all  the  profusion 
of  an  Oriental  satrap.  The  Spaniards,  except  at 
Tumbez,  seem  to  have  met  with  little  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  among  the  natives  on  the  coast.  More 
than  one  writer  asserts  that  they  did  not  covet 
them,  or,  at  least,  by  Pizarro’s  orders,  affected  not 
to  do  so.  He  would  not  have  them  betray  their 
appetite  for  gold,  and  actually  refused  gifts  when 
they  were  proffered ! It  is  more  probable  that 


5®  “ Que  resplandecian  como  el 
Sol.  Llamabanles  hijos  del  Sol  por 
esto.”  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
ano  1528. 

23  Pizarro  wished  the  natives  to 
understand,  says  Father  Naharro, 
that  their  good  alone,  and  not  the 
love  of  gold,  had  led  him  to  their 


distant  land  ! “ Sin  haver  querido 

recibir  el  oro,  plata  i perlas  que  les 
ofrecieron,  a fin  de  que  conociesen 
no  era  codicia,  sino  deseo  de  su 
bien  el  que  les  habia  traido  de  tan 
lejas  tierras  a las  suyas.”  Rela- 
cion  Sumaria,  MS. 


284 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


they  saw  little  display  of  wealth,  except  in  the 
embellishments  of  the  temples  and  other  sacred 
buildings,  which  they  did  not  dare  to  violate.  The 
precious  metals,  reserved  for  the  uses  of  religion  and 
for  persons  of  high  degree,  were  not  likely  to  abound 
in  the  remote  towns  and  hamlets  on  the  coast. 

Yet  the  Spaniards  met  with  sufficient  evidence 
of  general  civilization  and  power  to  convince  them 
that  there  was  much  foundation  for  the  reports  of 
the  natives.  Repeatedly  they  saw  structures  of 
stone  and  plaster,  and  occasionally  showing  archi- 
tectural skill  in  the  execution,  if  not  elegance  of 
design.  Wherever  they  cast  anchor,  they  beheld 
green  patches  of  cultivated  country  redeemed  from 
the  sterility  of  nature,  and  blooming  with  the  vari- 
egated vegetation  of  the  tropics  ; while  a refined 
system  of  irrigation,  by  means  of  aqueducts  and 
canals,  seemed  to  be  spread  like  a net-work  over 
the  surface  of  the  country,  making  even  the  desert 
to  blossom  as  the  rose.  At  many  places  where  they 
landed  they  saw  the  great  road  of  the  Incas  which 
traversed  the  sea-coast,  often,  indeed,  lost  in  the 
volatile  sands,  where  no  road  could  be  maintained, 
but  rising  into  a broad  and  substantial  causeway,  as 
it  emerged  on  a firmer  soil.  Such  a provision  for 
internal  communication  was  in  itself  no  slight  mon- 
ument of  power  and  civilization. 

Still  beating  to  the  south,  Pizarro  passed  the  site 
of  the  future  flourishing  city  of  Truxillo,  founded  by 
himself  some  years  later,  and  pressed  on  till  he  rode 
off  the  port  of  Santa.  It  stood  on  the  banks  of  a 


Gh.  IV.] 


RETURN  TO  PANAMA. 


285 


broad  and  beautiful  stream ; but  the  surrounding 
country  was  so  exceedingly  arid  that  it  was  fre- 
quently selected  as  a burial-place  by  the  Peruvians, 
who  found  the  soil  most  favorable  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  their  mummies.  So  numerous,  indeed, 
were  the  Indian  guacas,  that  the  place  might  rath- 
er be  called  the  abode  of  the  dead  than  of  the  liv- 
ing.^^ 

Having  reached  this  point,  about  the  ninth  de- 
gree of  southern  latitude,  Pizarro’s  followers  be- 
sought him  not  to  prosecute  the  voyage  farther. 
Enough  and  more  than  enough  had  been  done, 
they  said,  to  prove  the  existence  and  actual  posi- 
tion of  the  great  Indian  empire  of  which  they  had 
so  long  been  in  search.  Yet,  wdth  their  slender 
force,  they  had  no  power  to  profit  by  the  discov- 
ery. All  that  remained,  therefore,  was  to  return 
and  report  the  success  of  their  enterprise  to  the 
governor  at  Panama.  Pizarro  acquiesced  in  the 
reasonableness  of  this  demand.  He  had  now  pene- 
trated nine  degrees  farther  than  any  former  naviga- 
tor in  these  southern  seas,  and,  instead  of  the  blight 
which,  up  to  this  hour,  had  seemed  to  hang  over  his 
fortunes,  he  could  now  return  in  triumph  to  his 
countrymen.  Without  hesitation,  therefore,  he  pre- 

24  “ Lo  que  mas  me  admiro,  cubiertas  de  huessos  de  muertos. 
quando  passe  por  este  valle,  fue  ver  De  manera  que  lo  que  ay  en  este 
la  muchedumbre  que  tienen  de  se-  valle  mas  que  ver,  es  las  sepolturas 
polturas  : y que  por  todas  las  de  los  muertos,  y los  campos  que 
sierras  y secadales  en  los  altos  del  labraron  siendo  vivos.”  Cieza  de 
valle  : ay  numero  grande  de  apar-  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  70. 
tados,  hechos  a su  usanca,  todo 


286 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


pared  to  retrace  his  course,  and  stood  again  towards 
the  north. 

On  his  way,  he  touched  at  several  places  where 
he  had  before  landed.  At  one  of  these,  called  by 
the  Spaniards  Santa  Cruz,  he  had  been  invited  on 
shore  by  an  Indian  woman  of  rank,  and  had  prom- 
ised to  visit  her  on  his  return.  No  sooner  did  his 
vessel  cast  anchor  off  the  village  where  she  lived, 
than  she  came  on  board,*  followed  by  a numerous 
train  of  attendants.  Pizarro  received  her  with 
every  mark  of  respect,  and  on  her  departure  pre- 
sented her  with  some  trinkets  which  had  a real 
value  in  the  eyes  of  an  Indian  princess.  She  urged 
the  Spanish  commander  and  his  companions  to  re- 
turn the  visit,  engaging  to  send  a number  of  hosta- 
ges on  board,  as  security  for  their  good  treatment. 
.Pizarro  assured  her  that  the  frank  confidence  she 
had  shown  towards  them  proved  that  this  was 
unnecessary.  Yet,  no  sooner  did  he  put  off  in  his 
boat,  the  following  day,  to  go  on  shore,  than  several 
of  the  principal  persons  in  the  place  came  along- 
side of  the  ship  to  be  received  as  hostages  during 
the  absence  of  the  Spaniards,  — a singular  proof  of 
consideration  for  the  sensitive  apprehensions  of  her 
guests. 

Pizarro  found  that  preparations  had  been  made 
for  his  reception  in  a style  of  simple  hospitality  that 
evinced  some  degree  of  taste.  Arbours  were  form- 
ed of  luxuriant  and  wide-spreading  branches,  inter- 
woven with  fragrant  flowers  and  shrubs  that  diffused 
a delicious  perfume  through  the  air.  A banquet 


Ch.  IV.] 


RETURN  TO  PANAMA. 


287 


was  provided,  teeming  with  viands  prepared  in  the 
style  of  the  Peruvian  cookery,  and  with  fruits  and 
vegetables  of  tempting  hue  and  luscious  to  the  taste, 
though  their  names  and  nature  were  unknown  to 
the  Spaniards.  After  the  collation  was  ended,  the 
guests  were  entertained  with  music  and  dancing 
by  a troop  of  young  men  and  maidens  simply  at- 
tired, who  exhibited  in  their  favorite  national  amuse- 
ment all  the  agility  and  grace  which  the  supple 
limbs  of  the  Peruvian  Indians  so  well  qualified  them 
to  display.  Before  his  departure,  Pizarro  stated  to 
his  kind  host  the  motives  of  his  visit  to  the  coun- 
try, in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  done  on  other 
occasions,  and  he  concluded  by  unfurling  the  royal 
banner  of  Castile,  which  he  had  brought  on  shore, 
requesting  her  and  her  attendants  to  raise  it  in 
token  of  their  allegiance  to  his  sovereign.  This 
they  did  with  great  good-humor,  laughing  all  the 
while,  says  the  chronicler,  and  making  it  clear  that 
they  had  a very  imperfect  conception  of  the  serious 
nature  of  the  ceremony.  Pizarro  was  contented 
with  this  outward  display  of  loyalty,  and  returned 
to  his  vessel  well  satisfied  with  the  entertainment 
he  had  received,  and  meditating,  it  may  be,  on  the 
best  mode  of  repaying  it,  hereafter,  by  the  subjuga- 
tion and  conversion  of  the  country. 

The  Spanish  commander  did  not  omit  to  touch 
also  at  Tumbez,  on  his  homeward  voyage.  Here 
some  of  his  followers,  won  by  the  comfortable  aspect 
of  the  place  and  the  manners  of  the  people,  inti- 
mated a wish  to  remain,  conceiving,  no  doubt,  that 


288 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


it  would  be  better  to  live  where  they  would  be 
persons  of  consequence  than  to  return  to  an  obscure 
condition  in  the  community  of  Panama.  One  of 
these  men  was  Alonso  de  Molina,  the  same  who  had 
first  gone  on  shore  at  this  place,  and  been  captivated 
by  the  charms  of  the  Indian  beauties.  Pizarro 
complied  with  their  wishes,  thinking  it  would  not  be 
amiss  to  find,  on  his  return,  some  of  his  own  follow- 
ers who  would  be  instructed  in  the  language  and 
usages  of  the  natives.  He  was  also  allowed  to 
carry  back  , in  his  vessel  two  or  three  Peruvians,  for 
the  similar  purpose  of  instructing  them  in  the  Cas- 
tilian. One  of  them,  a youth  named  by  the  Span- 
iards Felipillo,  plays  a part  of  some  importance  in 
the  history  of  subsequent  events. 

On  leaving  Tumbez,  the  adventurers  steered  di- 
rectly for  Panama,  touching  only,  on  their  way,  at 
the  ill-fated  island  of  Gorgona  to  take  on  board 
their  two  companions  who  were  left  there  too  ill  to 
proceed  with  them.  One  had  died,  and,  receiving 
the  other,  Pizarro  and  his  gallant  little  band  contin- 
ued their  voyage ; and,  after  an  absence  of  at  least 
eighteen  months,  found  themselves  once  more  safely 
riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbour  of  Panama.^ 

The  sensation  caused  by  their  arrival  was  great, 
as  might  have  been  expected.  For  there  were  few, 
even  among  the  most  sanguine  of  their  friends,  who 

25  Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.  y Conq.,  MS.  — Herrera,  Hist. 
— Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  General,  dec.  4,  lib.  2,  cap.  6,  7. 
1528.  — Naharro,  Relacion  Suma-  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Desciib., 
ria,  MS.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  MS. 


Ch.  IV] 


RETURN  TO  PANAMA. 


289 


did  not  imagine  that  they  had  long  since  paid  for 
their  temerity,  and  fallen  victims  to  the  climate  or 
the  natives,  or  miserably  perished  in  a watery  grave. 
Their  joy  was  proportionably  great,  therefore,  as 
they  saw  the  wanderers  now  returned,  not  only  in 
health  and  safety,  hut  with  certain  tidings  of  the 
fair  countries  which  had  so  long  eluded  their  grasp. 
It  was  a moment  of  proud  satisfaction  to  the  three 
associates,  who,  in  spite  of  obloquy,  derision,  and 
every  impediment  which  the  distrust  of  friends  or 
the  coldness  of  government  could  throw  in  their 
way,  had  persevered  in  their  great  enterprise  until 
they  had  established  the  truth  of  what  had  been  so 
generally  denounced  as  a chimera.  It  is  the  mis- 
fortune of  those  daring  spirits  who  conceive  an  idea 
too  vast  for  their  own  generation  to  comprehend,  or, 
at  least,  to  attempt  to  carry  out,  that  they  pass  for 
visionary  dreamers.  Such  had  been  the  fate  of 
Luque  and  his  associates.  The  existence  of  a rich 
Indian  empire  at  the  south,  which,  in  their  minds, 
dwelling  long  on  the  same  idea  and  alive  to  all  the 
arguments  in  its  favor,  had  risen  to  the  certainty 
of  conviction,  had  been  derided  by  the  rest  of  their 
countrymen  as  a mere  mirage  of  the  fancy,  which, 
on  nearer  approach,  would  melt  into  air  ; while  the 
projectors,  who  staked  their  fortunes  on  the  adven- 
ture, were  denounced  as  madmen.  But  their  hour 
of  triumph,  their  slow  and  hard-earned  triumph, 
had  now  arrived. 

Yet  the  governor,  Pedro  de  los  Rios,  did  not 
seem,  even  at  this  moment,  to  be  possessed  with  a 

VOL.  I.  37 


290 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II 


conviction  of  the  magnitude  of  the  discovery,  — or, 
perhaps,  he  was  discouraged  by  its  very  magnitude. 
When  the  associates,  now  with  more  confidence, 
applied  to  him  for  patronage  in  an  undertaking  too 
vast  for  their  individual  resources,  he  coldly  replied, 
“ He  had  no  desire  to  build  up  other  states  at  the 
expense  of  his  own ; nor  would  he  be  led  to  throw 
away  more  lives  than  had  already  been  sacrificed  by 
the  cheap  display  of  gold  and  silver  toys  and  a few 
Indian  sheep  ! 

Sorely  disheartened  by  this  repulse  from  the  only 
quarter  whence  effectual  aid  could  be  expected,  the 
confederates,  without  funds,  and  with  credit  nearly 
exhausted  by  their  past  efforts,  were  perplexed  in 
the  extreme.  Yet  to  stop  now%  — what  was  it  but 
to  abandon  the  rich  mine  which  their  own  industry 
and  perseverance  had  laid  open,  for  others  to  work 
at  pleasure  ? In  this  extremity  the  fruitful  mind  of 
Luque  suggested  the  only  expedient  by  which  they 
could  hope  for  success.  This  w as  to  apply  to  the 
Crown  itself.  No  one  was  so  much  interested  in 
the  result  of  the  expedition.  It  was  for  the  govern- 
ment, indeed,  that  discoveries  were  to  be  made,  that 
the  country  was  to  be  conquered.  The  government 
alone  was  competent  to  provide  the  requisite  means, 
and  was  likely  to  take  a much  broader  and  more 


26  “ No  entendia  de  despoblar  Hombres  con  la  muestra  de  las 
su  Governacion,  para  que  se  fuesen  Ovejas,  Oro,  i Plata,  que  havian 
a poblar  nuevas  Tierras,  muriendo  traido.”  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
en  tal  demanda  mas  Gente  de  la  dec.  4,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 
que  havia  muerto,  cebando  k los 


Ch.  IV.] 


RETURN  TO  PANAMA. 


291 


liberal  view  of  the  matter  than  a petty  colonial 
officer. 

But  who  was  there  qualified  to  take  charge  of  this 
delicate  mission  ? Luque  was  chained  by  his  pro- 
fessional duties  to  Panama ; and  his  associates,  un- 
/ 

lettered  soldiers,  were  much  better  fitted  for  the. 
business  of  the  camp  than  of  the  court.  Almagro, 
blunt,  though  somewhat  swelling  and  ostentatious  in 
his  address,  with  a diminutive  stature  and  a coun- 
tenance naturally  plain,  now  much  disfigured  by  the 
loss  of  an  eye,  was  not  so  well  qualified  for  the 
mission  as  his  companion  in  arms,  who,  possessing 
a good  person  and  altogether  a commanding  pres- 
ence, was  plausible,  and,  with  all  his  defects  of  edu- 
cation, could,  where  deeply  interested,  be  even  elo- 
quent in  discourse.  The  ecclesiastic,  however,  sug- 
gested that  the  negotiation  should  be  committed  to 
the  Licentiate  Corral,  a respectable  functionary, 
then  about  to  return  on  some  public  business  to  the 
mother  country.  But  to  this  Almagro  strongly  ob- 
jected. No  one,  he  said,  could  conduct  the  affair 
so  well  as  the  party  interested  in  it.  He  had  a 
high  opinion  of  Pizarro’s  prudence,  his  discernment 
of  character,  and  his  cool,  deliberate  policy.^’^  He 
knew  enough  of  his  comrade  to  have  confidence  that 
his  presence  of  mind  would  not  desert  him,  even  in 
the  new,  and  therefore  embarrassing,  circumstances 
in  which  he  would  be  placed  at  court.  No  one,  he 

27  “ E por  pura  importunax;ion  speto,  e deseo  honrarle.”  Oviedo, 
de  Almagro  cupole  a Pizarro,  por-  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS  , Parte  3, 
que  siempre  Almagro  le  tubo  re-  lib.  8,  cap.  1. 


292 


DISCOVERY  OF  PERU. 


[Book  II. 


said,  could  tell  the  story  of  their  adventures  with 
such  effect,  as  the  man  who  had  been  the  chief  actor 
in  them.  No  one  could  so  well  paint  the  unparal- 
leled sufferings  and  sacrifices  which  they  had  en- 
countered ; no  other  could  tell  so  forcibly  what  had 
been  done,  what  yet  remained  to  do,  and  what  as- 
sistance would  be  necessary  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion. He  concluded,  with  characteristic  frankness, 
by  strongly  urging  his  confederate  to  undertake  the 
mission. 

Pizarro  felt  the  force  of  Almagro’s  reasoning,  and, 
though  with  undisguised  reluctance,  acquiesced  in  a 
measure  which  was  less  to  his  taste  than  an  expe- 
dition to  the  wilderness.  But  Luque  came  into  the 
arrangement  with  more  difficulty.  “ God  grant,  my 
children,”  exclaimed  the  ecclesiastic,  “ that  one  of 
you  may  not  defraud  the  other  of  his  blessing!”^ 
Pizarro  engaged  to  consult  the  interests  of  his  asso- 
ciates equally  with  his  own.  But  Luque,  it  is  clear, 
did  not  trust  Pizarro. 

There  was  some  difficulty  in  raising  the  funds 
necessary  for  putting  the  envoy  in  condition  to  make 
a suitable  appearance  at  court ; so  low  had  the 
credit  of  the  confederates  fallen,  and  so  little  con- 
fidence was  yet  placed  in  the  result  of  their  splendid 
discoveries.  Fifteen  hundred  ducats  were  at  length 
raised;  and  Pizarro,  in  the  spring  of  1528,  bade 
adieu  to  Panama,  accompanied  by  Pedro  de  Can- 

38  “ Plegue  a Dios,  Hijos,  quo  a lo  menos  fuerades  entrambos.” 
no  os  hurteis  la  bendicion  el  uno  al  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  4, 
otro,  que  yo  todavia  holgaria,  que  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 


Ch.  IV.] 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


293 


dia.^®  He  took  with  him,  also,  some  of  the  natives, 
as  well  as  two  or  three  llamas,  various  nice  fabrics 
of  cloth,  with  many  ornaments  and  vases  of  gold 
and  silver,  as  specimens  of  the  civilization  of  the 
country,  and  vouchers  for  his  wonderful  story. 

29  “Juntaronle  mil  y quinientos  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano 
pesos  de  oro,  que  dio  de  buena  1528. 
voluntad  D"  Fernando  de  Luque.” 


Of  all  the  writers  on  ancient  Peruvian  history,  no  one  has  acquired 
so  wide  celebrity,  or  been  so  largely  referred  to  by  later  compilers,  as 
the  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  lie  was  born  at  Cuzco,  in  1540  ; and 
was  a mestizo,  that  is,  of  mixed  descent,  his  father  being  European,  and 
his  mother  Indian.  His  father,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  was  one  of  that 
illustrious  family  whose  achievements,  both  in  arms  and  letters,  shed 
such  lustre  over  the  proudest  period  of  the  Castilian  annals.  He  came 
to  Peru,  in  the  suite  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  soon  after  the  country  had 
been  gained  by  Pizarro.  Garcilasso  attached  himself  to  the  fortimes 
of  this  chief,  and,  after  his  death,  to  those  of  his  brother  Gonzalo, — re- 
maining constant  to  the  latter,  through  his  rebellion,  up  to  the  hour  of 
his  rout  at  Xaquixaguana,  when  Garcilasso  took  the  same  course  with 
most  of  his  faction,  and  passed  over  to  the  enemy.  But  this  demon- 
stration of  loyalty,  though  it  saved  his  life,  was  too  late  to  redeem  his 
credit  with  the  victorious  party  ; and  the  obloquy  which  he  incurred  by 
his  share  in  the  rebellion  threw  a cloud  over  his  subsequent  fortunes, 
and  even  over  those  of  his  son,  as  it  appears,  in  after  years. 

The  historian’s  mother  was  of  the  Peruvian  blood  royal.  She  was 
niece  of  Huayna  Capac,  and  granddaughter  of  the  renowned  Tupac  Inca 
Yupanqui.  Garcilasso,  whOe  he  betrays  obvious  satisfaction  that  the 
blood  of  the  civilized  European  flows  in  his  veins,  shows  himself  not  a 
little  proud  of  his  descent  from  the  royal  dynasty  of  Peru  ; and  this  he 
intimated  by  combining  with  his  patronymic  the  distinguishing  title  of 
the  Peruvian  princes, — subscribing  himself  always  Garcilasso  Inca  de 
la  Vega. 

His  early  years  were  passed  in  his  native  land,  where  he  was  reared 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  and  received  the  benefit  of  as  good  an 
education  as  could  be  obtained  amidst  the  incessant  din  of  arms  and 


294 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


[Book  II. 


civil  commotion.  In  1560,  when  twenty  years  of  age,  he  left  America, 
and  from  that  time  took  up  his  residence  in  Spain.  Here  he  entered 
the  military  service,  and  held  a captain’s  commission  in  the  war  against 
the  Moriscos,  and,  afterwards,  under  Don  John  of  Austria.  Though 
he  acquitted  himself  honorably  in  his  adventurous  career,  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  his  services  were 
requited  by  the  government.  The  old  reproach  of  the  father’s  dis- 
loyalty still  clung  to  the  son,  and  Garcilasso  assures  us  that  this  cir- 
cumstance defeated  all  his  efforts  to  recover  the  large  inheritance  of 
landed  property  belonging  to  his  mother,  which  had  escheated  to  the 
Crown.  “ Such  were  the  prejudices  against  me,”  says  he,  “ that  I 
could  not  urge  my  ancient  claims  or  expectations ; and  I left  the  army 
so  poor  and  so  much  in  debt,  that  I did  not  care  to  show  myself  again 
at  court ; but  was  obliged  to  withdraw  into  an  obscure  solitude,  where 
I lead  a tranquil  life  for  the  brief  space  that  remains  to  me,  no  longer 
deluded  by  the  world  or  its  vanities.” 

The  scene  of  this  obscure  retreat  was  not,  however,  as  the  reader 
might  imagine  from  this  tone  of  philosophic  resignation,  in  the  depths 
of  some  rural  wilderness,  but  in  Cordova,  once  the  gay  capital  of 
Moslem  science,  and  still  the  busy  haunt  of  men.  Here  our  philosopher 
occupied  himself  with  literary  labors,  the  more  sweet  and  soothing  to 
his  wounded  spirit,  that  they  tended  to  illustrate  the  faded  glories  of 
his  native  land,  and  exhibit  them  in  their  primitive  splendor  to  the  eyes 
of  his  adopted  countrymen.  “ And  I have  no  reason  to  regret,”  he 
says  in  his  Preface  to  his  account  of  Florida,  “that  Fortune  has  not 
smiled  on  me,  since  this  circumstance  has  opened  a literary  career 
which,  I trust,  will  secure  to  me  a wider  and  more  enduring  fame  than 
could  flow  from  any  worldly  prosperity.” 

In  1609,  he  gave  to  the  world  the  First  Part  of  his  great  work,  the 
Commentarios  Reales,  devoted  to  the  history  of  the  country  under  the 
Incas  ; and  in  1616,  a few  months  before  his  death,  he  finished  the 
Second  Part,  embracing  the  story  of  the  Conquest,  which  was  published 
at  Cordova  the  following  year.  The  chronicler,  who  thus  closed  his 
labors  with  his  life,  died  at  the  ripe  old  age  of  seventy-six.  He  left  a 
considerable  sum  for  the  purchase  of  masses  for  his  soul,  showing  that 
the  complaints  of  his  poverty  are  not  to  be  taken  literally.  His  remains 
were  interred  in  the  cathedral  church  of  Cordova,  in  a chapel  which 
bears  the  name  of  Garcilasso ; and  an  inscription  was  placed  on  his 
monument,  intimating  the  high  respect  in  which  the  historian  was  held 
both  for  his  moral  worth  and  his  literary  attainments. 

The  First  Part  of  the  Commentarios  Reales  is  occupied,  as  already 
noticed,  with  the  ancient  history  of  the  country,  presenting  a com- 
plete picture  of  its  civiUzation  under  the  Incas,  — far  more  complete 


Cn.  IV.] 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


295 


than  has  been  given  by  any  other  writer.  Garcilasso’s  mother  was  but 
ten  years  old  at  the  time  of  her  cousin  Atahuallpa’s  accession,  or  rather 
usurpation,  as  it  is  called  by  the  party  of  Cuzco.  She  had  the  good 
fortune  to  escape  the  massacre  which,  according  to  the  chronicler,  befell 
most  of  her  kindred,  and  with  her  brother  continued  to  reside  in  their 
ancient  capital  after  the  Conquest.  Their  conversations  naturally  turned 
to  the  good  old  times  of  the  Inca  rule,  which,  colored  by  their  fond 
regrets,  may  be  presumed  to  have  lost  nothing  as  seen  through  the 
magnifying  medium  of  the  past.  The  young  Garcilasso  listened  greed- 
ily to  the  stories  which  recounted  the  magnificence  and  prowess  of  his 
royal  ancestors,  and  though  he  made  no  use  of  them  at  the  time,  they 
sunk  deep  into  his  memory,  to  be  treasured  up  for  a future  occasion. 
When  he  prepared,  after  the  lapse  of  many  years,  in  his  retirement  at 
Cordova,  to  compose  the  history  of  his  country,  he  wTote  to  his  old 
companions  and  schoolfellows,  of  the  Inca  family,  to  obtain  fuller 
information  than  he  could  get  in  Spain  on  various  matters  of  his- 
torical interest.  He  had  witnessed  in  his  youth  the  ancient  ceremonies 
and  usages  of  his  countrymen,  understood  the  science  of  their  quipus, 
and  mastered  many  of  their  primitive  traditions.  With  the  assistance 
he  now  obtained  from  his  Peruvian  kindred,  he  acquired  a familiarity 
with  the  history  of  the  great  Inca  race,  and  of  their  national  institu- 
tions, to  an  extent  that  no  person  could  have  possessed,  unless  educated 
in  the  midst  of  them,  speaking  the  same  language,  and  with  the  same 
Indian  blood  flowing  in  his  veins.  Garcilasso,  in  short,  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  conquered  race  ; and  we  might  expect  to  find  the  lights 
and  shadows  of  the  picture  disposed  under  his  pencil,  so  as  to  produce 
an  effect  very  different  from  that  which  they  had  hitherto  exhibited 
under  the  hands  of  the  Conquerors. 

Sueh,  to  a certain  extent,  is  the  fact ; and  this  circumstance  affords  a 
means  of  comparison  which  would  alone  render  his  works  of  great  value 
in  arriving  at  just  historic  conclusions.  But  Garcilasso  wrote  late  in 
life,  after  the  story  had  been  often  told  by  Castilian  vvTiters.  He  natu- 
rally deferred  much  to  men,  some  of  whom  enjoyed  high  credit  on  the 
score  both  of  their  scholarship  and  their  social  position.  His  object,  he 
professes,  was  not  so  much  to  add  any  thing  new  of  his  own,  as  to  cor- 
rect their  errors  and  the  misconceptions  into  which  they  had  been  brought 
by  their  ignorance  of  the  Indian  languages  and  the  usages  of  his  people. 
He  does,  in  fact,  however,  go  far  beyond  this  ; and  the  stores  of  in- 
formation which  he  has  collected  have  made  his  work  a large  reposi- 
tory, whence  later  laborers  in  the  same  field  have  drawn  copious  ma- 
terials. He  writes  from  the  fulness  of  his  heart,  and  illuminates  every 
topic  that  he  touches  with  a variety  and  richness  of  illustration,  that 
leave  little  to  be  desired  by  the  most  importunate  curiosity.  The 


296 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


[Book  II. 


difference  between  reading  his  Commentaries  and  the  accounts  of  Euro- 
pean writers  is  the  difference  that  exists  between  reading  a work  in  the 
original  and  in  a bald  translation.  Garcilasso’s  writings  are  an  emana- 
tion from  the  Indian  mind. 

Yet  his  Commentaries  are  open  to  a grave  objection,  — and  one 
naturally  suggested  by  his  position.  Addressing  himself  to  the  culti- 
vated European,  he  was  most  desirous  to  display  the  ancient  glories  of 
his  people,  and  still  more  of  the  Inca  race,  in  their  most  imposing  form. 
This,  doubtless,  was  the  great  spur  to  his  literary  labors,  for  which 
previous  education,  however  good  for  the  evil  time  on  which  he  was 
cast,  had  far  from  qualified  him.  Garcilasso,  therefore,  wrote  to  effect  a 
particular  object.  lie  stood  forth  as  counsel  for  his  unfortunate  country- 
men, pleading  the  cause  of  that  degraded  race  before  the  tribunal  of 
posterity.  The  exaggerated  tone  of  panegyric  consequent  on  this 
becomes  apparent  in  every  page  of  his  work.  lie  pictures  forth  a state 
of  society,  such  as  an  Utopian  philosopher  would  hardly  venture  to 
depict.  His  royal  ancestors  became  the  types  of  every  imaginary  ex- 
cellence, and  the  golden  age  is  revived  for  a nation,  which,  while  the 
war  of  proselytism  is  raging  on  its  borders,  enjoys  witbin  all  the  bless- 
ings of  tranquillity  and  peace.  Even  the  material  splendors  of  the 
monarchy,  sufficiently  great  in  this  land  of  gold,  become  heightened, 
under  the  glowing  imagination  of  the  Inca  chronicler,  into  the  gorgeous 
illusions  of  a fairy  tale. 

Yet  there  is  truth  at  the  bottom  of  his  wildest  conceptions,  and  it 
would  be  unfair  to  the  Indian  historian  to  suppose  that  he  did  not  him- 
self believe  most  of  the  magic  marvels  which  he  describes.  There  is 
no  credulity  like  that  of  a Christian  convert,  — one  newly  converted  to 
the  faith.  From  long  dwelling  in  the  darkness  of  paganism,  bis  eyes, 
when  first  opened  to  the  light  of  truth,  have  not  acquired  the  power  of 
discriminating  the  just  proportions  of  objects,  of  distinguishing  between 
the  real  and  the  imaginary.  Garcilasso  was  not  a convert,  indeed,  for 
he  was  bred  from  infancy  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  But  he  was 
surrounded  by  converts  and  neophytes,  — by  those  of  his  own  blood, 
who,  after  practising  all  their  lives  the  rites  of  paganism,  were  now  first 
admitted  into  the  Christian  fold.  He  listened  to  the  teachings  of  the 
missionary,  learned  from  him  to  give  implicit  credit  to  the  marvellous 
legends  of  the  Saints,  and  the  no  less  marvellous  accounts  of  his  own 
victories  in  his  spiritual  warfare  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith.  Thus 
early  accustomed  to  such  large  drafts  on  his  credulity,  his  reason  lost 
its  heavenly  power  of  distinguishing  truth  from  error,  and  he  became 
so  familiar  with  the  miraculous,  that  the  miraculous  was  no  longer  a 
miracle. 

Yet,  while  large  deductions  are  to  be  made  on  this  account  from  the 


Ch.  IV.] 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


297 


chronicler’s  reports,  there  is  always  a germ  of  truth  which  it  is  not 
difficult  to  detect,  and  even  to  disengage  from  the  fanciful  covering 
which  envelopes  it ; and  after  every  allowance  for  the  exaggerations  of 
national  vanity,  we  shall  find  an  abundance  of  genuine  information  in 
respect  to  the  antiquities  of  his  country,  for  which  we  shall  look  in 
vain  in  any  European  writer. 

Garcilasso’s  work  is  the  reflection  of  the  age  in  which  he  li'^ed.  It 
is  addressed  to  the  imagination,  more  than  to  sober  reason.  We 
are  dazzled  by  the  gorgeous  spectacle  it  perpetually  exhibits,  and  de- 
lighted by  the  variety  of  amusing  details  and  animated  gossip  sprinkled 
over  its  pages.  The  story  of  the  action  is  perpetually  varied  by  dis- 
cussions on  topics  illustrating  its  progress,  so  as  to  break  up  the  mo- 
notony of  the  narrative,  and  afford  an  agreeable  relief  to  the  reader. 
This  is  true  of  the  First  Part  of  his  great  work.  In  the  Second  there 
was  no  longer  room  for  such  discussion.  But  he  has  supplied  the  place 
by  garrulous  reminiscences,  personal  anecdotes,  incidental  adventures, 
and  a Imst  of  trivial  details,  — trivial  in  the  eyes  of  the  pedant,  — which 
historians  have  been  too  willing  to  discard,  as  below  the  dignity  of 
history.  We  have  the  actors  in  this  great  drama  in  their  private  dress, 
become  acquainted  with  their  personal  habits,  listen  to  their  familiar 
sayings,  and,  in  short,  gather  up  those  minutiae  which  in  the  aggregate 
make  up  so  much  of  life,  and  not  less  of  character. 

It  is  this  confusion  of  the  great  and  the  little,  thus  artlessly  blended 
together,  that  constitutes  one  of  the  charms  of  the  old  romantic  chron- 
icle,— not  the  less  true  that,  in  this  respect,  it  approaches  nearer  to 
the  usual  tone  of  romance.  It  is  in  such  writings  that  we  may  look  to 
find  the  form  and  pressure  of  the  age.  The  worm-eaten  state-papers, 
official  correspondence,  public  records,  are  all  serviceable,  indispensable, 
to  history.  They  are  the  framework  on  which  it  is  to  repose  ; the 
skeleton  of  facts  which  gives  it  its  strength  and  proportions.  But  they 
are  as  worthless  as  the  dry  bones  of  the  skeleton,  unless  clothed  with 
the  beautiful  form  and  garb  of  humanity,  and  instinct  with  the  spirit  of 
the  age.  — Our  debt  is  large  to  the  antiquarian,  who  with  conscientious 
precision  lays  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of  historic  truth  ; and  no 
less  to  the  philosophic  annalist  who  exhibits  man  in  the  dress  of  public 
life,  — man  in  masquerade ; but  our  gratitude  must  surely  not  be  with- 
held from  those,  who,  like  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  and  many  a romancer 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  have  held  up  the  mirror  — distorted  though  it  may 
somewhat  be  — to  the  interior  of  life,  reflecting  every  object,  the  great 
and  the  mean,  the  beautiful  and  the  deformed,  with  their  natural  promi- 
nence and  their  vivacity  of  coloring,  to  the  eye  of  the  spectator.  As  a 
work  of  art,  such  a production  may  be  thought  to  be  below  criticism. 
But,  although  it  defy  the  rules  of  art  in  its  composition,  it  does  not 
VOL.  I.  38 


298 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA. 


[Book  II 


necessarily  violate  the  principles  of  taste  ; for  it  conforms  in  its  spirit  to 
the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  it  was  written.  And  the  critic,  who 
coldly  condemns  it  on  the  severe  principles  of  art,  will  find  a charm  in 
its  very  simplicity,  that  will  make  him  recur  again  and  again  to  its 
pages,  while  more  correct  and  classical  compositions  are  laid  aside  and 
forgotten. 

I cannot  dismiss  this  notice  of  Garcilasso,  though  already  long  pro- 
tracted, without  some  allusion  to  the  English  translation  of  his  Com- 
mentaries. It  appeared  in  James  the  Second’s  reign,  and  is  the  work 
of  Sir  Paul  Rycaut,  Knight.  It  was  printed  at  London,  in  1688,  in 
folio,  with  considerable  pretension  in  its  outward  dress,  well  garnished 
with  wood-cuts,  and  a frontispiece  displaying  the  gaunt  and  rather  sar- 
donic features,  not  of  the  author,  but  his  translator.  The  version  keeps 
pace  with  the  march  of  the  original,  corresponding  precisely  in  books 
and  chapters,  and  seldom,  though  sometimes,  using  the  freedom,  so 
common  in  these  ancient  versions,  of  abridgment  and  omission.  Where 
it  does  depart  from  the  original,  it  is  rather  from  ignorance  than  inten- 
tion. Indeed,  as  far  as  the  plea  of  ignorance  will  avail  him,  the  worthy 
knight  may  urge  it  stoutly  in  his  defence.  No  one  who  reads  the  book 
will  doubt  his  limited  acquaintance  with  his  own  tongue,  and  no  one 
who  compares  it  with  the  original  will  deny  his  ignorance  of  the  Cas- 
tilian. It  contains  as  many  blunders  as  paragraphs,  and  most  of  them 
such  as  might  shame  a schoolboy.  Yet  such  are  the  rude  charms  of 
the  original,  that  this  ruder  version  of  it  has  found  considerable  favor 
with  readers ; and  Sir  Paul  Rycaut’s  translation,  old  as  it  is,  may  still 
be  met  with  in  many  a private,  as  well  as  public  library. 


BOOK  THIRD. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


BOOK  III. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


CHAPTER  1. 


PizARRo’s  Reception  at  Court.  — His  Capitulation  with  the 
Crown.  — He  visits  his  Birthplace. — Returns  to  the  New 
World.  — Difficulties  with  Almagro.  — His  Third  Expe- 
dition. — Adventures  on  the  Coast.  — Battles  in  the  Isle 
OF  Puna. 

1528  — 1531. 

PiZARRO  and  his  officer,  having  crossed  the  Isth- 
mus, embarked  at  Nombre  de  Dios  for  the  old 
country,  and,  after  a good  passage,  reached  Seville 
early  in  the  summer  of  1528.  There  happened  to 
be  at  that  time  in  port  a person  well  known  in  the 
history  of  Spanish  adventure  as  the  Bachelor  Enci- 
so.  He  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  coloniza- 
tion of  Tierra  Firme,  and  had  a pecuniary  claim 
against  the  early  colonists  of  Darien,  of  whom 
Pizarro  was  one.  Immediately  on  the  landing  of 
the  latter,  he  was  seized  by  Eneiso’s  orders,  and 
held  in  custody  for  the  debt.  Pizarro,  who  had  fled 
from  his  native  land  as  a forlorn  and  houseless  ad- 


302 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


venturer,  after  an  absence  of  more  than  tAventy 
years,  passed,  most  of  them,  in  unprecedented  toil 
and  suffering,  now  found  himself  on  his  return  the 
inmate  of  a prison.  Such  was  the  commencement 
of  those  brilliant  fortunes  which,  as  he  had  trusted, 
awaited  him  at  home.  The  circumstance  excited 
general  indignation  ; and  no  sooner  was  the  Court 
advised  of  his  arrival  in  the  country,  and  the  great 
purpose  of  his  mission,  than  orders  were  sent  for 
his  release,  with  permission  to  proceed  at  once  on 
his  journey. 

Pizarro  found  the  emperor  at  Toledo,  which  he 
was  soon  to  quit,  in  order  to  embark  for  Italy. 
Spain  was  not  the  favorite  residence  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign.  He  Avas 
now  at  that  period  of  it  Avhen  he  Avas  enjoying 
the  full  flush  of  his  triumphs  over  his  gallant  rival 
of  France,  Avhom  he  had  defeated  and  taken  pris- 
oner at  the  great  battle  of  Pavia  ; and  the  A'ictor 
was  at  this  moment  preparing  to  pass  into  Italy  to 
receive  the  imperial  crown  from  the  hands  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  Elated  by  his  successes  and  his 
elevation  to  the  German  throne,  Charles  made  little 
account  of  his  hereditary  kingdom,  as  his  ambition 
found  so  splendid  a career  thrown  open  to  it  on 
the  Avide  field  of  European  politics.  He  had  hither- 
to received  too  inconsiderable  returns  from  his  trans- 
atlantic possessions  to  give  them  the  attention  they 
deserved.  But,  as  the  recent  acquisition  of  Mex- 
ico and  the  brilliant  anticipations  in  respect  to  the 
southern  continent  were  pressed  upon  his  notice. 


Ch.  I ] 


PIZARRO’S  RECEPTION  AT  COURT. 


303 


he  felt  their  importance  as  likely  to  afford  him  the 
means  of  prosecuting  his  ambitious  and  most  ex- 
pensive enterprises. 

Pizarro,  therefore,  who  had  now  come  to  satisfy 
the  royal  eyes,  by  visible  proofs,  of  the  truth  of  the 
golden  rumors  which,  from  time  to  time,  had  reach- 
ed Castile,  was  graciously  received  by  the  emperor. 
Charles  examined  the  various  objects  which  his 
officer  exhibited  to  him  with  great  attention.  He 
was  particularly  interested  by  the  appearance  of  the 
llama,  so  remarkable  as  the  only  beast  of  burden  yet 
known  on  the  new  continent ; and  the  fine  fabrics 
of  woollen  cloth,  which  were  made  from  its  shaggy 
sides,  gave  it  a much  higher  value,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  sagacious  monarch,  than  what  it  possessed  as 
an  animal  for  domestic  labor.  But  the  specimens 
of  gold  and  silver  manufacture,  and  the  wonderful 
tale  which  Pizarro  had  to  tell  of  the  abundance  of 
the  precious  metals,  must  have  satisfied  even  the 
cravings  of  royal  cupidity. 

Pizarro,  far  from  being  embarrassed  by  the  nov- 
elty of  his  situation,  maintained  his  usual  self- 
possession,  and  showed  that  decorum  and  even  dig- 
nity in  his  address  which  belong  to  the  Castilian. 
He  spoke  in  a simple  and  respectful  style,  but  with 
the  earnestness  and  natural  eloquence  of  one  who 
had  been  an  actor  in  the  scenes  he  described,  and 
who  was  conscious  that  the  impression  he  made 
on  his  audience  was  to  decide  his  future  destiny. 
All  listened  with  eagerness  to  the  account  of  his 
strange  adventures  by  sea  and  land,  his  wander- 


304 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


ings  in  the  forests,  or  in  the  dismal  and  pestilent 
swamps  on  the  sea-coast,  without  food,  almost  with- 
out raiment,  with  feet  torn  and  bleeding  at  every 
step,  with  his  few  companions  becoming  still  fewer 
by  disease  and  death,  and  yet  pressing  on  with  un- 
conquerable spirit  to  extend  the  empire  of  Castile, 
and  the  name  and  power  of  her  sovereign ; but 
when  he  painted  his  lonely  condition  on  the  deso- 
late island,  abandoned  by  the  government  at  home, 
deserted  by  all  but  a handful  of  devoted  followers, 
his  royal  auditor,  though  not  easily  moved,  was 
affected  to  tears.  On  his  departure  from  Toledo, 
Charles  commended  the  affairs  of  his  vassal  in  the 
most  favorable  terms  to  the  consideration  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies.* 

There  was  at  this  time  another  man  at  court, 
who  had  come  there  on  a similar  errand  from  the 
New  World,  but  whose  splendid  achievements  had 
already  won  for  him  a name  that  threw  the  rising 
reputation  of  Pizarro  comparatively  into  the  shade. 
This  man  was  Hernando  Cortes,  the  Conqueror  of 
Mexico.  He  had  come  home  to  lay  an  empire  at 
the  feet  of  his  sovereign,  and  to  demand  in  return 
the  redress  of  his  wrongs,  and  the  recompense  of  his 


1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y mucho  gusto,  tratolo  amoroso,  y 
Conq.,  MS.  — Naharro,  Relacion  oyole  tierno,  especialmente  cuando 
Sumaria,  MS.  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  le  hizo  relacion  de  su  consistencia 
Piru,  MS.  y de  los  trece  companeros  en  la 

“ Hablaba  tan  bien  en  la  mate-  Isla  en  medio  de  tantos  trabajos.” 
ria,  que  se  llevo  los  aplausos  y Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio 
atencion  en  Toledo  donde  el  Em-  1528. 
perador  estaba  diole  audiencia  con 


Ch.  I.]  HIS  CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN.  305 

great  services.  He  was  at  the  close  of  his  career, 
as  Pizarro  was  at  the  commencement  of  his ; the 
Conqueror  of  the  North  and  of  the  South ; the  two 
men  appointed  by  Providence  to  overturn  the  most 
potent  of  the  Indian  dynasties,  and  to  open  the 
golden  gates  by  which  the  treasures  of  the  New 
World  were  to  pass  into  the  coffers  of  Spain. 

Notwithstanding  the  emperor’s  recommendation, 
the  business  of  Pizarro  went  forward  at  the  tardy 
pace  with  which  affairs  are  usually  conducted  in  the 
court  of  Castile.  He  found  his  limited  means  grad- 
ually sinking  under  the  expenses  incurred  by  bis 
present  situation,  and  he  represented,  that,  unless 
some  measures  were  speedily  taken  in  reference  to 
his  suit,  however  favorable  they  might  be  in  the 
end,  he  should  be  in  no  condition  to  profit  by  them. 
The  queen,  accordingly,  who  had  charge  of  the 
business,  on  her  husband’s  departure,  expedited  the 
affair,  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  1529,  she 
executed  the  memorable  Capitulation,  which  defined 
the  powers  and  privileges  of  Pizarro. 

The  instrument  secured  to  that  chief  the  right 
of  discovery  and  conquest  in  the  province  of  Peru, 
or  New  Castile, — as  the  country  was  then  called,  in 
the  same  manner  as  Mexico  had  received  the  name 
of  New  Spain, — for  the  distance  of  two  hundred 
leagues  south  of  Santiago.  He  was  to  receive  the 
titles  and  rank  of  Governor  and  Captain-General 
of  the  province,  together  with  those  of  Adelantado, 
and  Alguacil  Mayor,  for  life  ; and  he  was  to  have  a 
salary  of  seven  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand 

VOL.  I.  39 


306 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


maravedis,  with  the  obligation  of  maintaining  cer- 
tain officers  and  military  retainers,  corresponding 
with  the  dignity  of  his  station.  He  was  to  have 
the  right  to  erect  certain  fortresses,  with  the  abso- 
lute government  of  them ; to  assign  encomiendas 
of  Indians,  under  the  limitations  prescribed  by  law ; 
and,  in  fine,  to  exercise  nearly  all  the  prerogatives 
incident  to  the  authority  of  a viceroy. 

His  associate,  Almagro,  was  declared  commander 
of  the  fortress  of  Tumbez,  with  an  annual  rent  of 
three  hundred  thousand  maravedis,  and  with  the 
further  rank  and  privileges  of  an  hidalgo.  The 
reverend  Father  Luque  received  the  reward  of  his 
services  in  the  Bishopric  of  Tumbez,  and  he  was 
also  declared  Protector  of  the  Indians  of  Peru.  He 
was  to  enjoy  the  yearly  stipend  of  a thousand  du- 
cats,— to  be  derived,  like  the  other  salaries  and 
gratuities  in  this  instrument,  from  the  revenues  of 
the  conquered  territory. 

Nor  were  the  subordinate  actors  in  the  expedi- 
tion forgotten.  Ruiz  received  the  title  of  Grand 
Pilot  of  the  Southern  Ocean,  with  a liberal  provis- 
ion ; Candia  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  artil- 
lery ; and  the  remaining  eleven  companions  on  the 
desolate  island  were  created  hidalgos  and  cava- 
lleros,  and  raised  to  certain  municipal  dignities,  — in 
prospect. 

Several  provisions  of  a liberal  tenor  were  also 
made,  to  encourage  emigration  to  the  country.  The 
new  settlers  were  to  be  exempted  from  some  of  the 
most  onerous,  but  customary  taxes,  as  the  alcabala, 


Ch.  I.]  HIS  CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN.  307 


or  to  be  subject  to  them  only  in  a mitigated  form. 
The  tax  on  the  precious  metals  drawn  from  mines 
was  to  be  reduced,  at  first,  to  one  tenth,  instead  of 
the  fifth  imposed  on  the  same  metals  when  ob- 
tained by  barter  or  by  rapine. 

It  was  expressly  enjoined  on  Pizarro  to  observe 
the  existing  regulations  for  the  good  government  and 
protection  of  the  natives  ; and  he  was  required  to 
carry  out  with  him  a specified  number  of  ecclesias- 
tics, with  whom  he  was  to  take  counsel  in  the  con- 
quest of  the  country,  and  whose  efforts  were  to  be 
dedicated  to  the  service  and  conversion  of  the  In- 
dians ; while  lawyers  and  attorneys,  on  the  other 
hand,  whose  presence  was  considered  as  boding  ill 
to  the  harmony  of  the  new  settlements,  were  strict- 
ly prohibited  from  setting  foot  in  them. 

Pizarro,  on  his  part,  was  bound,  in  six  months 
from  the  date  of  the  instrument,  to  raise  a force, 
W'ell  equipped  for  the  service,  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  of  whom  one  hundred  might  be  drawn 
from  the  colonies ; and  the  government  engaged  to 
furnish  some  trifling  assistance  in  the  purchase  of 
artillery  and  military  stores.  Finally,  he  was  to 
be  prepared,  in  six  months  after  his  return  to  Pan- 
ama, to  leave  that  port  and  embark  on  his  expe- 
dition.® 

2 This  remarkable  document,  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete, 
formerly  in  the  archives  of  Siman-  to  whose  kindness  I am  indebted 
cas,  and  now  transferred  to  the  for  a copy  of  it.  — It  will  be  found 
Archivo  General  de  las  Indias  in  printed  entire,  in  the  original,  in 
Seville,  was  transcribed  for  the  Appendix,  No.  7. 
rich  collection  of  the  late  Don 


308 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Such  are  some  of  the  principal  provisions  of  this 
Capitulation,  by  which  the  Castilian  government, 
with  the  sagacious  policy  which  it  usually  pursued 
on  the  like  occasions,  stimulated  the  ambitious  hopes 
of  the  adventurer  by  high-sounding  titles,  and  lib- 
eral promises  of  reward  contingent  on  his  success, 
but  took  care  to  stake  nothing  itself  on  the  issue  of 
the  enterprise.  It  was  careful  to  reap  the  fruits  of 
his  toil,  but  not  to  pay  the  cost  of  them. 

A circumstance,  that  could  not  fail  to  be  remarked 
in  these  provisions,  was  the  manner  in  which  the 
high  and  lucrative  posts  were  accumulated  on  Pi- 
zarro,  to  the  exclusion  of  Almagro,  who,  if  he  had 
not  taken  as  conspicuous  a part  in  personal  toil  and 
exposure,  had,  at  least,  divided  with  him  the  origi- 
nal burden  of  the  enterprise,  and,  by  his  labors  in 
another  direction,  had  contributed  quite  as  essen- 
tially to  its  success.  Almagro  had  willingly  con- 
ceded the  post  of  honor  to  his  confederate ; but  it 
had  been  stipulated,  on  Pizarro’s  departure  for 
Spain,  that,  while  he  solicited  the  office  of  Gover- 
nor and  Captain-General  for  himself,  he  should  se- 
cure that  of  Adelantado  for  his  companion.  In  like 
manner,  he  had  engaged  to  apply  for  the  see  of 
Tumbez  for  the  vicar  of  Panama,  and  the  office  of 
Alguacil  Mayor  for  the  pilot  Ruiz.  The  bishopric 
took  the  direction  that  was  concerted,  for  the  sol- 
dier could  scarcely  claim  the  mitre  of  the  prelate  ; 
but  the  other  offices,  instead  of  their  appropriate 
distribution,  were  all  concentred  in  himself.  Yet 
it  was  in  reference  to  his  application  for  his  friends. 


Ch.  I ] HIS  CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN.  309 

that  Pizarro  had  promised  on  his  departure  to  deal 
fairly  and  honorably  by  them  all.^ 

It  is  stated  by  the  military  chronicler,  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro, that  his  kinsman  did,  in  fact,  urge  the  suit 
strongly  in  behalf  of  Almagro  ; but  that  he  was  re- 
fused by  the  government,  on  the  ground  that  offices 
of  such  paramount  importance  could  not  be  com- 
mitted to  different  individuals.  The  ill  effects  of 
such  an  arrangement  had  been  long  since  felt  in 
more  than  one  of  the  Indian  colonies,  where  it  had 
led  to  rivalry  and  fatal  collision.^  Pizarro,  therefore, 
finding  his  remonstrances  unheeded,  had  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  combine  the  offices  in  his  own  person, 
or  to  see  the  expedition  fall  to  the  ground.  This 
explanation  of  the  affair  has  not  received  the  sanc- 
tion of  other  contemporary  historians.  The  appre- 
hensions expressed  by  Luque,  at  the  time  of  Pi- 
zarro’s  assuming  the  mission,  of  some  such  result 


3 “ A1  fin  se  capitulo,  que  Fran- 
cisco Piqarro  negociase  la  Gover- 
nacion  para  si : i para  Diego  de 
Almagro,  el  Adelantamiento  : i 
para  Hernando  de  Luque,  el  Obis- 
pado ; i para  Bartolome  Ruiz,  el 
Alguacilazgo  Maior : i Mercedes 
para  los  que  quedaban  vivos,  de  los 
trece  Compaiieros,  afirmando  siem- 
pre  Francisco  Pizarro,  que  todo  lo 
queria  para  ellos,  i prometiendo, 
que  negociaria  lealmente,  i sin 
ninguna  cautela.”  Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  4,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 

■*  “ Y don  Francisco  Pizarro 
pidio  conforme  a lo  que  llevava 
capitulado  y hordenado  con  sus 


compaiieros  ya  dicho,  y en  el  con- 
sejo  se  le  rrespondio  que  no  avia 
lugar  de  dar  govemacion  a dos 
compaiieros,  a caussa  de  que  en 
Santa  marta  se  avia  dado  ansi  a dos 
compaiieros  y el  uno  avia  muerto 

al  otro Pues  pedido,  como 

digo,  muchas  vezes  por  don  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  se  les  hiziese  la  mer- 
ced  a ambos  compaiieros,  se  le  rres- 
pnndio  la  pidiesse  parassi  sino  que 
se  daria  a otro,  y visto  que  no  avia 
lugar  lo  que  pedia  y queria  pedio 
se  le  hiziese  la  merced  a el,  y ansi 
se  le  hizo.”  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS. 


310 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


as  actually  occurred,  founded,  doubtless,  on  a knowl- 
edge of  his  associate’s  character,  may  warrant  us  in 
distrusting  the  alleged  vindication  of  his  conduct, 
and  our  distrust  will  not  be  diminished  by  familiari- 
ty with  his  subsequent  career.  Pizarro’s  virtue  was 
not  of  a kind  to  withstand  temptation,  — though  of 
a much  weaker  sort  than  that  now  thrown  in  his 
path. 

The  fortunate  cavalier  was  also  honored  with  the 
habit  of  St.  Jago ; ® and  he  was  authorized  to  make 
an  important  innovation  in  his  family  escutcheon,  — 
for  by  the  father’s  side  he  might  claim  his  armorial 
bearings.  The  black  eagle  and  the  two  pillars  em- 
blazoned on  the  royal  arms  were  incorporated  with 
those  of  the  Pizarros  ; and  an  Indian  city,  with  a 
vessel  in  the  distance  on  the  waters,  and  the  llama 
of  Peru,  revealed  the  theatre  and  the  character  of 
his  exploits  ; while  the  legend  announced,  that 
“ under  the  auspices  of  Charles,  and  by  the  indus- 
try, the  genius,  and  the  resources  of  Pizarro,  the 
country  had  been  discovered  and  reduced  to  tran- 
quillity,”— thus  modestly  intimating  both  the  past 
and  prospective  services  of  the  Conqueror.® 

These  arrangements  having  been  thus  completed 
to  Pizarro’s  satisfaction,  he  left  Toledo  for  Truxillo, 
his  native  place,  in  Estremadura,  where  he  thought 

® Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  ® “ Carol!  Caesaris  auspicio,  et 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  182.  — Oviedo,  labore,  ingenio,  ac  impensa  Du- 
Hist.  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cis  Picarro  inventa,  et  pacata.” 
lib.  8,  cap.  1. — Caro  de  Torres,  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  4, 
Historia  de  las  Ordenes  Militares,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

(ed.  Madrid,  1029,)  p.  113. 


Ch.  I.] 


HE  VISITS  HIS  BIRTHPLACE. 


311 


he  should  be  most  likely  to  meet  with  adherents  for 
his  new  enterprise,  and  where  it  doubtless  grati- 
fied his  vanity  to  display  himself  in  the  palmy,  or 
at  least  promising,  state  of  his  present  circum- 
stances. If  vanity  be  ever  pardonable,  it  is  cer- 
tainly in  a man  who,  born  in  an  obscure  station 
in  life,  without  family,  interest,  or  friends  to  back 
him,  has  carved  out  his  own  fortunes  in  the  world, 
and,  by  his  own  resources,  triumphed  over  all  the 
obstacles  which  nature  and  accident  had  thrown  in 
his  way.  Such  was  the  condition  of  Pizarro,  as  he 
now  revisited  the  place  of  his  nativity,  where  he 
had  hitherto  been  known  only  as  a poor  outcast, 
without  a home  to  shelter,  a father  to  own  him,  or  a 
friend  to  lean  upon.  But  he  now  found  both  friends 
and  followers,  and  some  who  were  eager  to  claim 
kindred  with  him,  and  take  part  in  his  future  for- 
tunes. Among  these  were  four  brothers.  Three  of 
them,  like  himself,  were  illegitimate ; one  of  whom, 
named  Francisco  Martin  de  Alcantara,  was  related 
to  him  by  the  mother’s  side  ; the  other  two,  named 
Gonzalo  and  Juan  Pizarro,  were  descended  from  the 
father.  “ They  were  all  poor,  and  proud  as  they 
were  poor,”  says  Oviedo,  who  had  seen  them ; “ and 
their  eagerness  for  gain  was  in  proportion  to  their 
poverty.” 

The  remaining  and  eldest  brother,  named  Her- 
nando, was  a legitimate  son,  — “ legitimate,”  con- 

7 “ Trujo  tres  0 cuatro  hermanos  alcanzarla.”  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
suyos  tan  soberbios  como  pobres,  e MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1. 
tan  sin  hacienda  como  deseosos  de 


312 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


tinues  the  same  caustic  authority,  “ by  his  pride,  as 
well  as  by  his  birth.”  His  features  were  plain, 
even  disagreeably  so ; but  his  figure  was  good.  He 
was  large  of  stature,  and,  like  his  brother  Francis, 
had  on  the  whole  an  imposing  presence.®  In  his 
character,  he  combined  some  of  the  worst  defects 
incident  to  the  Castilian.  He  was  jealous  in  the 
extreme ; impatient  not  merely  of  affront,  but  of 
the  least  slight,  and  implacable  in  his  resentment. 
He  was  decisive  in  his  measures,  and  unscrupulous 
in  their  execution.  No  touch  of  pity  had  power  to 
arrest  his  arm.  His  arrogance  was  such,  that  he 
was  constantly  wounding  the  self-love  of  those  with 
whom  he  acted ; thus  begetting  an  ill-will  which 
unnecessarily  multiplied  obstacles  in  his  path.  In 
this  he  differed  from  his  brother  Francis,  whose 
plausible  manners  smoothed  away  difficulties,  and 
conciliated  confidence  and  cooperation  in  his  enter- 
prises. Unfortunately,  the  evil  counsels  of  Hernando 
exercised  an  influence  over  his  brother  which  more 
than  compensated  the  advantages  derived  from  his 
singular  capacity  for  business. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  interest  which  Pi- 
zarro’s  adventures  excited  in  his  country,  that  chief 

8 Oviedo’s  portrait  of  him  is  by  nariz  con  sobrada  came  e encendi- 
no  means  flattering.  He  writes  like  da,  y este  fue  el  desavenidor  y 
one  too  familiar  with  the  original,  estorbador  del  sosiego  de  todos  y 
“ E de  todos  ellos  el  Hernando  en  especial  de  los  dos  viejos  com- 
Pizarro  solo  era  legitimo,  e mas  paneros  Francisco  Pizarro  e Diego 
legitimado  en  la  soberbia,  hombre  de  Almagro.”  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
de  alta  estatura  e grueso,  la  lengua  MS.,  ubi  supra, 
e labios  gordos,  e la  punta  de  la 


Ch.  I.]  RETURNS  TO  THE  NEW  WORLD.  313 

did  not  find  it  easy  to  comply  with  the  provisions 
of  the  Capitulation  in  respect  to  the  amount  of  his 
levies.  Those  who  were  most  astonished  by  his 
narrative  were  not  always  most  inclined  to  take  part 
in  his  fortunes.  They  shrunk  from  the  unparalleled 
hardships  which  lay  in  the  path  of  the  adventurer 
in  that  direction ; and  they  listened  with  visible 
distrust  to  the  gorgeous  pictures  of  the  golden  tem- 
ples and  gardens  of  Tumbez,  which  they  looked 
upon  as  indebted  in  some  degree,  at  least,  to  the 
coloring  of  his  fancy,  with  the  obvious  purpose  of 
attracting  followers  to  his  banner.  It  is  even  said 
that  Pizarro  would  have  found  it  difficult  to  raise 
the  necessary  funds,  but  for  the  seasonable  aid  of 
Cortes,  a native  of  Estremadura  like  himself,  his 
companion  in  arms  in  early  days,  and,  according  to 
report,  his  kinsman.®  No  one  was  in  a better  con- 
dition to  hold  out  a helping  hand  to  a brother  ad- 
venturer, and,  probably,  no  one  felt  greater  sympa- 
thy in  Pizarro’s  fortunes,  or  greater  confidence  in 
his  eventual  success,  than  the  man  who  had  so 
lately  trod  the  same  career  with  renown. 

The  six  months  allowed  by  the  Capitulation  had 
elapsed,  and  Pizarro  had  assembled  somewhat  less 
than  his  stipulated  complement  of  men,  with  which 
he  was  preparing  to  embark  in  a little  squadron 
of  three  vessels  at  Seville ; but,  before  they  were 
wholly  ready,  he  received  intelligence  that  the  offi- 
cers of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  proposed  to  in- 

9 Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  Hustres,  p.  143. 

40 


VOL.  I. 


314 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


quire  into  the  condition  of  the  vessels,  and  ascertain 
how  far  the  requisitions  had  been  complied  with. 

Without  loss  of  time,  therefore,  Pizarro,  afraid, 
if  the  facts  were  known,  that  his  enterprise  might 
be  nipped  in  the  bud,  slipped  his  cables,  and  cross- 
ing the  bar  of  San  Lucar,  in  January,  1530,  stood 
for  the  isle  of  Gomera,  — one  of  the  Canaries, — 
where  he  ordered  his  brother  Hernando,  who  had 
charge  of  the  remaining  vessels,  to  meet  him. 

Scarcely  had  he  gone,  before  the  officers  arrived 
to  institute  the  search.  But  when  they  objected  the 
deficiency  of  men,  they  were  easily  — perhaps  wil- 
lingly — deceived  by  the  pretext  that  the  remainder 
had  gone  forward  in  the  vessel  with  Pizarro.  At  all 
events,  no  further  obstacles  were  thrown  in  Her- 
nando’s way,  and  he  was  permitted,  with  the  rest 
of  the  squadron,  to  join  his  brother,  according  to 
agreement,  at  Gomera. 

After  a prosperous  voyage,  the  adventurers  reach- 
ed the  northern  coast  of  the  great  southern  conti- 
nent, and  anchored  off  the  port  of  Santa  Marta. 
Here  they  received  such  discouraging  reports  of  the 
countries  to  which  they  were  bound,  of  forests  teem- 
ing with  insects  and  venomous  serpents,  of  huge 
alligators  that  swarmed  on  the  banks  of  the  streams, 
and  of  hardships  and  perils  such  as  their  own  fears 
had  never  painted,  that  several  of  Pizarro’s  men  de- 
serted ; and  their  leader,  thinking  it  no  longer  safe 
to  abide  in  such  treacherous  quarters,  set  sail  at 
once  for  Nombre  de  Dios. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  there,  he  was  met  by  his 


Ch.  I.]  DIFFICULTIES  WITH  ALMAGRO.  315 

two  associates,  Luque  and  Almagro,  who  had  cross- 
ed the  mountains  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  from 
his  own  lips  tlie  precise  import  of  the  capitulation 
with  the  Crown.  Great,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, was  Almagro’s  discontent  at  learning  the 
result  of  what  he  regarded  as  the  perfidious  machi- 
nations of  his  associate.  “ Is  it  thus,”  he  ex- 
claimed, “ that  you  have  dealt  with  the  friend 
who  shared  equally  with  you  in  the  trials,  the 
dangers,  and  the  cost  of  the  enterprise  ; and  this, 
notwithstanding  your  solemn  engagements  on  your 
departure  to  provide  for  his  interests  as  faithfully 
as  your  own  ? How  could  you  allow  me  to  be 
thus  dishonored  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  by  so 
paltry  a compensation,  which  seems  to  estimate 
my  services  as  nothing  in  comparison  with  your 
own  ? ” 

Pizarro,  in  reply,  assured  his  companion  that  he 
had  faithfully  urged  his  suit,  but  that  the  govern- 
ment refused  to  confide  powers  which  intrenched  so 
closely  on  one  another  to  different  hands.  He  had 
no  alternative,  hut  to  accept  all  himself  or  to  decline 
all ; and  he  endeavoured  to  mitigate  Almagro’s  dis- 
pleasure by  representing  that  the  country  was  large 
enough  for  the  ambition  of  both,  and  that  the 
powers  conferred  on  himself  were,  in  fact,  conferred 
on  Almagro,  since  all  that  he  had  would  ever  be 
at  his  friend’s  disposal,  as  if  it  were  his  own.  But 
these  honeyed  words  did  not  satisfy  the  injured 


Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  4,  lib.  7,  cap.  9. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


316 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


party;  and  the  two  captains  soon  after  returned  to 
Panama  with  feelings  of  estrangement,  if  not  hos- 
tility, towards  one  another,  which  did  not  augur  well 
for  their  enterprise. 

Still,  Almagro  was  of  a generous  temper,  and 
might  have  been  appeased  by  the  politic  concessions 
of  his  rival,  but  for  the  interference  of  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro,  who,  from  the  first  hour  of  their  meeting, 
showed  little  respect  for  the  veteran,  which,  indeed, 
the  diminutive  person  of  the  latter  was  not  calcu- 
lated to  inspire,  and  who  now  regarded  him  with 
particular  aversion  as  an  impediment  to  the  career 
of  his  brother. 

Almagro’s  friends  — and  his  frank  and  liberal 
manners  had  secured  him  many  — were  no  less 
disgusted  than  himself  with  the  overbearing  conduct 
of  this  new  ally.  They  loudly  complained  that  it 
was  quite  enough  to  suffer  from  the  perfidy  of  Pi- 
zarro,  without  being  exposed  to  the  insults  of  his 
family,  who  had  now  come  over  with  him  to  fatten 
on  the  spoils  of  conquest  which  belonged  to  their 
leader.  The  rupture  soon  proceeded  to  such  a 
length,  that  Almagro  avowed  his  intention  to  pros- 
ecute the  expedition  without  further  cooperation 
with  his  partner,  and  actually  entered  into  negotia- 
tions for  the  purchase  of  vessels  for  that  object. 
But  Luque,  and  the  Licentiate  Espinosa,  who  had 
fortunately  come  over  at  that  time  from  St.  Domin- 
go, now  interposed  to  repair  a breach  which  must 
end  in  the  ruin  of  the  enterprise,  and  the  probable 
destruction  of  those  most  interested  in  its  success. 


Ch.  I ] 


DIFFICULTIES  WITH  ALMAGRO. 


317 


By  their  mediation,  a show  of  reconciliation  was 
at  length  effected  between  the  parties,  on  Pizar- 
ro’s  assurance  that  he  would  relinquish  the  digni- 
ty of  Adelantado  in  favor  of  his  rival,  and  petition 
the  emperor  to  confirm  him  in  the  possession  of 
it ; — an  assurance,  it  may  be  remarked,  not  easy 
to  reconcile  with  his  former  assertion  in  respect  to 
the  avowed  policy  of  the  Crown  in  bestowing  this 
office.  He  was,  moreover,  to  apply  for  a distinct 
government  for  his  associate,  so  soon  as  he  had  be- 
come master  of  the  country  assigned  to  himself ; 
and  was  to  solicit  no  office  for  either  of  his  own 
brothers,  until  Almagro  had  been  first  provided 
for.  Lastly,  the  former  contract  in  regard  to  the 
division  of  the  spoil  into  three  equal  shares  be- 
tween the  three  original  associates  was  confirmed  in 
the  most  explicit  manner.  The  reconciliation  thus 
effected  among  the  parties  answered  the  tempo- 
rary purpose  of  enabling  them  to  go  forward  in 
concert  in  the  expedition.  But  it  was  only  a thin 
scar  that  had  healed  over  the  wound,  which,  deep 
and  rankling  within,  waited  only  fresh  cause  of 
irritation  to  break  out  with  a virulence  more  fatal 
than  ever." 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y good-will,  at  bottom,  between  any 
Conq.,  MS.  — Naharro,  Relacion  of  the  confederates;  for  Father 
Sumaria,  MS.  — Montesinos,  An-  Luque  wrote  to  Oviedo  that  both 
nales,  MS.,  afio  1529. — Relacion  of  his  partners  had  repaid  his  ser- 
del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.— Za-  vices  with  ingratitude.  — “Padre 
rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  Luque,  companero  de  estos  Capi- 
3.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  tanes,  con  cuya  hacienda  hicieron 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1.  ellos  sus  hechos,  puesto  que  el  uno 

There  seems  to  have  been  little  e el  otro  se  lo  pagaron  con  ingra- 


318 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


No  time  was  now  lost  in  preparing  for  the 
voyage.  It  found  little  encouragement,  however, 
among  the  colonists  of  Panama,  who  were  too  fa- 
miliar with  the  sufferings  on  the  former  expeditions 
to  care  to  undertake  another,  even  with  the  rich 
bribe  that  was  held  out  to  allure  them.  A few 
of  the  old  company  were  content  to  follow  out  the 
adventure  to  its  close  ; and  some  additional  strag- 
glers were  collected  from  the  province  of  Nicaragua, 
— a shoot,  it  may  be  remarked,  from  the  colony  of 
Panama.  But  Pizarro  made  slender  additions  to 
the  force  brought  over  with  him  from  Spain,  though 
this  body  was  in  better  condition,  and,  in  respect  to 
arms,  ammunition,  and  equipment  generally,  was  on 
a much  better  footing  than  his  former  levies.  The 
whole  number  did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  with  twenty-seven  horses  for  the  cav- 
alry. He  had  provided  himself  with  three  vessels, 
two  of  them  of  a good  size,  to  take  the  place  of 
those  which  he  had  been  compelled  to  leave  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Isthmus  at  Nombre  de  Dios ; 
an  armament  small  for  the  conquest  of  an  empire, 
and  far  short  of  that  prescribed  by  the  capitulation 
with  the  Crown.  With  this  the  intrepid  cliief  pro- 
posed to  commence  operations,  trusting  to  his  own 
successes,  and  the  exertions  of  Almagro,  who  was  to 
remain  behind,  for  the  present,  to  muster  reinforce- 
ments.’^ 

titud  segun  a mi  me  lo  escribio  el  fer,  as  usual.  I conform  to  the 
mismo  electo  de  su  mano.”  Ibid.,  statement  of  Pizarro’s  secretary, 
loc.  cit.  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 

The  numerical  estimates  dif-  tom.  III.  p.  182. 


Ch.  I.] 


HIS  THIRD  EXPEDITION. 


319 


On  St.  John  the  Evangelist’s  day,  the  banners  of 
the  company  and  the  royal  standard  were  conse- 
crated in  the  cathedral  church  of  Panama  ; a ser- 
mon was  preached  before  the  little  army  by  Fray 
Juan  de  Vargas,  one  of  the  Dominicans  selected  by 
the  government  for  the  Peruvian  mission ; and  mass 
was  performed,  and  the  sacrament  administered  to 
every  soldier  previous  to  his  engaging  in  the  crusade 
against  the  infidel.’^  Having  thus  solemnly  invoked 
the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  the  enterprise,  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  went  on  board  their  vessels,  which 
rode  at  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  Panama,  and  early  in 
January,  1531,  sallied  forth  on  his  third  and  last 
expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Peru. 

It  was  his  intention  to  steer  direct  for  Tumbez, 
which  held  out  so  magnificent  a show  of  treasure 
on  his  former  voyage.  But  head  winds  and  cur- 
rents, as  usual,  baffled  his  purpose,  and  after  a run 
of  thirteen  days,  much  shorter  than  the  period  for- 
merly required  for  the  same  distance,  his  little 
squadron  came  to  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Mat- 
thew, about  one  degree  north  ; and  Pizarro,  after 
consulting  with  his  officers,  resolved  to  disembark 
his  forces  and  advance  along  the  coast,  while  the 

13  “ El  qual  haviendo  hecho  misa  cantada  que  se  celebro  con 
bendecir  en  la  Iglesia  mayor  las  toda  solemnidad  i sermon  que  pre- 
banderas  i estandarte  real  dia  de  died  el  P.  Present'’*'  Fr.  Juan  de 
San  Juan  Evangelista  de  dicho  afio  Vargas,  uno  de  los  5 religiosos  que 
de  1530,  i que  todos  los  soldados  en  cumplimiento  de  la  obediencia 
confesasen  i comulgasen  en  el  con-  de  sus  prelados  i orden  del  Empe- 
vento  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  la  rador  pasaban  a la  conquista.” 
Merced,  dia  de  los  Inocentes  en  la  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 


320 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


vessels  held  their  course  at  a convenient  distance 
from  the  shore. 

The  march  of  the  troops  was  severe  and  painful 
in  the  extreme  ; for  the  road  was  constantly  inter- 
sected by  streams,  which,  swollen  by  the  winter 
rains,  widened  at  their  mouths  into  spacious  estua- 
ries. Pizarro,  who  had  some  previous  knowledge 
of  the  country,  acted  as  guide  as  well  as  command- 
er of  the  expedition.  He  was  ever  ready  to  give 
aid  where  it  was  needed,  encouraging  his  followers 
to  ford  or  swim  the  torrents  as  they  best  could,  and 
cheering  the  desponding  by  his  own  buoyant  and 
courageous  spirit. 

At  length  they  reached  a thick-settled  hamlet,  or 
rather  town,  in  the  province  of  Coaque.  The  Span- 
iards rushed  on  the  place,  and  the  inhabitants,  with- 
out oft'ering  resistance,  fled  in  terror  to  the  neigh- 
bouring forests,  leaving  their  effects  — of  much  great- 
er value  than  had  been  anticipated  — in  the  hands 
of  the  invaders.  “ We  fell  on  them,  sword  in  hand,” 
says  one  of  the  Conquerors,  with  some  ndiveit\ 
“ for,  if  we  had  advised  the  Indians  of  our  approach, 
we  should  never  have  found  there  such  store  of  gold 
and  precious  stones.”  The  natives,  however, 
according  to  another  authority,  stayed  voluntarily ; 
“ for,  as  they  had  done  no  harm  to  the  white  men, 
they  flattered  themselves  none  would  be  offered  to 
them,  but  that  there  would  be  only  an  interchange 

1“*  “ Pues  llegados  a este  pueblo  cantidad  de  oro  y esmeraldas  que 
de  Coaque  dieron  de  supito  an  en  el  se  tomaron.”  Pedro  Pizarre, 
savello  la  gente  del  porque  si  estu-  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
vieran  avisados.  No  se  tomara  la 


Ch.  I.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  COAST. 


321 


of  good  offices  with  the  strangers,”  — an  expecta- 
tion founded,  it  may  be,  on  the  good  character  which 
the  Spaniards  had  established  for  themselves  on 
their  preceding  visit,  but  in  which  the  simple  people 
now  found  themselves  most  unpleasantly  deceived. 

Rushing  into  the  deserted  dwellings,  the  invad- 
ers found  there,  besides  stuffs  of  various  kinds,  and 
food  most  welcome  in  their  famished  condition,  a 
large  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  wrought  into  clum- 
sy ornaments,  together  with  many  precious  stones  ; 
for  this  was  the  region  of  the  esmeraldas,  or  em- 
eralds, where  that  valuable  gem  was  most  abundant. 
One  of  these  jewels  that  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pi- 
zarro,  in  this  neighbourhood,  was  as  large  as  a 
pigeon’s  egg.  Unluckily,  his  rude  followers  did  not 
know  the  value  of  their  prize ; and  they  broke 
many  of  them  in  pieces  by  pounding  them  with 
hammers.'®  They  were  led  to  this  extraordinary 
proceeding,  it  is  said,  by  one  of  the  Dominican 
missionaries.  Fray  Reginaldo  de  Pedraza,  who  as- 
sured them  that  this  was  the  way  to  prove  the  true 
emerald,  which  could  not  be  broken.  It  was  ob- 
served that  the  good  father  did  not  subject  his  own 
jewels  to  this  wise  experiment ; but,  as  the  stones, 

Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  cir  que  algfunos  que  las  conoscieron 
4,  lib.  7,  cap.  9.  las  guardaron.  Pero  ffinalmente 

16  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  muchos  vbieron  esmeraldas  de  mu- 
MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  cho  valor;  vnos  las  provavan  en 
lib.  1,  cap.  4.  yunques,  dandolas  con  martillos, 

“ A lo  que  se  ha  entendido  en  diziendo  que  si  hera  esmeralda  no 
las  esmeraldas  ovo  gran  hierro  y sequebraria;  otroslasdespreciaban, 
torpedad  en  algunas  Personas  por  diziendo  que  era  vidrio.”  Pedro 
no  conoscellas.  Aunque quieren  de-  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS, 

VOL.  I.  41 


322 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  HE 


in  consequence  of  it,  fell  in  value,  being  regarded 
merely  as  colored  glass,  he  carried  back  a consider- 
able store  of  them  to  Panama.^' 

The  gold  and  silver  ornaments  rifled  from  the 
dwellings  were  brought  together  and  deposited  in 
a common  heap ; when  a fifth  was  deducted  for  the 
Crown,  and  Pizarro  distributed  the  remainder  in 
due  proportions  among  the  officers  and  privates  of 
his  company.  This  was  the  usage  invariably  ob- 
served on  the  like  occasions  throughout  the  Con- 
(juest.  The  invaders  had  embarked  in  a common 
adventure.  Their  interest  was  common,  and  to 
have  allowed  every  one  to  plunder  on  his  own  ac- 
count would  only  have  led  to  insubordination  and 
perpetual  broils.  All  were  required,  therefore,  on 
pain  of  death,  to  contribute  whatever  they  obtained, 
whether  by  bargain  or  by  rapine,  to  the  general 
stock  ; and  all  were  too  much  interested  in  the 
execution  of  the  penalty  to  allow  the  unhappy  cul- 
prit, who  violated  the  law,  any  chance  of  escape.^® 
Pizarro,  with  his  usual  policy,  sent  back  to  Pan- 
ama a large  quantity  of  the  gold,  no  less  than 
twenty  thousand  castellanos  in  value,  in  the  belief 
that  the  sight  of  so  much  treasure,  thus  speedily 

Pedro  Pizan-o,  Descub.  y de  alii  el  govemador  lo  rrepartiese, 
(^onq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  dando  a cada  uno  confforme  a su 
neral,  dec.  4,  lib.  7,  cap.  9.  persona  y meritos  de  senacios;  y 

18  “ Los  Espafioles  las  rrecoxe-  esta  horden  se  guardo  en  toda  esta 
ron  y juntaron  el  oro  y la  plata,  tierra  en  la  eonquista  della,  y al 
porque  asi  estava  mandado  y hor-  que  se  le  hallara  oro  6 plata  cscon- 
denado  sopena  de  la  vida  el  que  dido  muriera  por  ello,  y deste  medio 
otra  cossa  hiziese,  porque  todos  lo  nadie  oso  escondello.”  Pedro  Pi- 
avian  de  traer  a monton  para  que  zarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  I.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  COAST. 


323 


acquired,  would  settle  the  doubts  of  the  wavering, 
and  decide  them  on  joining  his  bannerd®  He 
judged  right.  As  one  of  the  Conquerors  piously 
expresses  it,  “ It  pleased  the  Lord  that  we  should 
fall  in  with  the  town  of  Coaque,  that  the  riches 
of  the  land  might  find  credit  with  the  people,  and 
that  they  should  flock  to  it.”^° 

Pizarro,  having  refreshed  his  men,  continued 
his  march  along  the  coast,  but  no  longer  accompa- 
nied by  the  vessels,  which  had  returned  for  recruits 
to  Panama.  The  road,  as  he  advanced,  was  check- 
ered with  strips  of  sandy  waste,  which,  drifted 
about  by  the  winds,  blinded  the  soldiers,  and  afford- 
ed only  treacherous  footing  for  man  and  beast.  The 
glare  was  intense ; and  the  rays  of  a vertical  sun 
beat  fiercely  on  the  iron  mail  and  the  thick  quilted 
doublets  of  cotton,  till  the  fainting  troops  tvere  al- 
most suffocated  with  the  heat.  To  add  to  their 
distresses,  a strange  epidemic  broke  out  in  the  little 
army.  It  took  the  form  of  ulcers,  or  rather  hideous 
warts  of  great  size,  which  covered  the  body,  and 
when  lanced,  as  was  the  case  with  some,  discharged 


The  booty  was  great,  indeed, 
if,  as  Pedro  Pizarro,  one  of  the  Con- 
querors present,  says,  it  amounted 
in  value  to  200,000  gold  Castella- 
nos. “ Aqui  se  hallo  mucha  cha- 
quira  de  oro  y de  plata,  muchas 
coronas  hechas  de  oro  a manera  de 
iraperiales,  y otras  muchas  piezas 
en  que  se  avaleo  montar  mas  de 
dozientos  mUl  Castellanos.”  (De- 
scub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  Naharro, 


Montesinos,  and  Herrera  content 
themselves  with  stating  that  he 
sent  back  20,000  Castellanos  in  the 
vessels  to  Panama. 

90  “ Fueron  a dar  en  vn  pueblo 
que  se  dezia  Coaque  que  fue  nue- 
stro  Seilor  servido  tapasen  con  el, 
porque  con  lo  que  en  el  se  hallo  se 
acredito  la  tierra  y vino  gente  a 
eUa.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 


324 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


such  a quantity  of  blood  as  proved  fatal  to  the 
sulferer.  Several  died  of  this  frightful  disorder, 
which  was  so  sudden  in  its  attack,  and  attended 
with  such  prostration  of  strength,  that  those  who 
lay  down  well  at  night  were  unable  to  lift  their 
hands  to  their  heads  in  the  morning.^*  The  epidemic, 
which  made  its  first  appearance  during  this  invasion, 
and  which  did  not  long  survive  it,  spread  over  the 
country,  sparing  neither  native  nor  white  man.^^  It 
was  one  of  those  plagues  from  the  vial  of  wrath, 
which  the  destroying  angel,  who  follows  in  the  path 
of  the  conqueror,  pours  out  on  the  devoted  nations. 

The  Spaniards  rarely  experienced  on  their  march 
either  resistance  or  annoyance  from  the  inhabitants, 
who,  instructed  by  the  example  of  Coaque,  fled 
with  their  effects  into  the  woods  and  neighbouring 
mountains.  No  one  came  out  to  welcome  the 
strangers  and  offer  the  rites  of  hospitality,  as  on 
their  last  visit  to  the  land.  For  the  white  men 
were  no  longer  regarded  as  good  beings  that  had 
come  from  heaven,  but  as  ruthless  destroyers,  who, 
invulnerable  to  the  assaults  of  the  Indians,  were 
borne  along  on  the  backs  of  fierce  animals,  swifter 
than  the  wind,  with  weapons  in  their  hands,  that 
scattered  fire  and  desolation  as  they  went.  Such 
were  the  stories  now  circulated  of  the  invaders, 
which,  preceding  them  everywhere  on  their  march, 

21  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  22  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
MS.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 2,  lib.  1,  cap.  15. 

Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,  An- 
nales,  MS.,  ano  1530. 


Ch.  I.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  COAST. 


325 


closed  the  hearts,  if  not  the  doors,  of  the  natives 
against  them.  Exhausted  by  the  fatigue  of  travel 
and  by  disease,  and  grievously  disappointed  at  the 
poverty  of  the  land,  which  now  offered  no  compen- 
sation for  their  toils,  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro  cursed 
the  hour  in  which  they  had  enlisted  under  his  stand- 
ard, and  the  men  of  Nicaragua,  in  particular,  says 
the  old  chronicler,  calling  to  mind  their  pleasant 
quarters  in  their  luxurious  land,  sighed  only  to  re- 
turn to  their  Mahometan  paradise.^^ 

At  this  juncture  the  army  was  gladdened  by  the 
sight  of  a vessel  from  Panama,  which  brought  some 
supplies,  together  with  the  royal  treasurer,  the 
veedor  or  inspector,  the  comptroller,  and  other  high 
officers  appointed  by  the  Crown  to  attend  the  expe- 
dition. They  had  been  left  in  Spain  by  Pizarro,  in 
consequence  of  his  abrupt  departure  from  the  coun- 
try ; and  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  on  learning  the 
circumstance,  had  sent  instructions  to  Panama  to 
prevent  the  sailing  of  his  squadron  from  that  port. 
But  the  Spanish  government,  with  more  wisdom, 
countermanded  the  order,  only  requiring  the  func- 
tionaries to  quicken  their  own  departure,  and  take 
their  place  without  loss  of  time  in  the  expedition. 

The  Spaniards  in  their  march  along  the  coast  had 
now  advanced  as  far  as  Puerto  Viejo.  Plere  they 

2^  “ Aunque  ellos  no  ninguno  y no  oro  ni  plata  como  atras  avian 
por  aver  venido,  porque  como  avian  hallado,  algunos  y todos  se  holga- 
dexado  el  paraiso  de  mahoma  que  ran  de  volver  de  adonde  avian 
hera  Nicaragua  y hallaron  la  isla  venido.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
ilzada  y falta  de  comidas  y la  y Conq.,  MS. 
mayor  parte  de  la  gente  enfferma 


326 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


were  soon  after  joined  by  another  small  reinforce- 
ment of  about  thirty  men,  under  an  officer  named 
Belalcazar,  who  subsequently  rose  to  high  distinc- 
tion in  this  service.  Many  of  the  followers  of  Pi- 
zarro  would  now  have  halted  at  this  spot  and  estab- 
lished a colony  there.  But  that  chief  thought  more 
of  conquering  than  of  colonizing,  at  least  for  the  pres- 
ent ; and  he  proposed,  as  his  first  step,  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Tumbez,  which  he  regarded  as  the  gate  of 
the  Peruvian  empire.  Continuing  his  march,  there- 
fore, to  the  shores  of  what  is  now  called  the  Gulf 
of  Guayaquil,  he  arrived  off  the  little  island  of 
Puna,  lying  at  no  great  distance  from  the  Bay 
of  Tumbez.  This  island,  he  thought,  would  afford 
him  a convenient  place  to  encamp  until  he  was  pre- 
pared to  make  his  descent  on  the  Indian  city. 

The  dispositions  of  the  islanders  seemed  to  favor 
his  purpose.  He  had  not  been  long  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood, before  a deputation  of  the  natives,  with 
their  cacique  at  their  head,  crossed  over  in  their 
balsas  to  the  main  land  to  welcome  the  Spaniards 
to  their  residence.  But  the  Indian  interpreters  of 
Tumbez,  who  had  returned  with  Pizarro  from  Spain, 
and  continued  with  the  camp,  put  their  master  on 
his  guard  against  the  meditated  treachery  of  the 
islanders,  whom  they  accused  of  designing  to  de- 
stroy the  Spaniards  by  cutting  the  ropes  that  held 
together  the  floats,  and  leaving  those  upon  them 
to  perish  in  the  waters.  Yet  the  cacique,  when 
charged  by  Pizarro  with  this  perfidious  scheme,  de- 
nied it  with  such  an  air  of  conscious  innocence,  that 


Ch.  I.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  COAST. 


327 


the  Spanish  commander  trusted  himself  and  his  fol- 
low^ers,  without  further  hesitation,  to  his  convey- 
ance, and  was  transported  in  safety  to  the  shores 
of  Fund. 

Here  he  was  received  in  a hospitable  manner, 
and  his  troops  were  provided  with  comfortable  quar- 
ters. Well  satisfied  with  his  present  position,  Pi- 
zarro  resolved  to  occupy  it  until  the  violence  of  the 
rainy  season  was  passed,  when  the  arrival  of  the  re- 
inforcements he  expected  would  put  him  in  better 
condition  for  marching  into  the  country  of  the  Inca. 

The  island,  which  lies  in  the  mouth  of  the  river  of 
Guayaquil,  and  is  about  eight  leagues  in  length  by 
four  in  breadth,  at  the  widest  part,  Avas  at  that  time 
partially  covered  with  a noble  growth  of  timber. 
But  a large  portion  of  it  Avas  subjected  to  cultivation, 
and  bloomed  Avith  plantations  of  cacao,  of  the  SAA'eet 
potato,  and  the  different  products  of  a tropical  clime, 
evincing  agricultural  knoAvledge  as  Avell  as  industry 
in  the  population.  They  Avere  a Avarlike  race ; 
but  had  received  from  their  Peruvian  foes  the  ap- 
pellation of  “perfidious.”  It  Avas  the  brand  fasten- 
ed by  the  Roman  historians  on  their  Carthaginian 
enemies,  — Avith  perhaps  no  better  reason.  The 
bold  and  independent  islanders  opposed  a stubborn 
resistance  to  the  arms  of  the  Incas  ; and,  though 
they  had  finally  yielded,  they  had  been  ever  since  at 
feud,  and  often  in  deadly  hostility,  AAUth  their  neigh- 
bours of  Tumbez. 

The  latter  no  sooner  heard  of  Pizarro’s  arrival  on 
the  island,  than,  trusting,  probably,  to  their  former 


328 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


friendly  relations  with  him,  they  came  over  in  some 
number  to  the  Spanish  quarters.  The  presence 
of  their  detested  rivals  was  by  no  means  grateful  to 
the  jealous  inhabitants  of  Puna,  and  the  prolonged 
residence  of  the  white  men  on  their  island  could  not 
be  otherwise  than  burdensome.  In  their  outward 
demeanour  they  still  maintained  the  same  show  of 
amity ; but  Pizarro’s  interpreters  again  put  him  on 
his  guard  against  the  proverbial  perfidy  of  their 
hosts.  With  his  suspicions  thus  roused,  the  Spanish 
commander  was  informed  that  a number  of  the 
chiefs  had  met  together  to  deliberate  on  a plan  of  in- 
surrection. Not  caring  to  wait  for  the  springing  of 
the  mine,  he  surrounded  the  place  of  meeting  with 
his  soldiers  and  made  prisoners  of  the  suspected 
chieftains.  According  to  one  authority,  they  con- 
fessed their  guilt.^  This  is  by  no  means  certain. 
Nor  is  it  certain  that  they  meditated  an  insurrection. 
Yet  the  fact  is  not  improbable  in  itself ; though  it 
derives  little  additional  jirobability  from  the  assertion 
of  the  hostile  interpreters.  It  is  certain,  however, 
that  Pizarro  was  satisfied  of  the  existence  of  a con- 
spiracy ; and,  without  further  hesitation,  he  aban- 
doned his  wretched  prisoners,  ten  or  twelve  in 
number,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  their  rivals  of 
Tumbez,  who  instantly  massacred  them  before  his 
eyes.^® 

24  Xeres,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  sasen,  les  dio  algunos  principales 

Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  183.  los  quales  ellos  matavan  en  pre- 

25  “ Y el  marques  don  Francisco  sencia  de  los  espaiioles,  cortandoles 
Pi(jarro,  por  tenellos  por  amigos  y las  cavezas  por  el  cogote.”  Pedro 
estuviesen  de  paz  quando  alia  pas-  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  I.] 


BATTLES  IN  THE  ISLE  OF  PUNi. 


329 


Maddened  by  this  outrage,  the  people  of  Puna 
sprang  to  arms,  and  threw  themselves  at  once,  with 
fearful  yells  and  the  wildest  menaces  of  despair,  on 
the  Spanish  camp.  The  odds  of  numbers  were 
greatly  in  their  favor,  for  they  mustered  several 
thousand  warriors.  But  the  more  decisive  odds  of 
arms  and  discipline  were  on  the  side  of  their  an- 
tagonists ; and,  as  the  Indians  rushed  forward  in  a 
confused  mass  to  the  assault,  the  Castilians  coolly 
received  them  on  their  long  pikes,  or  swept  them 
down  by  the  volleys  of  their  musketry.  Their  ill- 
protected  bodies  were  easily  cut  to  pieces  by  the 
sharp  sword  of  the  Spaniard  ; and  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry, 
charged  boldly  into  the  midst,  and  scattered  them 
far  and  wide  over  the  field,  until,  panic-struck  by  the 
terrible  array  of  steel-clad  horsemen,  and  the  stun- 
ning reports  and  the  flash  of  fire-arms,  the  fugitives 
sought  shelter  in  the  depths  of  their  forests.  Yet 
the  victory  was  owing,  in  some  degree,  at  least,  — 
if  we  may  credit  the  Conquerors,  — to  the  inter- 
position of  Heaven  ; for  St.  IMichael  and  his  legions 
were  seen  high  in  the  air  above  the  combatants, 
contending  with  the  arch-enemy  of  man,  and  cheer- 
ing on  the  Christians  by  their  example ! 


26  The  city  of  San  Miguel  was 
so  named  by  Pizarro  to  commemo- 
rate the  event,  — and  the  existence 
of  such  a city  may  be  considered 
by  some  as  establishing  the  truth 
of  the  miracle.  — “ En  la  batalla 
de  Puna  vieron  muchos,  ya  de  los 

VOL.  I.  42 


Indies,  ya  de  los  nuestros,  que  ha- 
bia  en  el  aire  otros  dos  campos, 
uno  acaudillado  por  el  Arcangel 
Sn  Miguel  con  espada  y rodela,  y 
otro  por  Luzbel  y sus  secuaces ; 
mas  apenas  cantaron  los  Castella- 
nos la  victoria  huyeron  los  diablos, 


330 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Not  more  than  three  or  four  Spaniards  fell  in 
the  fight ; but  many  were  wounded,  and  among 
them  Hernando  Pizarro,  who  received  a severe  inju- 
ry in  the  leg  from  a javelin.  Nor  did  the  war  end 
here ; for  the  implacable  islanders,  taking  advantage 
of  the  cover  of  night,  or  of  any  remissness  on  the 
part  of  the  invaders,  were  ever  ready  to  steal  out 
of  their  fastnesses  and  spring  on  their  enemy’s 
camp,  while,  by  cutting  off  his  straggling  parties, 
and  destroying  his  provisions,  they  kept  him  in  per- 
petual alarm. 

In  this  uncomfortable  situation,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander was  gladdened  by  the  appearance  of  two 
vessels  off  the  island.  They  brought  a reinforce- 
ment consisting  of  a hundred  volunteers  besides 
horses  for  the  cavalry.  It  was  commanded  by  Her- 
nando de  Soto,  a captain  afterwards  famous  as  the 
discoverer  of  the  Mississippi,  which  still  rolls  its 
majestic  current  over  the  place  of  his  burial,  — a 
fitting  monument  for  his  remains,  as  it  is  of  his  re- 
nown.^’’ 

This  reinforcement  w'as  most  welcome  to  Pizarro, 


y formando  un  gran  torvellino  de 
viento  se  oyeron  en  el  aire  unas 
terribles  voces  que  decian,  Venci- 
stenos  ! Miguel  vencistenos  ! De 
aqui  torno  Da  Francisco  Pizarro 
tanta  devocion  al  sto  Arcangel,  que 
prometio  llamar  la  primera  ciudad 
que  fundase  de  su  nombre  ; cum- 
pliolo  asi  como  veremos  adelante.” 
Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano 
1530. 


27  The  transactions  in  Puna  are 
given  at  more  or  less  length  by 
Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 
— Conq.  i Pol),  del  Peru,  MS. — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
MS.  — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
ubi  supra.  — Relacion  del  Primer. 
Descub.,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  pp. 
182,  183. 


Ch.  I.] 


BATTLES  IN  THE  ISLE  OF  PUNl. 


331 


who  had  been  long  discontented  with  his  position 
on  an  island,  where  he  found  nothing  to  compensate 
the  life  of  unintermitting  hostility  which  he  was 
compelled  to  lead.  With  these  recruits,  he  felt 
himself  in  sufficient  strength  to  cross  over  to  the 
continent,  and  resume  military  operations  on  the 
proper  theatre  for  discovery  and  conquest.  From 
the  Indians  of  Tumbez  he  learned  that  the  country 
had  been  for  some  time  distracted  by  a civil  war 
between  two  sons  of  the  late  monarch,  competitors 
for  the  throne.  This  intelligence  he  regarded  as  of 
the  utmost  importance,  for  he  remembered  the  use 
which  Cortes  had  made  of  similar  dissensions  among 
the  tribes  of  Anahuac.  Indeed,  Pizarro  seems  to 
have  had  the  example  of  his  great  predecessor  be- 
fore his  eyes  on  more  occasions  than  this.  But  he 
fell  far  short  of  his  model ; for,  notwithstanding  the 
restraint  he  sometimes  put  upon  himself,  his  coarser 
nature  and  more  ferocious  temper  often  betrayed 
him  into  acts  most  repugnant  to  sound  policy,  which 
would  never  have  been  countenanced  by  the  Con- 
queror of  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Peru  at  the  Time  of  the  Conquest.  — Reign  of  Huayna  Capac. 

— The  Inca  Brothers.  — Contest  for  the  Empire. — Triumph 

AND  Cruelties  of  Atahuallpa. 

Before  accompanying  the  march  of  Pizarro  and 
liis  followers  into  the  country  of  the  Incas,  it  is 
necessary  to  make  the  reader  acquainted  with  the 
critical  situation  of  the  kingdom  at  that  time.  For 
the  Spaniards  arrived  just  at  the  consummation  of 
an  important  revolution,  — at  a crisis  most  favor- 
able to  their  views  of  conquest,  and  but  for  which, 
indeed,  the  conquest,  with  such  a handful  of  sol- 
diers, could  never  have  been  achieved. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century  died 
Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui,  one  of  the  most  renowned 
of  the  “ Children  of  the  Sun,”  who,  carrying  the 
Peruvian  arms  across  the  burning  sands  of  Ataca- 
ma, penetrated  to  the  remote  borders  of  Chili, 
while  in  the  opposite  direction  he  enlarged  the 
limits  of  the  empire  by  the  acquisition  of  the  south- 
ern provinces  of  Quito.  The  war  in  this  quarter 
was  conducted  by  his  son  Huayna  Capac,  who  suc- 
ceeded his  father  on  the  throne,  and  fully  equalled 
him  in  military  daring  and  in  capacity  for  govern- 
ment. 


Ch.  II.] 


REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC. 


333 


Under  this  prince,  the  whole  of  the  powerful 
state  of  Quito,  which  rivalled  that  of  Peru  itself  in 
wealth  and  refinement,  was  brought  under  the  scep- 
tre of  the  Incas ; whose  empire  received,  by  this 
conquest,  the  most  important  accession  yet  made  to 
it  since  the  foundation  of  the  dynasty  of  Manco 
Capac.  The  remaining  days  of  the  victorious  mon- 
arch were  passed  in  reducing  the  independent  tribes 
on  the  remote  limits  of  his  territory,  and,  still  more, 
in  cementing  his  conquests  by  the  introduction  of 
the  Peruvian  polity.  He  was  actively  engaged  in 
completing  the  great  works  of  his  father,  especially 
the  high-roads  which  led  from  Quito  to  the  capital. 
He  perfected  the  establishment  of  posts,  took  great 
pains  to  introduce  the  Quichua  dialect  throughout 
the  empire,  promoted  a better  system  of  agriculture, 
and,  in  fine,  encouraged  the  different  branches  of 
domestic  industry  and  the  various  enlightened  plans 
of  his  predecessors  for  the  improvement  of  his  peo- 
ple. Under  his  sway,  the  Peruvian  monarchy  reach- 
ed its  most  palmy  state  ; and  under  both  him  and 
his  illustrious  father  it  was  advancing  with  such 
rapid  strides  in  the  march  of  civilization  as  would 
soon  have  carried  it  to  a level  with  the  more  refined 
despotisms  of  Asia,  furnishing  the  world,  perhaps, 
with  higher  evidence  of  the  capabilities  of  the 
American  Indian  than  is  elsewhere  to  be  found 
on  the  great  western  continent.  — But  other  and 
gloomier  destinies  were  in  reserve  for  the  Indian 
races. 

The  first  arrival  of  the  white  men  on  the  South 


334 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


American  shores  of  the  Pacific  was  about  ten  years 
before  the  death  of  Huayna  Capac,  when  Balboa 
crossed  the  Gulf  of  St.  Michael,  and  obtained  the 
lirst  clear  report  of  the  empire  of  the  Incas.  Wheth- 
er tidings  of  these  adventurers  reached  the  Indian 
monarch’s  ears  is  doubtful.  There  is  no  doubt, 
however,  that  he  obtained  the  news  of  the  lh*st  ex- 
pedition under  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  when  the  lat- 
ter commander  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Rio  de  San 
Juan,  about  the  fourth  degree  north.  The  accounts 
which  he  received  made  a strong  impression  on  the 
mind  of  Huayna  Capac.  He  discerned  in  the  for- 
midable prowess  and  weapons  of  the  invaders  proofs 
of  a civilization  far  superior  to  that  of  his  own 
people.  He  intimated  his  apprehension  that  they 
would  return,  and  that  at  some  day,  not  far  distant, 
perhaps,  the  throne  of  the  Incas  might  be  shaken 
by  these  strangers,  endowed  with  such  incompre- 
hensible powers.*  To  the  vulgar  eye,  it  was  a 
little  speck  on  the  verge  of  the  horizon  ; but  that 
of  the  sagacious  monarch  seemed  to  descry  in  it  the 
dark  thunder-cloud,  that  was  to  spread  wider  and 
wider  till  it  burst  in  fury  on  his  nation  ! 

There  is  some  ground  for  believing  thus  much. 
But  other  accounts,  which  have  obtained  a popular 
currency,  not  content  with  this,  connect  the  first 
tidings  of  the  white  men  with  predictions  long 
extant  in  the  country,  and  with  supernatural  ap- 
pearances, which  filled  the  hearts  of  the  whole 

1 Sarmiento,  an  honest  author-  of  the  Inca  lords  who  heard  it. 
ity,  tells  us  he  had  this  from  some  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65. 


Ch.  II  ] 


REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC. 


335 


nation  with  dismay.  Comets  were  seen  flaming 
athwart  the  heavens.  Earthquakes  shook  the  land  ; 
the  moon  was  girdled  with  rings  of  fire  of  many 
colors  ; a thunderbolt  fell  on  one  of  the  royal  pal- 
aces and  consumed  it  to  ashes  ; and  an  eagle,  chased 
by  several  hawks,  was  seen,  screaming  in  the  air, 
to  hover  above  the  great  square  of  Cuzco,  when, 
pierced  by  the  talons  of  his  tormentors,  the  king  of 
birds  fell  lifeless  in  the  presence  of  many  of  the 
Inca  nobles,  who  read  in  this  an  augury  of  their 
own  destruction  ! Huayna  Capac  himself,  calling 
his  great  officers  around  him,  as  he  found  he  was 
drawing  near  his  end,  announced  the  subversion  of 
his  empire  by  the  race  of  white  and  bearded  stran- 
gers, as  the  consummation  predicted  by  the  oracles 
after  the  reign  of  the  twelfth  Inca,  and  he  enjoined 
it  on  his  vassals  not  to  resist  the  decrees  of  Heaven, 
but  to  yield  obedience  to  its  messengers.^ 

Such  is  the  report  of  the  impressions  made  by 
the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  country,  re- 
minding one  of  the  similar  feelings  of  superstitious 
terror  occasioned  by  their  appearance  in  Mexico. 
But  the  traditions  of  the  latter  land  rest  on  much 

2 A minute  relation  of  these  su-  desire  to  magnify  and  mystify  every 
pernatural  occurrences  is  given  by  thing  relating  to  his  own  order,  and, 
the  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  indeed,  his  nation.  His  work  is 
(Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  the  source  of  most  of  the  facts  — 
14,)  whose  situation  opened  to  and  the  falsehoods  — that  have  ob- 
him  the  very  best  sources  of  in-  tained  circulation  in  respect  to  the 
formation,  which  is  more  than  ancient  Peruvians.  Unfortunately, 
counterbalanced  by  the  defects  in  at  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  not 
his  own  character  as  an  historian,  always  easy  to  distinguish  the  one 
— his  childish  credulity,  and  his  from  the  other. 


336 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


higher  authority  than  those  of  the  Peruvians,  vv^hich, 
unsujiported  by  contemporary  testimony,  rest  almost 
wholly  on  the  naked  assertion  of  one  of  their  own 
nation,  who  thought  to  find,  doubtless,  in  the  inevi- 
table decrees  of  Heaven,  the  best  apology  for  the 
supineness  of  his  countrymen. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  rumors  of  the  advent 
of  a strange  and  mysterious  race  should  have  spread 
gradually  among  the  Indian  tribes  along  the  great 
table-land  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  should  have  shak- 
en the  hearts  of  the  stoutest  warriors  with  feelings 
of  undefined  dread,  as  of  some  impending  calamity. 
In  this  state  of  mind,  it  was  natural  that  physical 
convulsions,  to  which  that  volcanic  country  is  pecu- 
liarly subject,  should  have  made  an  unwonted  im- 
pression on  their  minds ; and  that  the  phenomena, 
which  might  have  been  regarded  only  as  extraor- 
dinary, in  the  usual  seasons  of  political  security, 
should  now  be  interpreted  by  the  superstitious  sooth- 
sayer as  the  handwriting  on  the  heavens,  by  which 
the  God  of  the  Incas  proclaimed  the  approaching 
downfall  of  their  empire. 

Huayna  Capac  had,  as  usual  with  the  Peruvian 
princes,  a multitude  of  concubines,  by  whom  he  left 
a numerous  posterity.  The  heir  to  the  crown,  the 
son  of  his  lawful  wife  and  sister,  was  named  Huas- 
car.^  At  the  period  of  the  history  at  which  we  are 

3 Hvaacar,  in  the  Quichiia  clia-  Capac  celebrated  the  birth  of  the 
lect,  signifies  “ a cable.”  Therea-  prince  by  a festival,  in  which  he 
son  of  its  being  given  to  the  heir  introduced  a massive  gold  chain  for 
apparent  is  remarkable.  Huayna  the  nobles  to  hold  in  their  hands 


Ch.  IL] 


REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC. 


337 


now  arrived,  he  was  about  thirty  years  of  age. 
Next  to  the  heir-apparent,  by  another  wife,  a cousin 
of  the  monarch’s,  came  Manco  Capac,  a young 
prince  who  will  occupy  an  important  place  in  our 
subsequent  story.  But  the  best-beloved  of  the  In- 
ca’s children  was  Atahuallpa.  His  mother  was  the 
daughter  of  the  last  Scyri  of  Quito,  who  had  died 
of  grief,  it  was  said,  not  long  after  the  subversion 
of  his  kingdom  by  Huayna  Capac.  The  princess 
was  beautiful,  and  the  Inca,  whether  to  gratify 
his  passion,  or,  as  the  Peruvians  say,  willing  to 
make  amends  for  the  ruin  of  her  parents,  received 
her  among  his  concubines.  The  historians  of  Quito 
assert  that  she  was  his  lawful  wife ; but  this  dig- 
nity, according  to  the  usages  of  the  empire,  was 
reserved  for  maidens  of  the  Inca  blood. 

The  latter  years  of  Huayna  Capac  were  passed 
in  his  new  kingdom  of  Quito.  Atahuallpa  was 
accordingly  brought  up  under  his  own  eye,  accom- 
panied him,  while  in  his  tender  years,  in  his  cam- 
paigns, slept  in  the  same  tent  with  his  royal  father, 
and  ate  from  the  same  plate. ^ The  vivacity  of  the 


as  they  performed  their  national 
dances.  The  chain  was  seven  hun- 
dred feet  in  length,  and  the  links 
nearly  as  big  round  as  a man's 
wrist!  (See  Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  14.  — Garcilasso, 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap. 
1.)  The  latter  writer  had  the  par- 
ticulars, he  tells  us,  from  his  old 
Inca  uncle,  — who  seems  to  have 
dealt  largely  in  the  marvellous  ; 
not  too  largely  for  his  audience, 

VOL.  I.  43 


however,  as  the  story  has  been 
greedily  circulated  by  most  of  the 
Castilian  writers,  both  of  that  and 
of  the  succeeding  age. 

^ “ Atabalipa  era  bien  quisto  de 
los  Capitanes  viejos  de  su  Padre  y 
de  los  Soldados,  porque  andubo  en 
la  guerra  en  su  niuez  y porque  el 
en  vida  le  mostro  tanto  amor  que 
no  le  dejaba  comer  otra  cosa  que 
lo  que  el  le  daba  de  su  plato.” 
Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  66. 


338 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


boy,  his  courage  and  generous  nature,  won  the  affec- 
tions of  the  old  monarch  to  such  a degree,  that  he 
resolved  to  depart  from  the  established  usages  of  the 
realm,  and  divide  his  empire  between  him  and  his 
elder  brother  Huascar.  On  his  death-bed,  he  called 
the  great  officers  of  the  crown  around  him,  and  de- 
clared it  to  be  his  will  that  the  ancient  kingdom 
of  Quito  should  pass  to  Atahuallpa,  who  might  be 
considered  as  having  a natural  claim  on  it,  as  the 
dominion  of  his  ancestors.  The  rest  of  the  empire 
he  settled  on  Huascar ; and  he  enjoined  it  on  the 
two  brothers  to  acquiesce  in  this  arrangement,  and 
to  live  in  amity  with  each  other.  This  was  the  last 
act  of  the  heroic  monarch  ; doubtless,  the  most  im- 
politic of  his  whole  life.  With  his  dying  breath  he 
subverted  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  empire ; and, 
while  he  recommended  harmony  between  the  suc- 
cessors to  his  authority,  he  left  in  this  very  division 
of  it  the  seeds  of  inevitable  discord.^ 

His  death  took  place,  as  seems  probable,  at  the 
close  of  1525,  not  quite  seven  years  before  Pizar- 
ro’s  arrival  at  Puna.®  The  tidings  of  his  decease 


5 Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  1,  lib.  8,  cap.  9. — 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  l,cap. 
12. — Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
cap.  65.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  201. 

6 The  preeise  date  of  this  event, 
though  so  near  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  is  matter  of  doubt.  Bal- 
boa, a contemporary  with  the  Con- 
querors, and  who  wrote  at  Quito, 
where  the  Inca  died,  fixes  it  at 


1525.  (Hist,  du  Perou,  chap.  14.) 
Velasco,  another  inhabitant  of  the 
same  place,  after  an  investigation 
of  the  different  accounts,  comes  to 
the  like  conclusion.  (Hist,  de  Qui- 
to, tom.  I.  p.  232.)  Dr.  Robertson, 
after  telling  us  that  Huayna  Capac 
died  in  1529,  speaks  again  of  this 
event  as  having  happened  in  1527. 
(Conf.  America,  vol.  HI.  pp.  25, 
381.)  Any  one,  who  has  been 
bewildered  by  the  chronological 


Ch.  II.] 


REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC. 


339 


spread  sorrow  and  consternation  throughout  the 
land ; for,  though  stern  and  even  inexorable  to  the 
rebel  and  the  long-resisting  foe,  he  was  a brave 
and  magnanimous  monarch,  and  legislated  with 
the  enlarged  views  of  a prince  who  regarded  every 
part  of  his  dominions  as  equally  his  concern.  The 
people  of  Quito,  flattered  by  the  proofs  which  he 
had  given  of  preference  for  them  by  his  perma- 
nent residence  in  that  country,  and  his  embellish- 
ment of  their  capital,  manifested  unfeigned  sorrow  at 
his  loss;  and  his  subjects  at  Cuzco,  proud  of  the' 
glory  which  his  arms  and  his  abilities  had  secured 
for  his  native  land,  held  him  in  no  less  admira- 
tion while  the  more  thoughtful  and  the  more 
timid,  in  both  countries,  looked  with  apprehension 
to  the  future,  Avhen  the  sceptre  of  the  vast  empire, 
instead  of  being  swayed  by  an  old  and  experienced 
hand,  was  to  be  consigned  to  rival  princes,  naturally 
jealous  of  one  another,  and,  from  their  age,  neces- 
sarily exposed  to  the  unwholesome  influence  of 
crafty  and  ambitious  counsellors.  The  people  testi- 
fied their  regret  by  the  unwonted  honors  paid  to  the 
memory  of  the  deceased  Inca.  His  heart  was  re- 
tained in  Quito,  and  his  body,  embalmed  after  the 
fashion  of  the  country,  was  transported  to  Cuzco, 

snarl  of  the  ancient  chronicles,  will  part  of  his  subjects,  at  least,  if,  as 
not  be  surprised  at  meeting  occa-  the  historian  of  the  Incas  tells  us, 
sionally  with  such  inconsistencies  “ he  was  never  known  to  refuse  a 
in  a writer  who  is  obliged  to  take  woman,  of  whatever  age  or  degree 
them  as  his  guides.  she  might  be,  any  favor  that  she 

One  cannot  doubt  this  mon-  asked  of  him  ” ! Com.  Real., 
arch’s  popularity  with  the  female  Parte  1,  hb.  8,  cap.  7. 


34>0 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


to  take  its  place  in  the  great  temple  of  the  Sun,  by 
the  side  of  the  remains  of  his  royal  ancestors.  His 
obsequies  were  celebrated  with  sanguinary  splendor 
in  both  the  capitals  of  his  far-extended  empire ; 
and  several  thousand  of  the  imperial  concubines, 
with  numerous  pages  and  officers  of  the  palace,  are 
said  to  have  proved  their  sorrow,  or  their  super- 
stition, by  offering  up  their  own  lives,  that  they 
might  accompany  their  departed  lord  to  the  bright 
mansions  of  the  Sun.® 

For  nearly  five  years  after  the  death  of  Huayna 
Capac,  the  royal  brothers  reigned,  each  over  his  al- 
lotted portion  of  the  empire,  without  distrust  of  one 
another,  or,  at  least,  without  collision.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  wish  of  their  father  was  to  be  completely 
realized,  and  that  the  two  states  were  to  maintain 
their  respective  integrity  and  independence  as  much 
as  if  they  had  never  been  united  into  one.  But, 
with  the  manifold  causes  for  jealousy  and  discontent, 
and  the  swarms  of  courtly  sycophants,  who  would 
find  their  account  in  fomenting  these  feelings,  it 
was  easy  to  see  that  this  tranquil  state  of  things 
could  not  long  endure.  Nor  would  it  have  endured 
so  long,  but  for  the  more  gentle  temper  of  Huascar, 
the  only  party  who  had  ground  for  complaint.  He 
was  four  or  five  years  older  than  his  brother,  and  was 
possessed  of  courage  not  to  be  doubted ; but  he  was 
a prince  of  a generous  and  easy  nature,  and  perhaps, 
if  left  to  himself,  might  have  acquiesced  in  an  ar- 

® Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  17. 


Ch.  II.] 


THE  INCA  BROTHERS. 


341 


rangement  which,  however  unpalatable,  was  the 
will  of  his  deified  father.  But  Atahuallpa  was  of  a 
different  temper.  Warlike,  ambitious,  and  daring, 
he  was  constantly  engaged  in  enterprises  for  the 
enlargement  of  his  own  territory,  though  his  crafty 
policy  was  scrupulous  not  to  aim  at  extending  his 
acquisitions  in  the  direction  of  his  royal  brother. 
His  restless  spirit,  however,  excited  some  alarm  at 
the  court  of  Cuzco,  and  Huascar,  at  length,  sent 
an  envoy  to  Atahuallpa,  to  remonstrate  with  him  on 
his  ambitious  enterprises,  and  to  require  him  to  ren- 
der him  homage  for  his  kingdom  of  Quito. 

This  is  one  statement.  Other  accounts  pretend 
that  the  immediate  cause  of  rupture  was  a claim 
instituted  by  Huascar  for  the  territory  of  Tume- 
bamba,  held  by  his  brother  as  part  of  his  patrimonial 
inheritance.  It  matters  little  what  was  the  osten- 
sible ground  of  collision  between  persons  placed 
by  circumstances  in  so  false  a position  in  regard  to 
one  another,  that  collision  must,  at  some  time  or 
other,  inevitablv  occur. 

The  commencement,  and,  indeed,  the  whole 
course,  of  hostilities  which  soon  broke  out  between 
the  rival  brothers  are  stated  with  irreconcilable, 
and,  considering  the  period  was  so  near  to  that 
of  the  Spanish  invasion,  with  unaccountable  dis- 
crepancy. By  some  it  is  said,  that,  in  Atahuallpa’s 
first  encounter  with  the  troops  of  Cuzco,  he  was 
defeated  and  made  prisoner  near  Tumebamba,  a 
favorite  residence  of  his  father  in  the  ancient  terri- 
tory of  Quito,  and  in  the  district  of  Canaris.  From 


342  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Book  III. 

this  disaster  he  recovered  by  a fortunate  escape  from 
confinement,  when,  regaining  his  capital,  he  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  a numerous  army, 
led  by  the  most  able  and  experienced  captains  in 
the  empire.  The  liberal  manners  of  the  young 
Atahuallpa  had  endeared  him  to  the  soldiers,  with 
whom,  as  we  have  seen,  he  served  more  than  one 
campaign  in  his  father’s  lifetime.  These  troops 
were  the  flower  of  the  great  army  of  the  Inca,  and 
some  of  them  had  grown  gray  in  his  long  military 
career,  which  had  left  them  at  the  north,  where 
they  readily  transferred  their  allegiance  to  the  young 
sovereign  of  Quito.  They  were  commanded  by 
two  officers  of  great  consideration,  both  possessed 
of  large  experience  in  military  affairs,  and  high  in 
the  confidence  of  the  late  Inca.  One  of  them  was 
named  Quizquiz  ; the  other,  who  was  the  maternal 
uncle  of  Atahuallpa,  was  called  Chalicuchima. 

With  these  practised  w'arriors  to  guide  him,  the 
young  monarch  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  mar- 
tial array,  and  directed  his  march  towards  the  south. 
He  had  not  advanced  farther  than  Ambato,  about 
sixty  miles  distant  from  his  capital,  when  he  fell  in 
with  a numerous  host,  which  had  been  sent  against 
him  by  his  brother,  under  the  command  of  a distin- 
guished chieftain,  of  the  Inca  family.  A bloody 
battle  followed,  which  lasted  the  greater  part  of  the 
day ; and  the  theatre  of  combat  was  the  skirts  of  the 
mighty  Chimborazo. “ 


9 Garcilasso  denies  that  any  thing  place  before  the  decisive  action 
but  insignificant  skirmishes  took  fought  on  the  plains  of  Cuzco. 


Ch.  II.] 


CONTEST  FOR  THE  EMPIRE. 


343 


The  battle  ended  favorably  for  Atahuallpa,  and 
the  Peruvians  were  routed  with  great  slaughter,  and 
the  loss  of  their  commander.  The  prince  of  Quito 
availed  himself  of  his  advantage  to  push  forward 
his  march  until  he  arrived  before  the  gates  of  Tu- 
mebamba,  which  city,  as  well  as  the  whole  district 
of  Canaris,  though  an  ancient  dependency  of  Quito, 
had  sided  with  his  rival  in  the  contest.  Entering 
the  captive  city  like  a conqueror,  he  put  the  inhabi- 
tants to  the  sword,  and  razed  it  with  all  its  stately 
edifices,  some  of  which  had  been  reared  by  his  own 
father,  to  the  ground.  He  carried  on  the  same  war 
of  extermination,  as  he  marched  through  the  of- 
fending district  of  Canaris.  In  some  places,  it  is 
said,  the  women  and  children  came  out,  with  green 
branches  in  their  hands,  in  melancholy  procession, 
to  deprecate  his  wrath ; but  the  vindictive  con- 
queror, deaf  to  their  entreaties,  laid  the  country 
waste  with  fire  and  sword,  sparing  no  man  capable 
of  bearing  arms  who  fell  into  his  hands. 


Bui  the  Licentiate  Sarmiento,  who 
gathered  his  accounts  of  these 
events,  as  he  teUs  us,  from  the 
actors  in  them,  walked  over  the 
field  of  battle  at  Ambato,  when 
the  ground  was  still  covered  with 
the  bones  of  the  slain.  “ Yo  he 
pasado  por  este  Pueblo  y he  visto 
el  Lugar  donde  dicen  que  esta  Ba- 
talla  se  dio  y cierto  segun  hay  la 
osamenta  devieron  aun  de  morir 
mas  gente  de  la  que  cuentan.” 
Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  69. 

10  “ Cuentan  muchos  Indies  a 


quien  yo  lo  oi,  que  por  amansar 
su  ira,  mandaron  a un  escuadron 
grande  de  niiios  y a otro  de  hom- 
bres  de  toda  edad,  que  saUesen 
hasta  las  ricas  andas  donde  venia 
con  gran  pompa,  llevando  en  las 
manos  ramos  verdes  y ojas  de 
palma,  y que  le  pidiesen  la  gracia 
y amistad  suya  para  el  pueblo,  sin 
mirar  la  injuria  pasada,  y que  en 
tantos  clamores  se  lo  suplicaron,  y 
con  tanta  humiJdad,  que  bastara 
quebrantar  corazones  de  piedra ; 
mas  poca  impresion  hicieron  en  el 


344 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


The  fate  of  Canaris  struck  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  his  enemies,  and  one  place  after  another  open- 
ed its  gates  to  the  victor,  who  held  on  his  trium- 
phant march  towards  the  Peruvian  capital.  His 
arms  experienced  a temporary  check  before  the 
island  of  Puna,  whose  bold  warriors  maintained 
the  cause  of  his  brother.  After  some  days  lost 
before  this  place,  Atahuallpa  left  the  contest  to  their 
old  enemies,  the  people  of  Tumbez,  who  had  early 
given  in  their  adhesion  to  him,  while  he  resumed 
his  march  and  advanced  as  far  as  Caxamalca,  about 
seven  degrees  south.  Here  he  halted  with  a de- 
tachment of  the  army,  sending  forward  the  main 
body  under  the  command  of  his  two  generals,  with 
orders  to  move  straight  upon  Cuzco.  He  preferred 
not  to  trust  himself  farther  in  the  enemy’s  country, 
where  a defeat  might  be  fatal.  By  establishing  his 
quarters  at  Caxamalca,  he  would  be  able  to  sup- 
port his  generals,  in  case  of  a reverse,  or,  at  worst, 
to  secure  his  retreat  on  Quito,  until  he  was  again 
in  condition  to  renew  hostilities. 

The  two  commanders,  advancing  by  rapid  march- 
es, at  length  crossed  the  Apurimac  river,  and  arrived 
within  a short  distance  of  the  Peruvian  capital.  — 
Meanwhile,  Huascar  had  not  been  idle.  On  re- 
ceiving tidings  of  the  discomfiture  of  his  army  at 
Ambato,  he  made  every  exertion  to  raise  levies 


cruel  de  Atabalipa,  porque  dicen  no  perdonando  sino  a algunos  niiios 
que  mando  a sus  capitanes  y gentes  y a las  mugeres  sagradas  del  Tem- 
que  matasen  a todos  aquellos  que  plo.”  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS., 
habian  venido,  lo  cual  fue  hecho,  cap.  70. 


Ch.  II  ] 


CONTEST  FOR  THE  EMPIRE. 


345 


throughout  the  country.  By  the  advice,  it  is  said, 
of  his  priests  — the  most  incompetent  advisers  in 
times  of  danger  — he  chose  to  await  the  approach 
of  the  enemy  in  his  own  capital ; and  it  was  not 
till  the  latter  had  arrived  within  a few  leagues  of 
Cuzco,  that  the  Inca,  taking  counsel  of  the  same 
ghostly  monitors,  sallied  forth  to  give  him  battle. 

The  two  armies  met  on  the  plains  of  Quipaypan, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Indian  metropolis. 
Their  numbers  are  stated  with  the  usual  discre- 
pancy ; but  Atahuallpa’s  troops  had  considerably 
the  advantage  in  discipline  and  experience,  for 
many  of  Huascar’s  levies  had  been  drawn  hastily 
together  from  the  surrounding  country.  Both 
fought,  however,  with  the  desperation  of  men  who 
felt  that  every  thing  was  at  stake.  It  was  no  longer 
a contest  for  a province,  but  for  the  possession  of 
an  empire.  Atahuallpa’s  troops,  flushed  with  re- 
cent success,  fought  with  the  confidence  of  those 
who  relied  on  their  superior  prowess ; while  the 
loyal  vassals  of  the  Inca  displayed  all  the  self-de- 
votion of  men  who  held  their  own  lives  cheap  in 
the  service  of  their  master. 

The  fight  raged  with  the  greatest  obstinacy  from 
sunrise  to  sunset ; and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
heaps  of  the  dying  and  the  dead,  whose  bones  lay 
bleaching  on  the  battle-field  long  after  the  conquest 
by  the  Spaniards.  At  length,  fortune  declared  in 
favor  of  Atahuallpa;  or  rather,  the  usual  result  of 
superior  discipline  and  military  practice  followed. 
The  ranks  of  the  Inca  were  thrown  into  irretriev- 


VOL.  I. 


44 


346 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


able  disorder,  and  gave  way  in  all  directions.  The 
conquerors  followed  close  on  the  heels  of  the  fly- 
ing. Huascar  himself,  among  the  latter,  endeav- 
oured to  make  his  escape  with  about  a thousand 
men  who  remained  round  his  person.  But  the  royal 
fugitive  was  discovered  before  he  had  left  the  field  ; 
his  little  party  was  enveloped  by  clouds  of  the  ene- 
my, and  nearly  every  one  of  the  devoted  band  per- 
ished in  defence  of  their  Inca.  Huascar  was  made 
prisoner,  and  the  victorious  chiefs  marched  at  once 
on  his  capital,  wdiich  they  occupied  in  the  name  of 
their  sovereign. “ 

These  events  occurred  in  the  spring  of  1532,  a 
few  months  before  the  landing  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  tidings  of  the  success  of  his  arms  and  the 
capture  of  his  unfortunate  brother  reached  Atahu- 
allpa  at  Caxamalca.  He  instantly  gave  orders  that 
Huascar  should  be  treated  with  the  respect  due  to 
his  rank,  but  that  he  should  be  removed  to  the 
strong  fortress  of  Xauxa,  and  held  there  in  strict 
confinement.  His  orders  did  not  stop  here,  — if  we 
are  to  receive  the  accounts  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
himself  of  the  Inca  race,  and  by  his  mother’s  side 
nephew  of  the  great  Huayna  Capac. 

According  to  this  authority,  Atahuallpa  invited  the 
Inca  nobles  throughout  the  country  to  assemble  at 
Cuzco,  in  order  to  deliberate  on  the  best  means 

n Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  12.  — 
77.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap. 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  9.  — 70.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Bar-  Conq.,  MS. 
cia,  tom.  HI.  p.  202.  — Zarate, 


Ch.  II  ] TRIUMPH  AND  CRUELTIES  OF  ATAHUALLPA.  347 

of  partitioning  the  empire  between  him  and  his 
brother.  When  they  had  met  in  the  capital,  they 
were  surrounded  by  the  soldiery  of  Quito,  and 
butchered  without  mercy.  The  motive  for  this  per- 
fidious act  was  to  exterminate  the  whole  of  the 
royal  family,  who  might  each  one  of  them  show  a 
better  title  to  the  crown  than  the  illegitimate  Ata- 
huallpa.  But  the  massacre  did  not  end  here.  The 
illegitimate  offspring,  like  liimself,  half-brothers  of 
the  monster,  all,  in  short,  who  had  any  of  the  Inca 
blood  in  their  veins,  were  involved  in  it ; and  with 
an  appetite  for  carnage  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  the  Roman  Empire  or  of  the  French  Republic, 
Atahuallpa  ordered  all  the  females  of  the  blood 
royal,  his  aunts,  nieces,  and  cousins,  to  be  put  to 
death,  and  that,  too,  with  the  most  refined  and  lin- 
gering tortures.  To  give  greater  zest  to  his  re- 
venge, many  of  the  executions  took  place  in  the 
presence  of  Huascar  himself,  who  was  thus  com- 
pelled to  witness  the  butchery  of  his  own  wives  and 
sisters,  while,  in  the  extremity  of  anguish,  they  in 
vain  called  on  him  to  protect  them  ! 

Such  is  the  tale  told  by  the  historian  of  the 

12  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  por  la  honestidad  se  callan  : da- 
1,  lib.  9,  cap.  35-39.  vanles  sus  hijuelos,  que  los  tuvie- 

“ A las  Mug-eres,  Hermanas,  sen  en  braqos,  tenianlos  hasta  que 
Tias,  Sobrinas,  Primas  Hermanas,  se  les  caian,  y se  aporreavan.” 
y Madrastras  de  Atahuallpa,  col-  (Ibid.,  cap.  37.)  The  variety  of 
gavan  de  los  Arboles,  y de  muchas  torture  shows  some  invention  in 
Horcas  mui  altas  que  hicieron : a the  writer,  or,  more  probably,  in 
unas  colgaron  de  los  cabellos,  a the  writer’s  uncle,  the  ancient 
otras  por  debajo  de  los  braqos,  y a Inca,  the  raconteur  of  these  Blue- 
otras  de  otras  maneras  feas,  que  beard  butcheries. 


348 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Incas,  and  received  by  him,  as  he  assures  us,  from 
his  mother  and  uncle,  who,  being  children  at  the 
time,  were  so  fortunate  as  to  be  among  the  few 
that  escaped  the  massacre  of  their  housed^  And 
such  is  the  account  repeated  by  many  a Castilian 
writer  since,  without  any  symptom  of  distrust.  But 
a tissue  of  unprovoked  atrocities  like  these  is  too 
repugnant  to  the  principles  of  human  nature, — 
and,  indeed,  to  common  sense,  to  warrant  our  be- 
lief in  them  on  ordinary  testimony. 

The  annals  of  semi-civilized  nations  unhappily 
show  that  there  have  been  instances  of  similar  at- 
tempts to  extinguish  the  whole  of  a noxious  race, 
which  had  become  the  object  of  a tyrant’s  jealousy ; 
though  such  an  attempt  is  about  as  chimerical  as 
it  would  be  to  extirpate  any  particular  species  of 
plant,  the  seeds  of  which  had  been  borne  on  every 
wind  over  the  country.  But,  if  the  attempt  to  ex- 
terminate the  Inca  race  was  actually  made  by  Ata- 
huallpa,  how  comes  it  that  so  many  of  the  pure 
descendants  of  the  blood  royal  — nearly  six  hundred 
in  number — are  admitted  by  the  historian  to  have 
been  in  existence  seventy  years  after  the  imputed 
massacre  ? Why  was  the  massacre,  instead  of 


13  “ Las  crueldades,  que  Ata- 
huallpa  en  los  de  la  Sangre  Real 
hiqo,  dire  de  Relacion  de  mi  Ma- 
dre,  y de  uii  Hermano  suio,  que  se 
llamo  Don  Fernando  Huallpa  Tu- 
pac Inca  Yupanqui,  que  entonces 
eran  Ninos  de  menosde  diez  Anos.” 
Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  14. 


14  This  appears  from  a petition 
for  certain  immunities,  forwarded 
to  Spain  in  1603,  and  signed  by  five 
hundred  and  sixty-seven  Indians 
of  the  royal  Inca  race.  (Ibid., 
Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  40.)  Oviedo 
says  that  Huayna  Capac  left  a 
hundred  sons  and  daughters,  and 


Ch.  II.]  TRIUMPH  AND  CRUELTIES  OF  ATAHUALLPA.  349 

being  limited  to  the  legitimate  members  of  the  royal 
stock,  who  could  show  a better  title  to  the  crowm 
than  the  usurper,  extended  to  all,  however  remotely, 
or  in  whatever  way,  connected  with  the  race  ? 
Why  were  aged  women  and  young  maidens  involved 
in  the  proscription,  and  why  were  they  subjected  to 
such  refined  and  superfluous  tortures,  when  it  is 
obvious  that  beings  so  impotent  could  have  done 
nothing  to  provoke  the  jealousy  of  the  tyrant? 
Why,  when  so  many  were  sacrificed  from  some 
vague  apprehension  of  distant  danger,  was  his  rival 
Huascar,  together  with  his  younger  brother  Manco 
Capac,  the  two  men  from  whom  the  conqueror  had 
most  to  fear,  suffered  to  live  ? Why,  in  short,  is  the 
wonderful  tale  not  recorded  by  others  before  the 
time  of  Garcilasso,  and  nearer  by  half  a century  to 
the  events  themselves  ? 

That  Atahuallpa  may  have  been  guilty  of  ex- 
cesses, and  abused  the  rights  of  conquest  by  some 
gratuitous  acts  of  cruelty,  may  be  readily  believed ; 
for  no  one,  who  calls  to  mind  his  treatment  of  the 
Canaris,  — which  his  own  apologists  do  not  affect 
to  deny,*® — will  doubt  that  he  had  a full  measure 
of  the  vindictive  temper  which  belongs  to 


that  most  of  them  were  alive  at  the 
time  of  his  loriting.  “ Tube  cien 
hijos  y hijas,  y la  mayor  parte  de 
ellos  son  vivos,”  Hist,  de  las  In- 
dias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  9. 

I have  looked  in  vain  for  some 
confirmation  of  this  story  in  Oviedo, 
Sarmiento,  Xerez,  Cieza  de  Leon, 
Zarate,  Pedro  Pizarro,  Gomara,  — 


aU  living  at  the  time,  and  having 
access  to  the  best  sources  of  in- 
formation ; and  all,  it  may  be 
added,  disposed  to  do  stem  justice 
to  the  evil  qualities  of  the  Indian 
monarch. 

16  No  one  of  the  apologists  of 
Atahuallpa  goes  quite  so  far  as 
Father  Velasco,  who,  in  the  over- 


350 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


“ Those  souls  of  fire,  and  Children  of  the  Sun, 

With  whom  revenge  was  virtue.” 

But  there  is  a wide  difference  between  this  and 
the  monstrous  and  most  unprovoked  atrocities  im- 
puted to  him ; implying  a diabolical  nature  not  to 
be  admitted  on  the  evidence  of  an  Indian  partisan, 
the  sworn  foe  of  his  house,  and  repeated  by  Castil- 
ian chroniclers,  who  may  naturally  seek,  by  blazon- 
ing the  enormities  of  Atahuallpa,  to  find  some  apol- 
ogy for  the  cruelty  of  their  countrymen  towards 
him. 

The  news  of  the  great  victory  was  borne  on  the 
wings  of  the  wind  to  Caxamalca  ; and  loud  and 
long  was  the  rejoicing,  not  only  in  the  camp  of  Ata- 
huallpa, but  in  the  town  and  surrounding  country; 
for  all  now  came  in,  eager  to  offer  their  congratula- 
tions to  the  victor,  and  do  him  homage.  The  prince 
of  Quito  no  longer  hesitated  to  assume  the  scarlet 
borla,  the  diadem  of  the  Incas.  His  triumph  was 
complete.  He  had  beaten  his  enemies  on  their  own 
ground  ; had  taken  their  capital  ; had  set  his  foot 
on  the  neck  of  his  rival,  and  won  for  himself  the 
ancient  sceptre  of  the  Children  of  the  Sun.  But 
the  hour  of  triumph  was  destined  to  be  that  of  his 
deepest  humiliation.  Atahuallpa  was  not  one  of 
those  to  whom,  in  the  language  of  the  Grecian 

flowings  of  his  loyalty  for  a Quito  Constances  qu’ Atahuallpa  et  avaient 
monarch,  regards  Ids  massacre  of  eprouve  autant  d ’offenses  graves  et 
the  Caiiares  as  a very  fair  retribu-  de  trahisons,  je  ne  croirai  jamais 
tion  for  their  offences.  “Si  les  qu’ils  eussent  agi  autrement”! 
auteurs  dont  je  viens  de  parler  Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  I.  p.  253. 
s’etaient  trouves  dans  les  memes  cir- 


Ch.  II.]  TRIUMPH  AND  CRUELTIES  OF  ATAHUALLPA.  351 

bard,  “ the  Gods  are  willing  to  reveal  themselves.”'’’ 
He  had  not  read  the  handwriting  on  the  heavens. 
The  small  speck,  which  the  clear-sighted  eye  of  his 
father  had  discerned  on  the  distant  verge  of  the 
horizon,  though  little  noticed  by  Atahuallpa,  intent 
on  the  deadly  strife  with  his  brother,  had  now  risen 
high  towards  the  zenith,  spreading  wider  and  wider, 
till  it  wrapped  the  skies  in  darkness,  and  was 
ready  to  burst  in  thunders  on  the  devoted  nation. 

U “ Qy  yap  ’n-avrecrcri  6eoi  (paivovrai  ivapyels.” 

OAYS.  7T,  V.  16 1. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Spaniards  land  at  Tumbez.  — Pizarro  reconnoitres  the 
Country.  — Foundation  of  San  Miguel.  — March  into  the 
Interior.  — Embassy  from  the  Inca.  — Adventures  on  the 
March.  — Reach  the  Foot  of  the  Andes. 

1532. 

We  left  the  Spaniards  at  the  island  of  Puna,  pre- 
paring to  make  their  descent  on  the  neighbouring 
continent  at  Tumbez.  This  port  was  but  a few 
leagues  distant,  and  Pizarro,  with  the  greater  part 
of  his  followers,  passed  over  in  the  ships,  while  a 
few  others  were  to  transport  the  commander’s  bag- 
gage and  the  military  stores  on  some  of  the  Indian 
balsas.  One  of  the  latter  vessels  which  first  touched 
the  shore  was  surrounded,  and  three  persons  who 
were  on  the  raft  were  carried  off  by  the  natives  to 
the  adjacent  woods  and  there  massacred.  The  In- 
dians then  got  possession  of  another  of  the  balsas, 
containing  Pizarro’s  wardrobe ; but,  as  the  men  who 
defended  it  raised  loud  cries  for  help,  they  reached 
the  ears  of  Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  with  a small 
body  of  horse,  had  effected  a landing  some  way  far- 
ther down  the  shore.  A broad  tract  of  miry  ground, 
overflowed  at  high  water,  lay  between  him  and  the 
party  thus  rudely  assailed  by  the  natives.  The  tide 


Ch.  III.]  THE  SPANIARDS  LAND  AT  TUMBEZ. 


353 


was  out,  and  the  bottom  was  soft  and  dangerous. 
With  little  regard  to  the  danger,  however,  the  bold 
cavalier  spurred  his  horse  into  the  slimy  depths,  and 
followed  by  his  men,  with  the  mud  up  to  their  sad- 
dle-girths, they  plunged  forward  until  tliey  came 
into  the  midst  of  the  marauders,  who,  terrified  by 
the  strange  apparition  of  the  horsemen,  fled  precipi- 
tately, without  show  of  fight,  to  the  neighbouring 
forests. 

This  conduct  of  the  natives  of  Tumbez  is  not 
easy  to  be  explained ; considering  the  friendly  rela- 
tions maintained  with  tlie  Spaniards  on  their  pre- 
ceding visit,  and  lately  renewed  in  the  island  of 
Puna.  But  Pizarro  was  still  more  astonished,  on 
entering  their  town,  to  find  it  not  only  deserted, 
but,  with  the  exception  of  a few  buildings,  entirely 
demolished.  Four  or  five  of  the  most  substantial 
private  dwellings,  the  great  temple,  and  the  for- 
tress — and  these  greatly  damaged,  and  wholly 
despoiled  of  their  interior  decorations  — alone  sur- 
vived to  mark  the  site  of  the  city,  and  attest  its 
former  splendor.*  The  scene  of  desolation  filled 
the  conquerors  with  dismay  ; for  even  the  raw  re- 
cruits, who  had  never  visited  the  coast  before,  had 
heard  the  marvellous  stories  of  the  golden  treasures 
of  Tumbez,  and  they  had  confidently  looked  forward 
to  them  as  an  easy  spoil  after  all  their  fatigues. 

1 Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  cios,  y todo  el  por  de  dentro  y de 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  185.  fuera  pintado  de  grandes  pinturas 

“ Aunque  lo  del  templo  del  Sol  y ricos  matizes  de  colores,  porque 
en  quien  ellos  adoran  era  cosa  de  los  hay  en  aquella  tierra.”  Rela- 
ver,  porque  tenian  grandes  edifi-  cion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

VOL.  I.  45 


354 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


But  the  gold  of  Peru  seemed  only  like  a deceitful 
})hantom,  which,  after  beckoning  them  on  through 
toil  and  danger,  vanished  the  moment  they  at- 
tempted to  grasp  it. 

Pizarro  despatched  a small  body  of  troops  in  pur- 
suit of  the  fugitives ; and,  after  some  slight  skirmish- 
ing, they  got  possession  of  several  of  the  natives, 
and  among  them,  as  it  chanced,  the  curaca  of  the 
place.  When  brought  before  the  Spanish  com- 
mander, he  exonerated  himself  from  any  share  in 
the  violence  offered  to  the  white  men,  saying  that  it 
was  done  by  a lawless  party  of  his  people,  without 
his  knowledge  at  the  time  ; and  he  expressed  his 
willingness  to  deliver  them  up  to  punishment,  if 
they  could  be  detected.  He  explained  the  dilapi- 
dated condition  of  the  town  by  the  long  wars  carried 
on  with  the  fierce  tribes  of  Puna,  who  had  at  length 
succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  the  place,  and 
driving  the  inhabitants  into  the  neighbouring  woods 
and  mountains.  The  Inca,  to  whose  cause  they 
were  attached,  was  too  much  occupied  with  his 
own  feuds  to  protect  them  against  their  enemies. 

Whether  Pizarro  gave  any  credit  to  the  cacique’s 
exculpation  of  himself  may  be  doubted.  He  dis- 
sembled his  suspicions,  however,  and,  as  the  Indian 
lord  promised  obedience  in  his  own  name,  and  that 
of  his  vassals,  the  Spanish  general  consented  to  take 
no  further  notice  of  the  affair.  He  seems  now  to 
have  felt  for  the  first  time,  in  its  full  force,  that  it 
was  his  policy  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  people 
among  whom  he  had  thrown  himself  in  the  face 


Ch.  III.]  THE  SPANIARDS  LAND  AT  TUMBEZ. 


355 


of  such  tremendous  odds.  It  was,  perhaps,  the 
excesses  of  which  his  men  had  been  guilty  in  the 
earlier  stages  of  the  expedition  that  had  shaken 
the  confidence  of  the  people  of  Tumbez,  and  in- 
cited them  to  this  treacherous  retaliation. 

Pizarro  inquired  of  the  natives  who  now,  under 
promise  of  impunity,  came  into  the  camp,  what  had 
become  of  his  two  followers  that  remained  with 
them  in  the  former  expedition.  The  answers  they 
gave  were  obscure  and  contradictory.  Some  said, 
they  had  died  of  an  epidemic  ; others,  that  they 
had  perished  in  the  war  with  Puna ; and  others  in^ 
timated,  that  they  had  lost  their  lives  in  conse^ 
quence  of  some  outrage  attempted  on  the  Indian 
women.  It  was  impossible  to  arrive  at  the  truth. 
The  last  aeeount  was  not  the  least  probable.  But, 
whatever  might  be  the  cause,  there  was  no  doubt 
they  had  both  perished. 

This  intelligence  spread  an  additional  gloom  over 
the  Spaniards;  which  was  not  dispelled  by  the  flam- 
ing pictures  now  given  by  the  natives  of  the  riches 
of  the  land,  and  of  the  state  and  magnificence  of 
the  monarch  in  his  distant  capital  among  the  moun- 
tains. Nor  did  they  credit  the  authenticity  of  a 
scroll  of  paper,  which  Pizarro  had  obtained  from 
an  Indian,  to  whom  it  had  been  delivered  by  one 
of  the  white  men  left  in  the  country.  “ Know, 
whoever  you  may  be,”  said  the  writing,  “ that  may 
chance  to  set  foot  in  this  country,  that  it  contains 
more  gold  and  silver  than  there  is  iron  in  Biscay.” 
This  paper,  when  shown  to  the  soldiers,  excited 


356 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


only  their  ridicule,  as  a device  of  their  captain  to 
keep  alive  their  chimerical  hopes.^ 

Pizarro  now  saw  that  it  was  not  politic  to  pro- 
tract his  stay  in  his  present  quarters,  where  a spirit 
of  disaffection  would  soon  creep  into  the  ranks  of 
his  followers,  unless  their  spirits  were  stimulated  by 
novelty  or  a life  of  incessant  action.  Yet  he  felt 
deeply  anxious  to  obtain  more  particulars  than  he 
had  hitherto  gathered  of  the  actual  condition  of  the 
Peruvian  empire,  of  its  strength  and  resources,  of 
the  monarch  who  ruled  over  it,  and  of  his  present 
situation.  He  was  also  desirous,  before  taking  any 
decisive  step  for  penetrating  the  country,  to  seek 
out  some  commodious  place  for  a settlement,  which 
might  afford  him  the  means  of  a regular  communi- 
cation with  the  colonies,  and  a place  of  strength,  on 
which  he  himself  might  retreat  in  case  of  disaster. 

He  decided,  therefore,  to  leave  part  of  his  com- 
pany at  Tumbez,  including  those  who,  from  the  state 
of  their  health,  were  lea.st  able  to  take  the  field,  and 
with  the  remainder  to  make  an  excursion  into  the 
interior,  and  reconnoitre  the  land,  before  deciding  on 
any  plan  of  operations.  He  set  out  early  in  May, 
1532;  and,  keeping  along  the  more  level  regions 
himself,  sent  a small  detachment  under  the  com- 
mand of  Hernando  de  Soto  to  explore  the  skirts  of 
the  vast  sierra. 

2 For  the  account  of  the  trans-  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.  — Her- 
actions  in  Tumbez,  see  Pedro  Pi-  rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  4,  lib.  9, 
zarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — cap.  1,  2.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Peru,  ap  Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  185. 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1. — Relacion 


Ch.  III.]  PIZARRO  RECONNOITRES  THE  COUNTRY.  357 

He  maintained  a rigid  discipline  on  the  march, 
commanding  his  soldiers  to  abstain  from  all  acts  of 
violence,  and  punishing  disobedience  in  the  most 
prompt  and  resolute  manner.'^  The  natives  rarely 
offered  resistance.  When  they  did  so,  they  were 
soon  reduced,  and  Pizarro,  far  from  vindictive  meas- 
ures, was  open  to  the  first  demonstrations  of  sub- 
mission. By  this  lenient  and  liberal  policy,  he  soon 
acquired  a name  among  the  inhabitants  which  ef- 
faced the  unfavorable  impressions  made  of  him  in 
the  earlier  part  of  the  campaign.  The  natives,  as 
he  marched  through  the  thick-settled  hamlets  which 
sprinkled  the  level  region  between  the  Cordilleras 
and  the  ocean,  welcomed  him  with  rustic  hospital- 
ity, providing  good  quarters  for  his  troops,  and  abun- 
dant supplies,  which  cost  but  little  in  the  prolific  soil 
of  the  tierra  caliente.  Everywhere  Pizarro  made 
proclamation  that  he  came  in  the  name  of  the  Holy 
Vicar  of  God  and  of  the  sovereign  of  Spain,  re- 
quiring the  obedience  of  the  inhabitants  as  true 
children  of  the  Church,  and  vassals  of  his  lord  and 
master.  And  as  the  simple  people  made  no  oppo- 
sition to  a formula,  of  which  they  could  not  com- 
prehend a syllable,  they  were  admitted  as  good  sub- 
jects of  the  Crown  of  Castile,  and  their  act  of  hom- 
age — or  what  was  readily  interpreted  as  such  — 
was  duly  recorded  and  attested  by  the  notary.'* 

3 “ Mando  el  Gobernador  por  miento  por  los  Espafioles  e sus 
pregon  e so  graves  penas  que  no  le  criados.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  In- 
fuese  hecha  fuerza  ni  descortesia  e dias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  2. 
que  se  les  hiciese  muy  buen  trata-  ^ “ E mandabales  notificar  6 dar 


358 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


At  the  expiration  of  some  three  or  four  weeks 
spent  in  reconnoitring  the  country,  Pizarro  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  most  eligible  site  for  his 
new  settlement  was  in  the  rich  valley  of  Tangarala, 
thirty  leagues  south  of  Tumbez,  traversed  by  more 
than  one  stream  that  opens  a communication  with 
the  ocean.  To  this  spot,  accordingly,  he  ordered 
the  men  left  at  Tumbez  to  repair  at  once  in  their 
vessels ; and  no  sooner  had  they  arrived,  than  busy 
preparations  were  made  for  building  up  the  town 
in  a manner  suited  to  the  wants  of  the  colony. 
Timber  was  procured  from  the  neighbouring  woods. 
Stones  were  dragged  from  their  quarries,  and  edi- 
fices gradually  rose,  some  of  which  made  preten- 
sions to  strength,  if  not  to  elegance.  Among  them 
were  a church,  a magazine  for  public  stores,  a hall 
of  justice,  and  a fortress.  A municipal  government 
was  organized,  consisting  of  regidores,  alcaldes,  and 
the  usual  civic  functionaries.  The  adjacent  terri- 
tory was  parcelled  out  among  the  residents,  and  each 
colonist  had  a certain  number  of  the  natives  allotted 
to  assist  him  in  his  labors  ; for,  as  Pizarro’s  secre- 
tary remarks,  “ it  being  evident  that  the  colonists 
could  not  support  themselves  without  the  services 

a entender  con  las  lenguas  el  re-  Reyes  sus  succesores  en  los  regnos 
querimiento  que  su  Magestad  man-  de  Castilla  i de  Leon ; respondieron 
da  que  se  les  haga  a los  Indies  que  asi  lo  querian  e harian,  guar- 
para  traellos  en  conocimiento  de  darian  e cumplirian  enteramente ; 
nuestra  Santa  fe  catolica,  y requi-  e el  Gobernador  los  recibio  por 
riendoles  con  la  paz,  e que  obe-  tales  vasallos  de  sus  Magestades 
dezean  a la  Iglesia  e Apostolica  de  por  auto  publico  de  notaries.” 
Roma,  e en  lo  temporal  den  la  Ibid.,  MS.,  ubi  supra, 
obediencia  a su  Magestad  e a los 


Ch.  III.] 


FOUNDATION  OF  SAN  MIGUEL. 


359 


of  the  Indians,  the  ecclesiastics  and  the  leaders  of 
the  expedition  all  agreed  that  a repartimiento  of  the 
natives  would  serve  the  cause  of  religion,  and  tend 
greatly  to  their  spiritual  welfare,  since  they  would 
thus  have  the  opportunity  of  being  initiated  in  the 
true  faith.”  ® 

Having  made  these  arrangements  with  such  con- 
scientious regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  benighted 
heathen,  Pizarro  gave  his  infant  city  the  name  of 
San  Miguel,  in  acknowledgment  of  the  service  ren- 
dered him  by  that  saint  in  his  battles  with  the  Ind- 
ians of  Fund.  The  site  originally  occupied  by  the 
settlement  was  afterward  found  to  be  so  unhealthy, 
that  it  was  abandoned  for  another  on  the  banks  of 
the  beautiful  Piura.  The  town  is  still  of  some  note 
for  its  manufactures,  though  dwindled  from  its 
ancient  importance ; but  the  name  of  San  Miguel 
de  Piura,  which  it  bears,  still  commemorates  the 
foundation  of  the  first  European  colony  in  the  em- 
pire of  the  Incas. 

Before  cpiittiug  the  new  settlement,  Pizarro  caus- 
ed the  gold  and  silver  ornaments  which  he  had 

5 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y asi  al  servicio  de  Dios,  i bien  de 
Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i Pob.  del  los  Naturales,  el  Gobernador  de- 
Peru,  MS.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cro-  posito  los  Caciques,  i Indies  en  los 
nica,  cap.  55.  — Relacion  del  Pri-  Vecinos  de  este  Pueblo,  porque  los 
mer.  Descub.,  MS.  aiudasen  a sostener,  i los  Cliristia- 

“ Porque  los  Vecinos,  sin  aiuda  nos  los  doctrinasen  en  nuestra 
i servicios  de  los  Naturales  no  se  Santa  F^,  conforme  a los  iSIanda- 
podian  sostener,  ni  poblarse  el  mientos  de  su  IMagestad.”  Xerez, 

Pueblo A esta  causa,  con  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 

acuerdo  de  el  Religioso,  i de  los  III.  p.  187. 

Oficiales  que  les  parecio  convenir 


360 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


obtained  in  different  parts  of  the  country  to  be 
melted  down  into  one  mass,  and  a fifth  to  be  de- 
ducted for  the  Crown-  The  remainder,  tvhich 
belonged  to  the  troops,  he  persuaded  them  to  relin- 
quish for  the  present ; under  the  assurance  of  being 
repaid  from  the  first  spoils  that  fell  into  their  hands.® 
With  these  funds,  and  other  articles  collected  in  the 
course  of  the  campaign,  he  sent  back  the  vessels  to 
Panama.  The  gold  was  applied  to  paying  off  the 
ship-owners,  and  those  who  had  furnished  the  stores 
fi)r  the  expedition.  That  he  should  so  easily  have 
persuaded  his  men  to  resign  present  possession 
for  a future  contingency  is  proof  that  the  spirit  of 
enterprise  was  renewed  in  their  bosoms  in  all  its 
former  vigor,  and  that  they  looked  forward  with  the 
same  buoyant  confidence  to  the  results. 

In  his  late  tour  of  observation,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander had  gathered  much  important  intelligence  in 
regard  to  the  state  of  the  kingdom.  He  had  ascer- 
tained the  result  of  the  struggle  between  the  Inca 
brothers,  and  that  the  victor  now  lay  with  his  army 
encamped  at  the  distance  of  only  ten  or  twelve 
days’  journey  from  San  Miguel.  The  accounts  he 
heard  of  the  opulence  and  power  of  that  monarch, 
and  of  his  great  southern  capital,  perfectly  corre- 
sponded with  the  general  rumors  before  received ; 
and  contained,  therefore,  something  to  stagger  the 

6 “ E sacado  el  quinto  para  su  los  compafieros  para  se  lo  pagar 
Magestad,  lo  restante  que  pertene-  del  primer  oro  que  se  obiese.” 
cio  al  Egercito  de  la  Conquista,  el  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Gobernador  le  tomo  prestado  de  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  2. 


Ch.  III.] 


MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR. 


361 


confidence,  as  well  as  to  stimulate  the  cupidity,  of 
the  invaders. 

Pizarro  would  gladly  have  seen  his  little  army 
strengthened  by  reinforcements,  however  small  the 
amount ; and  on  that  account  postponed  his  de- 
parture for  several  weeks.  But  no  reinforcement 
arrived ; and,  as  he  received  no  further  tidings 
from  his  associates,  he  judged  that  longer  delay 
would,  probably,  be  attended  with  evils  greater  than 
those  to  be  encountered  on  the  march ; that  discon- 
tents would  inevitably  spring  up  in  a life  of  inac- 
tion, and  the  strength  and  spirits  of  the  soldier  sink 
under  the  enervating  influence  of  a tropical  climate. 
Yet  the  force  at  his  command,  amounting  to  less 
than  two  hundred  soldiers  in  all,  after  reserving  fifty 
for  the  protection  of  the  new  settlement,  seemed 
hut  a small  one  for  the  conquest  of  an  empire.  He 
might,  indeed,  instead  of  marching  against  the  Inca, 
take  a southerly  direction  towards  the  rich  capital 
of  Cuzco.  But  this  would  only  be  to  postpone  the 
hour  of  reckoning.  For  in  what  quarter  of  the 
empire  could  he  hope  to  set  his  foot,  where  the  arm 
of  its  master  would  not  reach  him  ? By  such  a 
course,  moreover,  he  would  show  his  own  distrust^ 
of  himself.  He  would  shake  that  opinion  of  his 
invincible  prowess,  which  he  had  hitherto  en- 
deavoured to  impress  on  the  natives,  and  which 
constituted  a great  secret  of  his  strength  ; which, 
in  short,  held  sterner  sway  over  the  mind  than 
the  display  of  numbers  and  mere  physical  force. 
Worse  than  all,  such  a course  would  impair  the 

VOL.  I.  46 


362 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


confidence  of  his  troops  in  themselves  and  their 
reliance  on  himself.  This  would  be  to  palsy  the 
arm  of  enterprise  at  once.  It  was  not  to  be 
thought  of. 

But  while  Pizarro  decided  to  march  into  the  inte- 
rior, it  is  doubtful  whether  he  had  formed  any  more 
definite  plan  of  action.  We  have  no  means  of 
knowing  his  intentions,  at  this  distance  of  time, 
otherwise  than  as  they  are  shown  by  his  actions. 
Unfortunately,  he  could  not  write,  and  he  has  left  no 
record,  like  the  inestimable  Commentaries  of  Cortes, 
to  enlighten  us  as  to  his  motives.  His  secretary, 
and  some  of  his  companions  in  arms,  have  recited 
his  actions  in  detail ; but  the  motives  which  led 
to  them  they  were  not  always  so  competent  to 
disclose. 

It  is  possible  that  the  Spanish  general,  even  so 
early  as  the  period  of  his  residence  at  San  Miguel, 
may  have  meditated  some  daring  stroke,  some 
effective  coup-de-main,  which,  like  that  of  Cortes, 
when  he  carried  off  the  Aztec  monarch  to  his  quar- 
ters, might  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  and  at  once  decide  the  fortunes  of  the  day. 
It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  he  now  only 
proposed  to  present  himself  before  the  Inca,  as  the 
peaceful  representative  of  a brother  monarch,  and, 
by  these  friendly  demonstrations,  disarm  any  feeling 
of  hostility,  or  even  of  suspicion.  When  once  in 
communication  with  the  Indian  prince,  he  could 
regulate  his  future  course  by  circumstances. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  1332,  five  months 


Ch.  III.] 


MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR. 


363 


after  landing  at  Tumbez,  Pizarro  marched  out  at 
the  head  of  his  little  body  of  adventurers  from  the 
gates  of  San  Miguel,  having  enjoined  it  on  the  colo- 
nists to  treat  their  Indian  vassals  with  humanity, 
and  to  conduct  themselves  in  such  a manner  as 
would  secure  the  good-will  of  the  surrounding  tribes. 
Their  own  existence,  and  with  it  the  safety  of  the 
army  and  the  success  of  the  undertaking,  depended 
on  this  course.  In  the  place  were  to  remain  the 
royal  treasurer,  the  veedor,  or  inspector  of  metals, 
and  other  officers  of  the  crown ; and  the  command 
of  the  garrison  was  intrusted  to  the  contador,  An- 
tonio Navarro.^  Then  })utting  himself  at  the  head 
of  his  troops,  the  chief  struck  boldly  into  the  heart 
of  the  country  in  the  direction  where,  as  he  was  in- 
formed, lay  the  camp  of  the  Inca.  It  was  a daring 
enterprise,  thus  to  venture  with  a handful  of  follow- 
ers into  the  heart  of  a powerful  empire,  to  present 
himself,  face  to  face,  before  the  Indian  monarch  in 
his  own  camp,  encompassed  by  the  flower  of  his 
victorious  army ! Pizarro  had  already  experienced 
more  than  once  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  his 
ground  against  the  rude  tribes  of  the  north,  so  much 
inferior  in  strength  and  numbers  to  the  warlike 
legions  of  Peru.  But  the  hazard  of  the  game,  as  1 
have  already  more  than  once  had  occasion  to  re- 
mark, constituted  its  great  charm  with  the  Spaniard. 
The  brilliant  achievements  of  his  countrymen,  on 

Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Chiedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  187.  — Pedro  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  10. 

Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  — 


364 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


the  like  occasions,  with  means  so  inadequate,  in- 
spired him  with  confidence  in  his  own  good  star ; 
and  this  confidence  was  one  source  of  his  success. 
Had  he  faltered  for  a moment,  had  he  stopped  to 
calculate  chances,  he  must  inevitably  have  failed  ; 
for  the  odds  were  too  great  to  be  combated  by  sober 
reason.  They  w^ere  only  to  be  met  triumphantly 
by  the  spirit  of  the  knight-errant. 

After  crossing  the  smooth  waters  of  the  Piura, 
the  little  army  continued  to  advance  over  a level 
district  intersected  by  streams  that  descended  from 
the  neighbouring  Cordilleras.  The  face  of  the 
country  was  shagged  over  with  forests  of  gigantic 
growth,  and  occasionally  traversed  by  ridges  of  bar- 
ren land,  that  seemed  like  shoots  of  the  adjacent 
Andes,  breaking  up  the  surface  of  the  region  into 
little  sequestered  valleys  of  singular  loveliness. 
The  soil,  though  rarely  watered  by  the  rains  of 
heaven,  was  naturally  rich,  and  wherever  it  w'as 
refreshed  with  moisture,  as  on  the  margins  of  the 
streams,  it  was  enamelled  with  the  brightest  ver- 
dure. The  industry  of  the  inhabitants,  moreover, 
had  turned  these  streams  to  the  best  account,  and 
canals  and  aqueducts  were  seen  crossing  the  low 
lands  in  all  directions,  and  spreading  over  the  coun- 
try, like  a vast  network,  diffusing  fertility  and 
beauty  around  them.  The  air  was  scented  with 
the  sweet  odors  of  flowers,  and  everywhere  the  eye 
was  refreshed  by  the  sight  of  orchards  laden  with  un- 
known fruits,  and  of  fields  waving  with  yellow  grain 
and  rich  in  luscious  vegetables  of  every  descrij)tion 


Ch.  III.] 


MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR. 


363 


that  teem  in  the  sunny  clime  of  the  equator.  The 
Spaniards  were  among  a people  who  had  carried  the 
refinements  of  husbandry  to  a greater  extent  than 
any  yet  found  on  the  American  continent ; and,  as 
they  journeyed  through  this  paradise  of  plenty,  their 
condition  formed  a pleasing  contrast  to  what  they 
had  before  endured  in  the  dreary  wilderness  of  the 
mangroves. 

Everywhere,  too,  they  were  received  with  con- 
fiding hospitality  by  the  simple  people ; for  which 
they  were  no  doubt  indebted,  in  a great  measure,  to 
their  own  inoffensive  deportment.  Every  Spaniard 
seemed  to  be  aware,  that  his  only  chance  of  success 
lay  in  conciliating  the  good  opinion  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, among  whom  he  had  so  recklessly  cast  his 
fortunes.  In  most  of  the  hamlets,  and  in  every  place 
of  considerable  size,  some  fortress  was  to  be  found, 
or  royal  caravansary,  destined  for  the  Inca  on  his 
progresses,  the  ample  halls  of  which  furnished  abun- 
dant accommodations  for  the  Spaniards ; who  were 
thus  provided  with  quarters  along  their  route  at  the 
charge  of  the  very  government  which  they  were 
preparing  to  overturn.® 

On  the  fifth  day  after  leaving  San  Miguel,  Pi- 
zarro  halted  in  one  of  these  delicious  valleys,  to  give 
his  troops  repose,  and  to  make  a more  complete  in- 
spection of  them.  Their  number  amounted  in  all 
to  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven,  of  which  sixty- 

8 Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  — Conq.  i Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS. — 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  MS. 


366 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  IIE 


seven  were  cavalry.  He  mustered  only  three  ar- 
(juebusiers  in  his  whole  company,  and  a few  cross- 
how-men,  altogether  not  exceeding  twenty.®  The 
troops  were  tolerably  well  equipped,  and  in  good 
condition.  But  the  watchful  eye  of  their  com- 
mander noticed  with  uneasiness,  that,  notwithstand- 
ing the  general  heartiness  in  the  cause  manifested 
by  his  followers,  there  were  some  among  them 
whose  countenances  lowered  with  discontent,  and 
who,  although  they  did  not  give  vent  to  it  in  open 
murmurs,  were  far  from  moving  with  their  wonted 
alacrity.  He  was  aware,  that,  if  this  spirit  became 
contagious,  it  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  enterprise  ; 
and  he  thought  it  best  to  exterminate  the  gangrene 
at  once,  and  at  whatever  cost,  than  to  wait  until  it 
had  infected  the  whole  system.  He  came  to  an 
extraordinary  resolution. 

Calling  his  men  together,  he  told  them  that  “ a 
crisis  had  now  arrived  in  their  affairs,  which  it 
demanded  all  their  courage  to  meet.  No  man 
should  think  of  going  forward  in  the  expedition, 
who  could  not  do  so  with  his  whole  heart,  or  who 
had  the  least  misgiving  as  to  its  success.  If  any 
repented  of  his  share  in  it,  it  was  not  too  late  to 
turn  back.  San  Miguel  was  but  poorly  garrisoned. 


3 There  is  less  discrepancy  in  (Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
the  estimate  of  the  Spanish  force  III.  p.  187,)  who  has  been  fol- 
here  than  usual.  The  paucity  of  lowed  by  Oviedo,  (Hist,  de  las 
numbers  gave  less  room  for  it.  No  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  1,  cap. 
account  carries  them  as  high  as  3,)  and  by  the  judicious  Plerrera, 
two  hundred.  I have  adopted  Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  1,  cap. 
that  of  the  Secretary  Xerez,  2. 


Ch.  III.] 


MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR. 


367 


and  he  should  be  glad  to  see  it  in  greater  strength. 
Those  who  chose  might  return  to  this  place,  and 
they  should  be  entitled  to  the  same  proportion  of 
lands  and  Indian  vassals  as  the  present  residents. 
With  the  rest,  were  they  few  or  many,  who  chose 
to  take  their  chance  with  him,  he  should  pursue 
the  adventure  to  the  end.’”° 

It  was  certainly  a remarkable  proposal  for  a com- 
mander, who  was  ignorant  of  the  amount  of  dis- 
affection in  his  ranks,  and  who  could  not  safely 
spare  a single  man  from  his  force,  already  far  too 
feeble  for  the  undertaking.  Yet,  by  insisting  on  the 
wants  of  the  little  colony  of  San  Miguel,  he  afforded 
a decent  pretext  for  the  secession  of  the  malecon- 
tents,  and  swept  away  the  barrier  of  shame  which 
might  have  still  held  them  in  the  camp.  Notwith- 
standing the  fair  opening  thus  afforded,  there  were 
but  few,  nine  in  all,  who  availed  themselves  of  the 
general’s  permission.  Four  of  these  belonged  to  the 
infantry,  and  five  to  the  horse.  The  rest  loudly 
declared  their  resolve  to  go  forward  with  their  brave 
leader ; and,  if  there  were  some  whose  voices  were 
faint  amidst  the  general  acclamation,  they,  at  least, 
relinquished  the  right  of  complaining  hereafter,  since 
they  had  voluntarily  rejected  the  permission  to  re- 

1®  “ Que  todos  los  que  quiriesen  e que  con  los  Espailoles  quedasen, 
bolverse  a la  ciudad  de  San  Miguel  pocos  6 muchos,  iria  a conquistar  e 
y avecindarse  alii  demas  de  los  pacificar  la  tierra  en  demanda  y 
vecinos  que  alii  quedaban  el  los  persecucion  del  camino  que  lleva- 
depositaria  repartimientos  de  Indies  ba.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
con  que  se  sortubiesen  como  lo  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 
habia  hecho  con  los  otros  vecinos  ; ^ 


368 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


turn."  This  stroke  of  policy  in  their  sagacious  cap- 
tain was  attended  with  the  best  effects.  He  had 
winnowed  out  the  few  grains  of  discontent,  which, 
if  left  to  themselves,  might  have  fermented  in  secret 
till  the  whole  mass  had  swelled  into  mutiny.  Cor- 
tes had  compelled  his  men  to  go  forward  heartily 
in  his  enterprise,  by  burning  their  vessels,  and  thus 
cutting  off  the  only  means  of  retreat.  Pizarro,  on 
the  other  hand,  threw  open  the  gates  to  the  disaf- 
fected and  facilitated  their  departure.  Both  judged 
right,  under  their  peculiar  circumstances,  and  both 
were  perfectly  successful. 

Feeling  himself  strengthened,  instead  of  weaken- 
ed, by  his  loss,  Pizarro  now  resumed  his  march,  and, 
on  the  second  day,  arrived  before  a place  called 
Zaran,  situated  in  a fruitful  valley  among  the  moun- 
tains. Some  of  the  inhabitants  had  been  drawn 
off  to  swell  the  levies  of  Atahuallpa.  The  Span- 
iards had  repeated  experience  on  their  march  of  the 
oppressive  exactions  of  the  Inca,  who  had  almost 
depopulated  some  of  the  valleys  to  obtain  reinforce- 
ments for  his  army.  The  curaca  of  the  Indian 
town,  where  Pizarro  now  arrived,  received  him  with 
kindness  and  hospitality,  and  the  troops  were  quar- 
tered as  usual  in  one  of  the  roval  tamhos  or  cara- 
vansaries,  ‘which  were  found  in  all  the  principal 
places.’^ 

Yet  the  Spaniards  saw  no  signs  of  their  approach 

n Ibid.,  MS.,  loc.  cit.  — Her-  Peni,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p. 
rera.  Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  187. 

1,  cap.  2.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Conq.  i Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


Ch.  III.] 


EMBASSY  FROM  THE  INCA. 


369 


to  the  royal  encampment,  though  more  time  had 
already  elapsed  than  was  originally  allowed  for 
reaching  it.  Shortly  before  entering  Zaran,  Pi- 
zarro  had  heard  that  a Peru\ian  garrison  was 
established  in  a place  called  Caxas,  lying  among 
the  hills,  at  no  great  distance  from  his  present  quar- 
ters. He  immediately  despatched  a small  party 
under  Hernando  de  Soto  in  that  direction,  to  recon- 
noitre the  ground,  and  bring  him  intelligence  of  the 
actual  state  of  things,  at  Zaran,  where  he  would 
halt  until  his  officer’s  return. 

Day  after  day  passed  on,  and  a week  had  elapsed 
before  tidings  were  received  of  his  companions,  and 
Pizarro  was  becoming  seriously  alarmed  for  their 
fate,  when  on  the  eighth  morning  Soto  appeared, 
bringing  with  him  an  envoy  from  the  Inca  him- 
self. He  was  a person  of  rank,  and  was  attend- 
ed by  several  followers  of  inferior  condition.  He 
had  met  the  Spaniards  at  Caxas,  and  now  accom- 
panied them  on  their  return,  to  deliver  his  sovereign’s 
message,  with  a present  to  the  Spanish  commander. 
The  present  consisted  of  two  fountains,  made  of 
stone,  in  the  form  of  fortresses ; some  fine  stuffs  of 
woollen  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver ; and  a 
quantity  of  goose-flesh,  dried  and  seasoned  in  a 
peculiar  manner,  and  much  used  as  a perfume,  in 
a pulverized  state,  by  the  Peruvian  nobles. The 

13  “ Dos  Fortale^as,  a manera  polvos,  se  sahume  con  ellos,  porque 
de  Fuente,  figuradas  en  Piedra,  asi  se  usa  entre  los  Sefiores  de  su 
con  que  beba,  i dos  cargas  de  Patos  Tierra  : i que  le  embiaba  a decir, 
secos,  desollados,  para  que  hechos  que  el  tiene  . voluntad  de  ser  su 

VOL.  I.  47 


370 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Indian  ambassador  came  charged  also  with  his 
master’s  greeting  to  the  strangers,  whom  Atahu- 
allpa  welcomed  to  his  country,  and  invited  to  visit 
him  in  his  camp  among  the  mountains.'^ 

Pizarro  well  understood  that  the  Inca’s  object  in 
this  diplomatic  visit  was  less  to  do  him  courtesy, 
than  to  inform  himself  of  the  strength  and  condi- 
tion of  the  invaders.  But  he  was  well  pleased  with 
the  embassy,  and  dissembled  his  consciousness  of 
its  real  purpose.  He  caused  the  Peruvian  to  be 
entertained  in  the  best  manner  the  camp  could  af- 
ford, and  paid  him  the  respect,  says  one  of  the 
Conquerors,  due  to  the  ambassador  of  so  great  a 
monarch.’®  Pizarro  urged  him  to  prolong  his  visit 
for  some  days,  which  the  Indian  envoy  declined,  but 
made  the  most  of  his  time  while  there,  by  gleaning 


Amigo,  i esperalle  de  Paz  en  Ca- 
xamalca.”  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  189. 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap. 
3.  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  189. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  tells  us 
that  Atahuallpa’s  envoy  addressed 
the  Spanish  commander  in  the 
most  humble  and  deprecatory  man- 
ner, as  Son  of  the  Sun  and  of  the 
great  God  Viracocha.  He  adds, 
that  he  was  loaded  with  a pro- 
digious present  of  all  kinds  of 
game,  living  and  dead,  gold  and 
silver  vases,  emeralds,  turquoises, 
&c.,  &c.,  enough  to  furnish  out 


the  finest  chapter  of  the  Arabian 
Nights.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 
lib.  1,  cap.  19.)  It  is  extraordi- 
nary that  none  of  the  Conquerors, 
who  had  a quick  eye  for  these 
dainties,  should  allude  to  them ! 
One  cannot  but  suspect  that  the 
“ old  uncle  ” was  amusing  him- 
self at  his  young  nephew's  ex- 
pense ; and,  as  it  has  proved,  at 
the  expense  of  most  of  his  readers, 
who  receive  the  Inca’s  fairy  tales 
as  historic  facts. 

15  “ I mando,  que  le  diesen  de 
comer  a el,  i a los  que  con  el  ve- 
nian,  i todo  lo  que  huviesen  menes- 
ter,  i fuesen  bien  aposentados, 
como  Embajadores  de  tan  Gran 
Sefior.”  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  189. 


Ch.  III.] 


EMBASSY  FROM  THE  INCA. 


371 


all  the  information  he  could  in  respect  to  the  uses 
of  every  strange  article  which  he  saw,  as  well  as 
the  object  of  the  white  men’s  visit  to  the  land,  and 
the  quarter  whence  they  came. 

The  Spanish  captain  satisfied  his  curiosity  in  all 
these  particulars.  The  intercourse  with  the  na- 
tives, it  may  be  here  remarked,  was  maintained 
by  means  of  two  of  the  youths  who  had  accom- 
panied the  Conquerors  on  their  return  home  from 
their  preceding  voyage.  They  had  been  taken  by 
Pizarro  to  Spain,  and,  as  much  pains  had  been  be- 
stowed on  teaching  them  the  Castilian,  they  now 
filled  the  office  of  interpreters,  and  opened  an  easy 
communication  with  their  countrymen.  It  was  of 
inestimable  service ; and  well  did  the  Spanish  com- 
mander reap  the  fruits  of  his  forecast.'® 

On  the  departure  of  the  Peruvian  messenger, 
Pizarro  presented  him  with  a cap  of  crimson  cloth, 
some  cheap  but  showy  ornaments  of  glass,  and  other 
toys,  which  he  had  brought  for  the  purpose  from 
Castile.  He  charged  the  envoy  to  tell  his  master, 
that  the  Spaniards  came  from  a powerful  prince, 
who  dwelt  far  beyond  the  waters  ; that  they  had 

IS  “ Los  Indies  de  la  tierra  MS.)  Yet  it  is  a proof  of  the 
se  entendian  muy  bien  con  los  ludicrous  blunders  into  which  the 
Espaiioles,  porque  aquellos  mocha-  Conquerors  were  perpetually  fall- 
chos  Indies  que  en  el  descubri-  ing,  that  Pizarro’s  secretary  con- 
miento  de  la  tierra  Pizarro  truxo  a stantly  confounds  the  Inca’s  name 
Espana,  entendian  muy  bien  nues-  with  that  of  his  capital.  Huayna 
Ira  lengua,  y los  tenia  alii,  con  Capac,  he  always  styles  “ old 
los  cuales  se  entendia  muy  bien  con  Cuzco,”  and  his  son  Huascar 
todos  los  naturales  de  la  tierra.”  “ young  Cuzco.” 

(Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 


372 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


heard  much  of  the  fame  of  Atahuallpa’s  victories, 
and  were  come  to  pay  their  respects  to  him,  and 
to  offer  their  services  by  aiding  him  with  their 
arms  against  his  enemies  ; and  he  might  be  as- 
sured, they  would  not  halt  on  the  road,  longer 
than  was  necessary,  before  presenting  themselves 
before  him. 

Pizarro  now  received  from  Soto  a full  account 
of  his  late  expedition.  That  chief,  on  entering 
Caxas,  found  the  inhabitants  mustered  in  hostile  ar- 
ray, as  if  to  dispute  his  passage.  But  the  cavalier 
soon  convinced  them  of  his  pacific  intentions,  and, 
laying  aside  their  menacing  attitude,  they  received 
the  Spaniards  with  the  same  courtesy  which  had 
been  shown  them  in  most  places  on  their  march. 

Here  Soto  found  one  of  the  royal  officers,  em- 
ployed in  collecting  the  tribute  for  the  government. 
From  this  functionary  he  learned  that  the  Inca  was 
quartered  with  a large  army  at  Caxamalca,  a place 
of  considerable  size  on  the  other  side  of  the  Cor- 
dillera, where  he  was  enjoying  the  luxury  of  the 
warm  baths,  supplied  by  natural  springs,  for  which  it 
was  then  famous,  as  it  is  at  the  present  day.  The 
cavalier  gathered,  also,  much  important  information 
in  regard  to  the  resources  and  the  general  policy  of 
government,  the  state  maintained  by  the  Inca,  and 
the  stern  severity  with  which  obedience  to  the  law 
was  everywhere  enforced.  He  had  some  opportu- 
nity of  observing  this  for  himself,  as,  on  entering  the 
village,  he  saw  several  Indians  hanging  dead  by 
tlieir  heels,  having  been  executed  for  some  violence 


Ch.  III.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  MARCH. 


373 


offered  to  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  of  whom  there 
was  a convent  in  the  neighbourhood.^’^ 

From  Caxas,  De  Soto  had  passed  to  the  adja- 
cent town  of  Guancabamba,  much  larger,  more 
populous,  and  better  built  than  the  preceding.  The 
houses,  instead  of  being  made  of  clay  baked  in  the 
sun,  were  many  of  them  constructed  of  solid  stone, 
so  nicely  put  together,  that  it  was  impossible  to  de- 
tect the  line  of  Junction.  A river,  which  passed 
through  the  town,  was  traversed  by  a bridge,  and 
the  high  road  of  the  Incas,  which  crossed  this  dis- 
trict, was  far  superior  to  that  which  the  Spaniards 
had  seen  on  the  sea-board.  It  was  raised  in  many 
places,  like  a causeway,  paved  with  heavy  stone 
flags,  and  bordered  by  trees  that  afforded  a grateful 
shade  to  the  passenger,  while  streams  of  water  were 
conducted  through  aqueducts  along  the  sides  to 
slake  his  thirst.  At  certain  distances,  also,  they 
noticed  small  houses,  which,  they  were  told,  were 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  traveller,  who  might 
thus  pass,  without  inconvenience,  from  one  end 
of  the  kingdom  to  the  other.’®  In  another  quar- 
ter they  beheld  one  of  those  magazines  destined 

17  “ A la  entrada  del  Pueblo  18  “Van  por  este  camino  canos 
havia  ciertos  Indies  ahorcados  de  de  agua  de  donde  los  caminantes 
los  pies  : i supo  de  este  Principal,  beben,  traidos  de  sus  nacimientos 
que  Atabalipa  los  mando  matar,  de  otras  partes,  y a cada  Jornada 
porque  uno  de  ellos  entro  en  la  una  Casa  a manera  de  Venta  donde 
Casa  de  las  Mugeres  a dormir  con  se  aposentan  los  que  van  e vienen.” 
una  : al  qual,  ia  todos  los  Porteros  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
que  consintieron,  ahorco.”  Xerez,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 

Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 

III.  p.  188. 


374 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


for  the  army,  filled  with  grain,  and  with  articles 
of  clothing ; and  at  the  entrance  of  the  town 
was  a stone  building,  occupied  by  a public  officer, 
whose  business  it  was  to  collect  the  tolls  or  duties 
on  various  commodities  brought  into  the  place,  or 
carried  out  of  it.*®  — These  accounts  of  De  Soto  not 
only  confirmed  all  that  the  Spaniards  had  heard  of 
the  Indian  empire,  but  greatly  raised  their  ideas  of 
its  resources  and  domestic  policy.  They  might 

well  have  shaken  the  confidence  of  hearts  less  cour- 
ageous. 

Pizarro,  before  leaving  his  present  quarters,  de- 
spatched a messenger  to  San  Miguel  with  par- 
ticulars of  his  movements,  sending,  at  the  same 
time,  the  articles  received  from  the  Inca,  as  well  as 
those  obtained  at  different  places  on  the  route. 
The  skill  shown  in  the  execution  of  some  of  these 
fabrics  excited  great  admiration,  when  sent  to  Cas- 
tile. The  fine  woollen  cloths,  especially,  with  their 
rich  embroidery,  were  pronounced  equal  to  silk, 
from  which  it  was  not  easy  to  distinguish  them.  It 
was  probably  the  delicate  wool  of  the  vicuRa,  none 
of  which  had  then  been  seen  in  Europe.®* 

19  “ A la  entrada  de  este  Ca-  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
mino  on  el  Pueblo  de  Cajas  esta  ubi  supra. 

una  casaal  principio  de  una  puente  u Piezas  de  lana  de  la  tierra, 

donde  reside  una  gaiarda  que  recibe  que  era  cosa  mucho  de  ver  segun 
el  Portazgo  de  todos  los  que  van  e su  primer  e gentileza,  e no  se  sa- 
vienen,e  paganlo  en  la  misma  cosa  bian  determinar  si  era  seda  6 lana 
que  llevan,  y ninguno  puede  sacar  segun  su  fineza  con  muchas  labores 
carga  del  Pueblo  sino  la  mete,  y i figuras  de  oro  de  martillo  de  tal 
esta  eostumbre  es  alii  antigua.”  manera  asentado  en  la  ropa  que 


Ch.  III.]  ADVENTURES  ON  THE  MARCH.  375 

Pizarro,  having  now  acquainted  himself  with  the 
most  direct  route  to  Caxamalca,  — the  Caxamarca 
of  the  present  day,  — resumed  his  march,  taking 
a direction  nearly  south.  The  first  place  of  any 
size  at  which  he  halted  was  Motupe,  pleasantly 
situated  in  a fruitful  valley,  among  hills  of  no 
great  elevation,  which  cluster  round  the  base  of  the 
Cordilleras.  The  place  was  deserted  by  its  cura- 
ca,  who,  with  three  hundred  of  its  warriors,  had 
gone  to  join  the  standard  of  their  Inca.  Here  the 
general,  notwithstanding  his  avowed  purpose  to 
push  forward  without  delay,  halted  four  days.  The 
tardiness  of  his  movements  can  be  explained  only 
by  the  hope,  which  he  may  have  still  entertained, 
of  being  Joined  by  further  reinforcements  before 
crossing  the  Cordilleras.  None  such  appeared, 
however ; and  advancing  across  a country  in  which 
tracts  of  sandy  plain  were  occasionally  relieved  by  a 
broad  expanse  of  verdant  meadow,  watered  by 
natural  streams  and  still  more  abundantly  by  those 
brought  through  artificial  channels,  the  troops  at 
length  arrived  at  the  borders  of  a river.  It  was 
broad  and  deep,  and  the  rapidity  of  the  current 
opposed  more  than  ordinary  difficulty  to  the  pas- 
sage. Pizarro,  apprehensive  lest  this  might  be  dis- 
puted by  the  natives  on  the  opposite  bank,  ordered 
his  brother  Hernando  to  cross  over  with  a small 
detachment  under  cover  of  night,  and  secure  a safe 


era  cosa  de  marabillar.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
lib.  8,  cap.  4. 


376 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


landing  for  the  rest  of  the  troops.  At  break  of  day 
Pizarro  made  preparations  for  his  own  passage,  by 
hewing  timber  in  the  neighbouring  woods,  and  con- 
structing a sort  of  floating  bridge,  on  which  be- 
fore nightfall  the  whole  company  passed  in  safety, 
the  horses  swimming,  being  led  by  the  bridle.  It 
was  a day  of  severe  labor,  and  Pizarro  took  his 
own  share  in  it  freely,  like  a common  soldier,  hav- 
ing ever  a word  of  encouragement  to  say  to  his 
followers. 

On  reaching  the  opposite  side,  they  learned  from 
their  comrades  that  the  people  of  the  country,  in- 
stead of  offering  resistance,  had  fled  in  dismay. 
One  of  them,  having  been  taken  and  brought  before 
Hernando  Pizarro,  refused  to  answer  the  questions 
put  to  him  respecting  the  Inca  and  his  army;  till, 
being  put  to  the  torture,  he  stated  that  Atahuallpa 
was  encamped,  with  his  whole  force,  in  three  sep- 
arate divisions,  occupying  the  high  grounds  and 
plains  of  Caxamalca.  He  further  stated,  that  the 
Inca  was  aware  of  the  approach  of  the  white  men 
and  of  their  small  number,  and  that  he  was  pur- 
posely decoying  them  into  his  own  quarters,  that  he 
might  have  them  more  completely  in  his  power. 

This  account,  when  reported  by  Hernando  to  his 
brother,  caused  the  latter  much  anxiety.  As  the 
timidity  of  the  peasantry,  however,  gradually  wore 
off,  some  of  them  mingled  with  the  troops,  and 
among  them  the  curaca  or  principal  person  of  the 
village.  He  had  himself  visited  the  royal  camp, 
and  he  informed  the  general  that  Atahuallpa  lay  at 


Ch.  III.] 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE  MARCH. 


377 


the  strong  town  of  Guamachucho,  twenty  leagues 
or  more  south  of  Caxarnalca,  with  an  army  of  at 
least  fifty  thousand  men. 

These  contradictory  statements  greatly  perplexed 
the  chieftain  ; and  he  proposed  to  one  of  the  Ind- 
ians who  had  borne  him  company  during  a great 
part  of  the  march,  to  go  as  a spy  into  the  Inca’s 
quarters,  and  bring  him  intelligence  of  his  actual 
position,  and,  as  far  as  he  could  learn  them,  of  his 
intentions  towards  the  Spaniards.  But  the  man 
positively  declined  this  dangerous  service,  though  he 
professed  his  willingness  to  go  as  an  authorized 
messenger  of  the  Spanish  commander. 

Pizarro  acquiesced  in  this  proposal,  and  instructed 
his  envoy  to  assure  the  Inca  that  he  was  advancing 
with  all  convenient  speed  to  meet  him.  He  was  to 
acquaint  the  monarch  with  the  uniformly  consid- 
erate conduct  of  the  Spaniards  towards  his  subjects, 
in  their  progress  through  the  land,  and  to  assure  him 
that  they  were  now  coming  in  full  confidence  of 
finding  in  him  the  same  amicable  feelings  towards 
themselves.  The  emissary  was  particularly  instruct- 
ed to  observe  if  the  strong  passes  on  the  road  were 
defended,  or  if  any  preparations  of  a hostile  charac- 
ter were  to  be  discerned.  This  last  intelligence  he 
was  to  communicate  to  the  general  by  means  of  two 
or  three  nimble-footed  attendants,  who  were  to  ac- 
company him  on  his  mission.^^ 

Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.  ^ — Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  190. 

VOL.  I.  48 


378 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Having  taken  this  precaution,  the  wary  com- 
mander again  resumed  his  march,  and  at  the  end  of 
three  days  reached  the  base  of  the  mountain  ram- 
part, behind  which  lay  the  ancient  town  of  Caxa- 
malca.  Before  him  rose  the  stupendous  Andes, 
rock  piled  upon  rock,  their  skirts  below  dark  with 
evergreen  forests,  varied  here  and  there  by  ter- 
raced patches  of  cultivated  garden,  with  the  peas- 
ant’s cottage  clinging  to  their  shaggy  sides,  and 
their  crests  of  snow  glittering  high  in  the  heav- 
ens, — presenting  altogether  such  a wild  chaos  of 
magnificence  and  beauty  as  no  other  mountain 
scenery  in  the  world  can  show.  Across  this  tre- 
mendous rampart,  through  a labyrinth  of  passes, 
easily  capable  of  defence  by  a handful  of  men 
against  an  army,  the  troops  were  now  to  march. 
To  the  right  ran  a broad  and  level  road,  with  its 
border  of  friendly  shades,  and  wide  enough  for  two 
carriages  to  pass  abreast.  It  was  one  of  the  great 
routes  leading  to  Cuzco,  and  seemed  by  its  pleasant 
and  easy  access  to  invite  the  wayworn  soldier  to 
choose  it  in  preference  to  the  dangerous  mountain 
defiles.  Many  were  accordingly  of  opinion  that  the 
army  should  take  this  course,  and  abandon  the 
original  destination  to  Caxamalca.  But  such  was 
not  the  decision  of  Pizarro. 

The  Spaniards  had  everywhere  proclaimed  their 
purpose,  he  said,  to  visit  the  Inca  in  his  camp. 
This  purpose  had  been  communicated  to  the  Inca 
himself.  To  take  an  opposite  direction  now  would 
only  be  to  draw  on  them  the  imputation  of  coward- 


Ch.  III.]  REACH  THE  FOOT  OF  THE  ANDES. 


379 


ice,  and  to  incur  Atahuallpa’s  contempt.  No  alter- 
native remained  but  to  march  straight  across  the 
sierra  to  his  quarters.  “ Let  every  one  of  you,” 
said  the  bold  cavalier,  “ take  heart  and  go  forward 
like  a good  soldier,  nothing  daunted  by  the  small- 
ness of  your  numbers.  For  in  the  greatest  extrem- 
ity God  ever  fights  for  his  own ; and  doubt  not  he 
will  humble  the  pride  of  the  heathen,  and  bring  him 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  true  faith,  the  great  end 
and  object  of  the  Conquest.” 

Pizarro,  like  Cortes,  possessed  a good  share  of  that 
frank  and  manly  eloquence  which  touches  the  heart 
of  the  soldier  more  than  the  parade  of  rhetoric  or 
the  finest  flow  of  elocution.  He  was  a soldier  him- 
self, and  partook  in  all  the  feelings  of  the  soldier,  his 
joys,  his  hopes,  and  his  disappointments.  He  was  not 
raised  by  rank  and  education  above  sympathy  with 
the  humblest  of  his  followers.  Every  chord  in  their 
bosoms  vibrated  with  the  same  pulsations  as  his  own, 
and  the  conviction  of  this  gave  him  a mastery  over 
them.  “ Lead  on,”  they  shouted,  as  he  finished  his 
brief  but  animating  address,  “ lead  on  wherever  you 
think  best.  We  will  follow  with  good-will,  and  you 
shall  see  that  we  can  do  our  duty  in  the  cause  of 

22  “ Que  todos  se  animasen  y contrario,  la  ayuda  de  Dios  es 
esforzasen  a hacer  como  de  ellos  mucho  mayor,  y en  las  mayores 
esperaba  y como  buenos  espaiioles  necesidades  socorre  y faborece  a 
lo  suelen  hacer,  e que  no  les  pu-  los  suyos  para  desbaratar  y abajar 
siese  temor  la  multitud  que  se  decia  la  soberbia  de  los  infieles  e traerlos 
que  habia  de  gente  ni  el  poco  nu-  en  conocimiento  de  nuestra  S‘a 
mero  de  los  cristianos,  que  aunque  fe  catolica.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
menos  fuesen  e mayor  el  egercito  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 


380 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


God  and  the  King ! ” ^ There  was  no  longer  hesi- 
tation. All  thoughts  were  now  bent  on  the  instant 
passage  of  the  Cordilleras. 


23  “ Todos  digeron  que  fuese  obra  al  tiempo  del  efecto,  y veria 
por  el  Camino  que  quisiese  i viese  lo  que  cada  uno  de  ellos  haria  en 
que  mas  convenia,  que  todos  le  servicio  de  Diose  de  su  Magestad.” 
seguirian  con  buena  voluntad  e Ibid.,  MS.,  loc.  cit. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Severe  Passage  of  the  Andes. — Embassies  from  Atahuallpa. — 
The  Spaniards  reach  Caxamalca.  — Embassy  to  the  Inca.  — 
Interview  with  the  Inca.  — Despondency  of  the  Spaniards. 

1532. 

That  night  Pizarro  held  a council  of  his  principal 
officers,  and  it  was  determined  that  he  should  lead 
the  advance,  consisting  of  forty  horse  and  sixty  foot, 
and  reconnoitre  the  ground ; while  the  rest  of  the 
company,  under  his  brother  Hernando,  should  oc- 
cupy their  present  position  till  they  received  further 
orders. 

At  early  dawn  the  Spanish  general  and  his  de- 
tachment were  under  arms,  and  prepared  to  breast 
the  difficulties  of  the  sierra.  These  proved  even 
greater  than  had  been  foreseen.  The  path  had 
been  conducted  in  the  most  judicious  manner  round 
the  rugged  and  precipitous  sides  of  the  mountains, 
so  as  best  to  avoid  the  natural  impediments  pre- 
sented by  the  ground.  But  it  was  necessarily  so 
steep,  in  many  places,  that  the  cavalry  were  obliged 
to  dismount,  and,  scrambling  up  as  they  could,  to 
lead  their  horses  by  the  bridle.  In  many  places, 
too,  where  some  huge  crag  or  eminence  overhung 
the  road,  this  was  driven  to  the  very  verge  of  the 


382 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


precipice  ; and  the  traveller  was  compelled  to  wind 
along  the  narrow  ledge  of  rock,  scarcely  wide 
enough  for  his  single  steed,  where  a misstep  would 
precipitate  him  hundreds,  nay,  thousands,  of  feet 
into  the  dreadful  abyss!  The  wild  passes  of  the 
sierra,  practicable  for  the  half-naked  Indian,  and 
even  for  the  sure  and  circumspect  mule,  — an 
animal  that  seems  to  have  been  created  for  the 
roads  of  the  Cordilleras,  — were  formidable  to  the 
man-at-arms  encumbered  with  his  panoply  of  mail. 
The  tremendous  fissures  or  quehradas,  so  frightful 
in  this  mountain  chain,  yawned  open,  as  if  the 
Andes  had  been  split  asunder  by  some  terrible  con- 
vulsion, showing  a broad  expanse  of  the  primitive 
rock  on  their  sides,  partially  mantled  over  with  the 
spontaneous  vegetation  of  ages ; while  their  obscure 
depths  furnished  a channel  for  the  torrents,  that, 
rising  in  the  heart  of  the  sierra,  worked  their  way 
gradually  into  light,  and  spread  over  the  savannas 
and  green  valleys  of  the  tierra  caliente  on  their  way 
to  the  great  ocean. 

Many  of  these  passes  afforded  obvious  points  of 
defence ; and  the  Spaniards,  as  they  entered  the 
rocky  defiles,  looked  with  apprehension  lest  they 
might  rouse  some  foe  from  his  ambush.  This  ap- 
prehension was  heightened,  as,  at  the  summit  of  a 
steep  and  narrow  gorge,  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged, they  beheld  a strong  work,  rising  like  a for- 
tress, and  frowning,  as  it  were,  in  gloomy  defiance 
on  the  invaders.  As  they  drew  near  this  building, 
which  was  of  solid  stone,  commanding  an  angle  of 


Ch.  IV.] 


SEVERE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  ANDES. 


383 


the  road,  they  almost  expected  to  see  the  dusky 
forms  of  the  warriors  rise  over  the  battlements,  and 
to  receive  their  tempest  of  missiles  on  their  buck- 
lers ; for  it  was  in  so  strong  a position,  that  a few 
resolute  men  might  easily  have  held  there  an  army 
at  bay.  But  they  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  the 
place  untenanted,  and  their  spirits  were  greatly 
raised  by  the  conviction  that  the  Indian  monarch 
did  not  intend  to  dispute  their  passage,  when  it 
would  have  been  easy  to  do  so  with  success. 

Pizarro  now  sent  orders  to  his  brother  to  follow 
without  delay  ; and,  after  refreshing  his  men,  con- 
tinued his  toilsome  ascent,  and  before  nightfall 
reached  an  eminence  crowned  by  another  fortress, 
of  even  greater  strength  than  the  preceding.  It 
was  built  of  solid  masonry,  the  lower  part  exca- 
vated from  the  living  rock,  and  the  whole  work 
executed  with  skill  not  inferior  to  that  of  the  Eu- 
ropean architect.* 

Here  Pizarro  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night. 
Without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  rear,  on  the 
following  morning  he  resumed  his  march,  leading 
still  deeper  into  the  intricate  gorges  of  the  sierra. 
The  climate  had  gradually  changed,  and  the  men 
and  horses,  especially  the  latter,  suffered  severely 
from  the  cold,  so  long  accustomed  as  they  had  been 
to  the  sultry  climate  of  the  tropics.^  The  vegeta- 

1 “ Tan  ancha  la  Cerca  como  ser  mejor  labrada  la  Cerca.”  Xe- 
qualquier  Fortale5a  de  Espatia,  rez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
con  sus  Puertas  ; que  si  en  esta  tom.  III.  p.  192. 

Tierra  oviese  los  Maestros,  i Her-  2 u Eg  ^nto  el  frio  que  hace  en 
ramientas  de  Espana,  no  pudiera  esta  Sierra,  que  como  los  Caballos 


384 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


tion  also  had  changed  its  character ; and  the  mag- 
nificent timber  which  covered  the  lower  level  of  the 
country  had  gradually  given  way  to  the  funereal 
forest  of  pine,  and,  as  they  rose  still  higher,  to  the 
stunted  growth  of  numberless  Alpine  plants,  whose 
hardy  natures  found  a congenial  temperature  in  the 
icy  atmosphere  of  the  more  elevated  regions.  These 
dreary  solitudes  seemed  to  be  nearly  abandoned  by 
the  brute  creation  as  well  as  by  man.  The  light- 
footed  vicuna,  roaming  in  its  native  state,  might  be 
sometimes  seen  looking  down  from  some  airy  cliff, 
where  the  foot  of  the  hunter  dared  not  venture. 
But  instead  of  the  feathered  tribes  whose  gay  plu- 
mage sparkled  in  the  deep  glooms  of  the  tropical 
forests,  the  adventurers  now  beheld  only  the  great 
bird  of  the  Andes,  the  loathsome  condor,  who,  sail- 
- ing  high  above  the  clouds,  followed  with  doleful  cries 
in  the  track  of  the  army,  as  if  guided  by  instinct 
in  the  path  of  blood  and  carnage. 

At  length  they  reached  the  crest  of  the  Cordille- 
ra, where  it  spreads  out  into  a bold  and  bleak  ex- 
panse, with  scarce  the  vestige  of  vegetation,  except 
what  is  afforded  by  the  pajonal,  a dried  yellow 
grass,  which,  as  it  is  seen  from  below,  encircling  the 
base  of  the  snow-covered  peaks,  looks,  with  its  bril- 
liant straw-color  lighted  up  in  the  rays  of  an  ar- 
dent sun,  like  a setting  of  gold  round  pinnacles  of 
burnished  silver.  The  land  was  sterile,  as  usual 
in  mining  districts,  and  they  were  drawing  near 

venian  hechos  al  calor,  que  en  los  Valles  hacia,  algunos  de  ellos  se 
resfriaron.”  Ibid.,  p.  191. 


Ch.  IV.]  EMBASSIES  FROM  ATAHUALLPA.  385 

the  once  famous  gold  quarries  on  the  way  to  Cax- 
amalca ; 

“ Rocks  rich  in  gems,  and  mountains  big  with  mines, 

That  on  the  high  equator  ridgy  rise.” 

Here  Pizarro  halted  for  the  coming  up  of  the  rear. 
The  air  was  sharp  and  frosty;  and  the  soldiers, 
spreading  their  tents,  lighted  fires,  and,  huddling 
round  them,  endeavoured  to  find  some  repose  after 
their  laborious  march.^ 

They  had  not  been  long  in  these  quarters,  when  a 
messenger  arrived,  one  of  those  who  had  accompa- 
nied the  Indian  envoy  sent  by  Pizarro  to  Atahu- 
allpa.  He  informed  the  general  that  the  road  was 
free  from  enemies,  and  that  an  embassy  from  the 
Inca  was  on  its  way  to  the  Castilian  camp.  Pizar- 
ro now  sent  back  to  quicken  the  march  of  the  rear, 
as  he  was  unwilling  that  the  Peruvian  envoy  should 
find  him  with  his  present  diminished  numbers.  The 
rest  of  the  army  were  not  far  distant,  and  not  long 
after  reached  the  encampment. 

In  a short  time  the  Indian  embassy  also  ar- 
rived, which  consisted  of  one  of  the  Inca  nobles 
and  several  attendants,  bringing  a welcome  present 
of  llamas  to  the  Spanish  commander.  The  Pera- 
vian  bore,  also,  the  greetings  of  his  master,  who 

3 “E  aposentaronse  los  Espa-  trabajo;  y segnn  a los  cristianos 
Holes  en  sus  toldos  6 pabellones  de  les  parecio,  y aun  como  era  lo 
algodon  de  la  tierra  que  llevaban,  cierto,  no  podia  haber  mas  frio  en 
e haciendo  fuegos  para  defenderse  parte  de  Espana  en  inviemo.” 
del  mucho  frio  que  en  aquella  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS,, 
Sierra  hacen,  porque  sin  ellos  no  se  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 
pudieron  valer  sin  padecer  mucho 

49 


VOL.  I. 


386 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


wished  to  know  when  the  Spaniards  would  arrive  at 
Caxainalca,  that  he  might  provide  suitable  refresh- 
ments for  them.  Pizarro  learned  that  the  Inca  had 
left  Guamachucho,  and  was  now  lying  with  a small 
force  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Caxamalca,  at  a place 
celebrated  for  its  natural  springs  of  warm  water. 
The  Peruvian  was  an  intelligent  person,  and  the 
Spanish  commander  gathered  from  him  many  partic- 
ulars respecting  the  late  contests  which  had  dis- 
tracted the  empire. 

As  the  envoy  vaunted  in  lofty  terms  the  military 
prowess  and  resources  of  his  sovereign,  Pizarro 
thought  it  politic  to  show  that  it  had  no  power  to 
overawe  him.  He  expressed  his  satisfaction  at  the 
triumphs  of  Atahuallpa,  who,  he  acknowledged,  had 
raised  himself  high  in  the  rank  of  Indian  warriors. 
But  he  was  as  inferior,  he  added  with  more  policy 
than  politeness,  to  the  monarch  who  ruled  over  the 
white  men,  as  the  petty  curacas  of  the  country  were 
inferior  to  him.  This  was  evident  from  the  ease 
with  which  a few  Spaniards  had  overrun  this  great 
continent,  subduing  one  nation  after  another,  that 
had  offered  resistance  to  their  arms.  He  had  been 
led  by  the  fame  of  Atahuallpa  to  visit  his  domin- 
ions, and  to  offer  him  his  services  in  his  wars ; 
and,  if  he  were  received  by  the  Inca  in  the  same 
friendly  spirit  with  which  he  came,  he  was  wil- 
ling, for  the  aid  he  could  render  him,  to  postpone 
awhile  his  passage  across  the  country  to  the  oppo- 
site seas.  The  Indian,  according  to  the  Castilian 
accounts,  listened  with  awe  to  this  strain  of  glorifi- 


Ch.  IV  ] 


EMBASSIES  FROM  ATAHUALLPA. 


387 


cation  from  the  Spanish  commander.  Yet  it  is  pos- 
sible that  the  envoy  was  a better  diplomatist  than 
they  imagined  ; and  that  he  understood  it  was  only 
the  game  of  brag  at  which  he  was  playing  with  his 
more  civilized  antagonist."* 

On  the  succeeding  morning,  at  an  early  hour, 
the  troops  were  again  on  their  march,  and  for  two 
days  were  occupied  in  threading  the  airy  defiles 
of  the  Cordilleras.  Soon  after  beginning  their 
descent  on  the  eastern  side,  another  emissary  ar- 
rived from  the  Inca,  bearing  a message  of  similar 
import  to  the  preceding,  and  a present,  in  like 
manner,  of  Peruvian  sheep.  This  was  the  same 
noble  that  had  visited  Pizarro  in  the  valley.  He 
now  came  in  more  state,  quaffing  chicha — the  fer- 
mented juice  of  the  maize  — from  golden  goblets 
borne  by  his  attendants,  which  sparkled  in  the  eyes 
of  the  rapacious  adventurers.® 

While  he  was  in  the  camp,  the  Indian  messenger, 
originally  sent  by  Pizarro  to  the  Inca,  returned,  and 
no  sooner  did  he  behold  the  Peruvian,  and  the  hon- 
orable reception  which  he  met  with  from  the  Span- 


4 Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  193.  — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
Ub.  8,  cap.  5. 

s “ Este  Embajador  traia  ser- 
vicio  de  Seiior,  i cinco,  6 seis  Va- 
ses de  Oro  fine,  con  que  bebia,  i 
con  ellos  daba  a beber  a los  Espa- 
noles  de  la  Chicha  que  traia.” 
Xerez,  Conq  del  Peru,  ap.  Bar- 
cia, tom.  III.  p.  193. — Oviedo, 


Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi 
supra. 

The  latter  author,  in  this  part 
of  his  work,  has  done  little  more 
than  make  a transcript  of  that  of 
Xerez.  His  indorsement  of  Pi- 
zarro’s  secretary,  however,  is  of 
value,  from  the  fact  that,  with  less 
temptation  to  misstate  or  overstate, 
he  enjoyed  excellent  opportunities 
for  information. 


388 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


iards,  than  he  was  filled  with  wrath,  which  would 
have  vented  itself  in  personal  violence,  but  for  the 
interposition  of  the  by-standers.  It  was  hard,  he 
said,  that  this  Peruvian  dog  should  be  thus  courte- 
ously treated,  when  he  himself  had  nearly  lost  his 
life  on  a similar  mission  among  his  countrymen. 
On  reaching  the  Inca’s  camp,  he  had  been  refused 
admission  to  his  presence,  on  the  ground  that  he  was 
keeping  a fast  and  could  not  be  seen.  They  had 
paid  no  respect  to  his  assertion  that  he  came  as  an 
envoy  from  the  white  men,  and  would,  probably, 
not  have  suffered  him  to  escape  with  life,  if  he 
had  not  assured  them  that  any  violence  offered  to 
him  would  be  retaliated  in  full  measure  on  the  per- 
sons of  the  Peruvian  envoys,  now  in  the  Spanish 
quarters.  There  was  no  doubt,  he  continued,  of 
the  hostile  intentions  of  Atahuallpa;  for  he  was 
surrounded  with  a powerful  army,  strongly  en- 
camped about  a league  from  Caxamalca,  while  that 
city  was  entirely  evacuated  by  its  inhabitants. 

To  all  this  the  Inca’s  envoy  coolly  replied,  that 
Pizarro’s  messenger  might  have  reckoned  on  such 
a reception  as  he  had  found,  since  he  seemed  to 
have  taken  with  him  no  credentials  of  his  mis- 
sion. As  to  the  Inca’s  fast,  that  was  true ; and, 
although  he  would  doubtless  have  seen  the  mes- 
senger, had  he  known  there  was  one  from  the 
strangers,  yet  it  was  not  safe  to  disturb  him  at  these 
solemn  seasons,  when  engaged  in  his  religious  du- 
ties. The  troops  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  were 
not  numerous,  considering  that  the  Inca  was  at  that 


Ch.  IV]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA.  389 

time  carrying  on  an  important  war;  and  as  to 
Caxamalca,  it  was  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants  in 
order  to  make  room  for  the  white  men,  who  were 
so  soon  to  occupy  it.® 

This  explanation,  however  plausible,  did  not  alto- 
gether satisfy  the  general ; for  he  had  too  deep  a 
conviction  of  the  cunning  of  Atahuallpa,  whose  in- 
tentions towards  the  Spaniards  he  had  long  greatly 
distrusted.  As  he  proposed,  however,  to  keep  on 
friendly  relations  with  the  monarch  for  the  present, 
it  was  obviously  not  his  cue  to  manifest  suspicion. 
Affecting,  therefore,  to  give  full  credit  to  the  ex- 
planation of  the  envoy,  he  dismissed  him  with  re- 
iterated assurances  of  speedily  presenting  himself 
before  the  Inca. 

The  descent  of  the  sierra,  though  the  Andes  are 
less  precipitous  on  their  eastern  side  than  towards  the 
west,  was  attended  with  difficulties  almost  equal  to 
those  of  the  upward  march  ; and  the  Spaniards  felt 
no  little  satisfaction,  when,  on  the  seventh  day,  they 
arrived  in  view  of  the  valley  of  Caxamalca,  which, 
enamelled  with  all  the  beauties  of  cultivation,  lay 
unrolled  like  a rich  and  variegated  carpet  of  verdure, 
in  strong  contrast  with  the  dark  forms  of  the  Andes, 
that  rose  up  everywhere  around  it.  The  valley  is 
of  an  oval  shape,  extending  about  five  leagues  in 
length  by  three  in  breadth.  It  was  inhabited  by  a 
population  of  a superior  character  to  any  which  the 
Spaniards  had  met  on  the  other  side  of  the  moun- 

6 Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  194.  — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 


390 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


tains,  as  was  argued  by  the  superior  style  of  their 
attire,  and  the  greater  eleanliness  and  comfort  visi- 
ble both  in  their  persons  and  dwellings/  As  far  as 
the  eye  could  reach,  the  level  tract  exhibited  the 
show  of  a diligent  and  thrifty  husbandry.  A broad 
river  rolled  through  the  meadows,  supplying  fa- 
cilities for  copious  irrigation  by  means  of  the  usual 
canals  and  subterraneous  aqueducts.  The  land,  in- 
tersected by  verdant  hedge-rows,  was  checkered 
with  patches  of  various  cultivation  ; for  the  soil  was 
rich,  and  the  climate,  if  less  stimulating  than  that  of 
the  sultry  regions  of  the  coast,  was  more  favorable  to 
the  hardy  products  of  the  temperate  latitudes.  Be- 
low the  adventurers,  with  its  white  houses  glittering 
in  the  sun,  lay  the  little  city  of  Caxamalca,  like  a 
sparkling  gem  on  the  dark  skirts  of  the  sierra.  At 
the  distance  of  about  a league  farther,  across  the 
valley,  might  be  seen  columns  of  vapor  rising  up 
towards  the  heavens,  indicating  the  place  of  the 
famous  hot  baths,  much  frequented  by  the  Peruvian 
princes.  And  here,  too,  was  a spectacle  less  grate- 
ful to  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards ; for  along  the  slope 
of  the  hills  a white  cloud  of  pavilions  was  seen 
covering  the  ground,  as  thick  as  snow-flakes,  for 
the  space,  apparently,  of  several  miles.  “ It  filled 
us  all  with  amazement,”  exclaims  one  of  the  Con- 
querors, “ to  behold  the  Indians  occupying  so  proud 
a position  ! So  many  tents,  so  well  appointed,  as 
were  never  seen  in  the  Indies  till  now ! The  spec- 


Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  195. 


Ch.  IV.]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA.  391 


tacle  caused  something  like  confusion  and  even  fear 
in  the  stoutest  bosom.  But  it  was  too  late  to  turn 
back,  or  to  betray  the  least  sign  of  weakness,  since 
the  natives  in  our  own  company  would,  in  such 
case,  have  been  the  first  to  rise  upon  us.  So,  with 
as  bold  a countenance  as  we  could,  after  coolly 
surveying  the  ground,  we  prepared  for  our  entrance 
into  Caxamalca.”® 

What  were  the  feelings  of  the  Peruvian  mon- 
arch we  are  not  informed,  when  he  gazed  on  the 
martial  cavalcade  of  the  Christians,  as,  with  banners 
streaming,  and  bright  panoplies  glistening  in  the 
rays  of  the  evening  sun,  it  emerged  from  the  dark 
depths  of  the  sierra,  and  advanced  in  hostile  array 
over  the  fair  domain,  which,  to  this  period,  had 
never  been  trodden  by  other  foot  than  that  of  the 
red  man.  It  might  be,  as  several  of  the  reports 
had  stated,  that  the  Inca  had  purposely  decoyed  the 
adventurers  into  the  heart  of  his  populous  empire, 
that  he  might  envelope  them  with  his  legions,  and 
the  more  easily  become  master  of  their  property  and 
persons.®  Or  was  it  from  a natural  feeling  of  curi- 
osity, and  relying  on  their  professions  of  friendship, 

8 “ Y eran  tantas  las  tiendas  que  tros  sintieran,  los  mismos  Indies 
parecian,  que  cierto  nos  puso  harto  que  llevabamos  nos  mataran,  y ansi 
espanto,  porque  no  pensabamos  que  con  animoso  semblante,  despues  de 
Indies  pudiesen  tener  tan  soberbia  haber  muy  bien  atalayado  el  pueblo 
estancia,  ni  tantas  tiendas,  ni  tan  a y tiendas  que  he  dicho,  abajamos 
punto,  lo  cual  hasta  alii  en  las  In-  por  el  valle  abajo,  y entramos  en 
dias  nunca  se  vio,  que  nos  causo  a el  pueblo  de  Cajamalca.”  Rela- 
todos  los  Espanoles  harta  confu-  cion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
sion  y temor ; aunque  no  convenia  9 This  was  evidently  the  opinion 
mostrarse,  ni  menos  volver  atras,  of  the  old  Conqueror,  whose  im- 
porque  si  alguna  flaqueza  en  noso-  perfect  manuscript  forms  one  of  the 


392 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


that  he  had  thus  allowed  them,  without  any  attempt 
at  resistance,  to  come  into  his  presence  ? At  all 
events,  he  could  hardly  have  felt  such  confidence  in 
himself,  as  not  to  look  with  apprehension,  mingled 
with  awe,  on  the  mysterious  strangers,  who,  coming 
from  an  unknown  world,  and  possessed  of  such 
wonderful  gifts,  had  made  their  way  across  mountain 
and  valley,  in  spite  of  every  obstacle  which  man 
and  nature  had  opposed  to  them. 

Pizarro,  meanwhile,  forming  his  little  corps  into 
three  divisions,  now  moved  forward,  at  a more  meas- 
ured pace,  and  in  order  of  battle,  down  the  slopes 
that  led  towards  the  Indian  city.  As  he  drew  near, 
no  one  came  out  to  welcome  him ; and  he  rode 
through  the  streets  without  meeting  with  a living 
thing,  or  hearing  a sound,  except  the  echoes,  sent 
back  from  the  deserted  dwellings,  of  the  tramp  of 
the  soldiery. 

It  was  a place  of  considerable  size,  containing 
about  ten  thousand  inhabitants,  somewhat  more, 
probably,  than  the  population  assembled  at  this 
day  within  the  walls  of  the  modern  city  of  Caxa- 
malca.'°  The  houses,  for  the  most  part,  were  built 

best  authorities  for  this  portion  of  chado  alii  ? y que  queriamos  1 Por- 
our  narrative.  “ Teniendonos  en  que  era  muy  soldo  y discreto,y  aun- 
muy  poco,  y no  haciendo  cuenta  qite  sin  luz  ni  escriptura,  amigo  de 
que  190  hombres  le  habian  de  ofen-  saber  y de  sotil  entendimiento  ; y 
der,  dio  lugar  y consintio  que  pasa-  despues  de  holgadose  con  nosotros, 
senaos  por  aquel  paso  y por  otros  tomamos  los  caballos  y las  cosas 
n.uchos  tan  malos  como  el,  porque  que  a el  mas  le  aplacian,  y sacrifi- 
realmente,  a lo  que  despues  se  car  a los  demas.”  Relacion  del 
supo  y averiguo,  su  intencion  era  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
vernos  y preguntamos,  de  donde  According  to  Stevenson,  this 

veniamosl  y quien  nos  habia  he-  population,  which  is  of  a very 


Ch.  IV.]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA. 


393 


of  clay,  hardened  in  the  sun ; the  roofs  thatched, 
or  of  timber.  Some  of  the  more  ambitious  dwell- 
ings were  of  hewn  stone  ; and  there  was  a convent 
in  the  place,  occupied  by  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun, 
and  a temple  dedicated  to  the  same  tutelar  deity, 
which  last  was  hidden  in  the  deep  embowering 
shades  of  a grove  on  the  skirts  of  the  city.  On 
the  quarter  towards  the  Indian  camp  was  a square 
— if  square  it  might  be  called,  which  was  almost 
triangular  in  form  — of  an  immense  size,  surround- 
ed by  low  buildings.  These  consisted  of  capacious 
halls,  with  wide  doors  or  openings  communicating 
with  the  square.  They  were  probably  intended  as 
a sort  of  barracks  for  the  Inca’s  soldiers.^  At  the 
end  of  the  plaza,  looking  towards  the  country,  was 
a fortress  of  stone,  with  a stairway  leading  from  the 
city,  and  a private  entrance  from  the  adjoining  sub- 
urbs. There  w^as  still  another  fortress  on  the  rising 
ground  wdiich  commanded  the  towii,  built  of  hewui 
stone,  and  encompassed  by  three  circular  walls,  — 
or  rather  one  and  the  same  wall,  which  w ound  up 
spirally  around  it.  It  was  a place  of  great  strength, 
and  the  workmanship  showed  a better  knowledge 
of  masonry,  and  gave  a higher  impression  of  the 

mixed  character,  amounts,  or  did  the  present  day,  that  it  did  in  that 
amount  some  thirty  years  ago,  to  of  the  Incas.  Residence  in  South 
about  seven  thousand.  That  sa-  America,  vol.  II.  p.  131. 
gacious  traveller  gives  an  animated  n Carta  de  Hem.  Pizarro,  ap. 
description  of  the  city,  in  which  he  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
resided  some  time,  and  which  he  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  15. — Xerez, 
seems  to  have  regarded  with  pecu-  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
liar  predilection.  Yet  it  does  not  III.  p.  195. 
hold  probably  the  relative  rank  at 
VOL.  I.  50 


394 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


architectural  science  of  the  people,  than  any  thing 
the  Spaniards  had  yet  seend^ 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  fifteenth  of 
November,  1332,  when  the  Conquerors  entered  the 
city  of  Caxamalca.  The  weather,  which  had  been 
fair  during  the  day,  now  threatened  a storm,  and 
some  rain  mingled  with  hail  — for  it  was  unusually 
cold  — began  to  falld'^  Pizarro,  how'ever,  was  so 
anxious  to  ascertain  the  dispositions  of  the  Inca, 
that  he  determined  to  send  an  embassy,  at  once, 
to  his  quarters.  He  selected  for  this,  Hernando 
de  Soto  wdth  fifteen  horse,  and,  after  his  departure, 
conceiving  that  the  number  was  too  small,  in  case 
of  any  unfriendly  demonstrations  by  the  Indians, 
he  ordered  his  brother  Hernando  to  follow  with 
twenty  additional  troopers.  This  captain  and  one 
other  of  his  party  have  left  us  an  account  of  the 
excursion. 


12  “Fuer^as  son,  que  entre  In- 
dies no  se  han  visto  tales.”  Xe- 
rez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
tom.  III.  p.  195.  — Relacion  del 
Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

13  “ Desde  a poco  rato  comenco 
a Hover,  i caer  grani^o.”  (Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
III.  p.  195.)  Caxamalca,  in  the 
Indian  tongue,  signifies  “ place  of 
frost  ” ; for  the  temperature,  though 
usually  bland  and  genial,  is  some- 
times affected  by  frosty  winds  from 
the  east,  very  pernicious  to  vege- 
tation. Stevenson,  Residence  in 
South  America,  vol.  II.  p.  129. 

14  Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 

The  Letter  of  Hernando  Pizarro, 


addressed  to  the  Royal  Audience 
of  St.  Domingo,  gives  a full  ac- 
count of  the  extraordinary  events 
recorded  in  this  and  the  ensuing 
cliapter,  in  which  that  cavalier  took 
a prominent  part.  Allowing  for 
the  partialities  incident  to  a chief 
actor  in  the  scenes  he  describes, 
no  authority  can  rank  higher.  The 
indefatigable  Oviedo,  who  resided 
in  St.  Domingo,  saw  its  impor- 
tance, and  fortunately  incorporated 
the  document  in  his  great  work, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
lib.  8,  cap.  15.  — The  anonymous 
author  of  the  Relacion  del  Primer. 
Descub.,  MS.,  was  also  detached 
on  this  service. 


Ch.  IV.] 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  INCA. 


395 


Between  the  city  and  the  imperial  camp  was  a 
causeway,  built  in  a substantial  manner  across  the 
meadow  land  that  intervened.  Over  this  the  cav- 
alry galloped  at  a rapid  pace,  and,  before  they  had 
gone  a league,  they  came  in  front  of  the  Peruvian 
encampment,  where  it  spread  along  the  gentle  slope 
of  the  mountains.  The  lances  of  the  warriors  were 
fixed  in  the  ground  before  their  tents,  and  the  Ind- 
ian soldiers  were  loitering  without,  gazing  with 
silent  astonishment  at  the  Christian  cavalcade,  as 
with  clangor  of  arms  and  shrill  blast  of  trumpet  it 
swept  by,  like  some  fearful  apparition,  on  the  wings 
of  the  wind. 

The  party  soon  came  to  a broad  but  shallow 
stream,  which,  winding  through  the  meadow,  formed 
a defence  for  the  Inca’s  position.  Across  it  was 
a wooden  bridge ; but  the  cavaliers,  distrusting  its 
strength,  preferred  to  dash  through  the  waters,  and 
without  difficulty  gained  the  opposite  bank.  A bat- 
talion of  Indian  warriors  was  drawm  up  under  arms 
on  the  farther  side  of  the  bridge,  but  they  offered 
no  molestation  to  the  Spaniards  ; and  these  latter 
had  strict  orders  from  Pizarro  — scarcely  necessary 
in  their  present  circumstances  — to  treat  the  natives 
with  courtesy.  One  of  the  Indians  pointed  out  the 
quarter  occupied  by  the  Inca.’® 

It  w^as  an  open  court-yard,  with  a light  building 
or  pleasure-house  in  the  centre,  having  galleries 
running  around  it,  and  opening  in  the  rear  on  a 

15  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Hem.  Pi- 
zarro, MS. 


396 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


garden.  The  walls  were  covered  with  a shining 
plaster,  both  white  and  colored,  and  in  the  area 
before  the  edifice  was  seen  a spacious  tank  or  reser- 
voir of  stone,  fed  by  aqueducts  that  supplied  it  wdth 
both  warm  and  cold  water.^®  A basin  of  hewn 
stone  — it  may  be  of  a more  recent  construction  — 
still  bears,  on  the  spot,  the  name  of  the  “ Inca’s 
bath.”  The  court  was  filled  with  Indian  nobles, 
dressed  in  gayly  ornamented  attire,  in  attendance  on 
the  monarch,  and  with  women  of  the  royal  house- 
hold. Amidst  this  assembly  it  was  not  difficult  to 
distinguish  the  person  of  Atahuallpa,  though  his 
dress  was  simpler  than  that  of  his  attendants.  But 
he  wore  on  his  head  the  crimson  horla  or  fringe, 
which,  surrounding  the  forehead,  hung  down  as  low 
as  the  eyebrow.  This  was  the  well-known  badge 
of  Peruvian  sovereignty,  and  had  been  assumed  by 
the  monarch  only  since  the  defeat  of  his  brother 
Huascar.  He  was  seated  on  a low  stool  or  cushion, 
somewhat  after  the  Morisco  or  Turkish  fashion,  and 
his  nobles  and  principal  officers  stood  around  him, 
with  great  ceremony,  holding  the  stations  suited  to 
their  rank.*® 

Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  U Stevenson,  Residence  in  South 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  202.  America,  vol.  II.  p.  164. 

“ Y al  estanque  venian  dos  canos  i®  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
de  agua,  uno  caliente  y otro  frio,  y Barcia,  tom.  ID.  p.  196.  — Carta 
alii  se  templava  la  una  con  la  otra,  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 
para  quando  el  Senor  se  queria  The  appearance  of  the  Peruvian 
baiiar  6 sus  mugeres  que  otra  per-  monarch  is  described  in  simple  but 
sona  no  osava  entrar  en  el  so  pena  animated  style  by  the  Conqueror 
de  la  vida.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  De-  so  often  quoted,  one  of  the  party, 
scub.  y Conq.,  MS.  “ Llegados  al  patio  de  la  dicha 


Ch.  IV.] 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  INCA.  ‘ 


397 


The  Spaniards  gazed  with  much  interest  on  the 
prince,  of  whose  cruelty  and  cunning  they  had 
heard  so  much,  and  whose  valor  had  secured  to  him 
the  possession  of  the  empire.  But  his  countenance 
exhibited  neither  the  fierce  passions  nor  the  sagacity 
which  had  been  ascribed  to  him  ; and,  though  in 
his  bearing  he  showed  a gravity  and  a calm  con- 
sciousness of  authority  well  becoming  a king,  he 
seemed  to  discharge  all  expression  from  his  features, 
and  to  discover  only  the  apathy  so  characteristic  of 
the  American  races.  On  the  present  occasion,  this 
must  have  been  in  part,  at  least,  assumed.  For 
it  is  impossible  that  the  Indian  prince  should  not 
have  contemplated  with  curious  interest  a spectacle 
so  strange,  and,  in  some  respects,  appalling,  as  that 
of  these  mysterious  strangers,  for  which  no  previous 
description  could  have  prepared  him. 

Hernando  Pizarro  and  Soto,  ttith  two  or  three 
only  of  their  followers,  slowly  rode  up  in  front  of 
the  Inca  ; and  the  former,  making  a respectful  obei- 
sance, but  without  dismounting,  informed  Atahuallpa 
that  he  came  as  an  ambassador  from  his  brother, 
the  commander  of  the  white  men,  to  acquaint  the 
monarch  with  their  arrival  in  his  city  of  Caxamalca. 

casa  que  tenia  delante  della,  vimos  muy  baja  del  suelo,  como  los  turcos 
estar  en  medio  de  gran  muchedum-  y moros  acostumbran  sentarse,  el 
bre  de  Indies  asentado  aquel  gran  cual  estaba  con  tanta  magestad  y 
Senor  Atabalica  (de  quien  tanta  aparato  cual  nunca  se  ha  visto 
noticia,  y tantas  cosas  nos  habian  jamas,  porque  estaba  cercado  de 
dicho)  con  una  corona  en  la  cabeza,  mas  de  seiscientos  Senores  de  su 
y una  borla  que  le  salia  della,  y le  tierra.”  Relacion  del  Primer.  De- 
cubria  toda  la  frente,  la  cual  era  la  scub.,  MS. 
insinia  real,  sentado  en  una  sillecita 


398 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


They  were  the  subjects  of  a mighty  prince  across 
the  waters,  and  had  come,  he  said,  drawn  thither 
by  the  report  of  his  great  victories,  to  offer  their 
services,  and  to  impart  to  him  the  doctrines  of  the 
true  faith  which  they  professed  ; and  he  brought  an 
invitation  from  the  general  to  Atahuallpa  that  the 
latter  would  be  pleased  to  visit  the  Spaniards  in 
their  present  quarters. 

To  all  this  the  Inca  answered  not  a word  ; nor 
did  he  make  even  a sign  of  acknowledgment  that 
he  comprehended  it ; though  it  was  translated  for 
him  by  Felipillo,  one  of  the  interpreters  already  no- 
ticed. He  remained  silent,  with  his  eyes  fastened 
on  the  ground ; but  one  of  his  nobles,  standing 
by  his  side,  answered,  “It  is  well.”*®  This  was 
an  embarrassing  situation  for  the  Spaniards,  who 
seemed  to  be  as  wide  from  ascertaining  the  real 
disposition  of  the  Peruvian  monarch  towards  them- 
selves, as  when  the  mountains  were  between 
them. 

In  a courteous  and  respectful  manner,  Hernando 
Pizarro  again  broke  the  silence  by  requesting  the 
Inca  to  speak  to  them  himself,  and  to  inform  them 
what  was  his  pleasure.^  To  this  Atahuallpa  condo- 
le “ Las  ciiales  por  oidas,  con  que  un  Sefior  de  aquellos  que 
ser  su  inclinacion  preguntarnos  y estaban  par  de  el  respondia : bien 
saber  de  donde  veniamos,  y que  esta.”  Relacion  del  Primer.  De- 
queriamos,  y ver  nuestras  personas  scub.,  MS. 

y caballos,  tubo  tanta  serenidad  en  ^ “ Visto  por  el  dicho  Her- 
el  rostro,  y tanta  gravedad  en  su  nando  Pizarro  que  el  no  hablaba, 
persona,  que  no  quiso  responder  y que  aquella  tercera  persona  res- 
palabra  a lo  que  se  le  decia,  salvo  pondia  de  suyo,  torno  le  a supli- 


Ch.  IV.] 


INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  INCA. 


399 


scended  to  reply,  while  a faint  smile  passed  over 
his  features,  — “ Tell  your  captain  that  I am  keep- 
ing a fast,  which  will  end  to-morrow  morning.  I 
will  then  visit  him,  with  my  chieftains.  In  the 
mean  time,  let  him  occupy  the  public  buildings 
on  the  square,  and  no  other,  till  I come,  when  I 
will  order  what  shall  be  done.”^‘ 

Soto,  one  of  the  party  present  at  this  interview, 
as  before  noticed,  was  the  best  mounted  and  perhaps 
the  best  rider  in  Pizarro’s  troop.  Observing  that 
Atahuallpa  looked  with  some  interest  on.  the  fiery 
steed  that  stood  before  him,  champing  the  bit  and 
pawing  the  ground  with  the  natural  impatience  of 
a war-horse,  the  Spaniard  gave  him  the  rein,  and, 
striking  his  iron  heel  into  his  side,  dashed  furiously 
over  the  plain ; then,  wheeling  him  round  and  round, 
displayed  all  the  beautiful  movements  of  his  charger, 
and  his  own  excellent  horsemanship.  Suddenly 
checking  him  in  full  career,  he  brought  the  animal 
almost  on  his  haunches,  so  near  the  person  of  the 
Inca,  that  some  of  the  foam  that  flecked  his  horse’s 


car,  que  el  hablase  por  su  boca,  y 
le  respondiese  lo  que  quisiese.” 
Ibid.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

21  “El  cual  a esto  yolvio  la  ca- 
beza  a mirarle  sonriendose  y le 
dijo  : Decid  a ese  Capitan  que  os 
embia  aca ; que  yo  estoy  en  ayuno, 
y le  acabo  mafiana  por  la  manana, 
que  en  bebiendo  una  vez,  yo  ire 
con  algunos  destos  principales  mios 
a yerme  con  el,  que  en  tanto  el  se 
aposente  en  esas  casas  que  estan 
en  la  plaza  que  son  comunes  a 


todos,  y que  no  entren  en  otra 
ninguna  hasta  que  Yo  vaya,  que 
Yo  mandare  lo  que  se  ha  de  ha- 
cer.”  Ibid.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

In  this  singular  interyiew  I haye 
followed  the  account  of  the  cayalier 
who  accompanied  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro,  in  preference  to  the  latter, 
who  represents  himself  as  talk- 
ing in  a lordly  key,  that  sayours 
too  much  of  the  yaunt  of  the  hi- 
dalgo. 


400 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


sides  was  thrown  on  the  royal  garments.  But 
Atahuallpa  maintained  the  same  marble  composure 
as  before,  though  several  of  his  soldiers,  whom  De 
Soto  passed  in  the  course,  were  so  much  discon- 
certed by  it,  that  they  drew  back  in  manifest  terror  ; 
an  act  of  timidity  for  which  they  paid  dearly,  if,  as 
the  Spaniards  assert,  Atahuallpa  caused  them  to  be 
put  to  death  that  same  evening  for  betraying  such 
unworthy  weakness  to  the  strangers.^^ 

Refreshments  were  now  offered  by  the  royal  at- 
tendants to  the  Spaniards,  which  they  declined, 
being  unwilling  to  dismount.  They  did  not  refuse, 
however,  to  quaff  the  sparkling  chicha  from  golden 
vases  of  extraordinary  size,  presented  to  them  by 
the  dark-eyed  beauties  of  the  harem.^^  Taking 
then  a respectful  leave  of  the  Inca,  the  cavaliers 
rode  back  to  Caxamalca,  with  many  moody  specula- 
tions on  what  they  had  seen  ; on  the  state  and  opu- 
lence of  the  Indian  monarch ; on  the  strength  of  his 
military  array,  their  excellent  appointments,  and  the 
apparent  discipline  in  their  ranks,  — all  arguing  a 
much  higher  degree  of  civilization,  and  consequently 
of  power,  than  any  thing  they  had  witnessed  in  the 


^ Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS.  — Relacion  del  Pri- 
mer. Descub.,  MS. 

“ I algunos  Indies,  con  miedo, 
se  desviaron  de  la  Carrera,  por  lo 
qual  Atabalipa  los  hi50  luego  ma- 
lar.” (Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  2,  cap.  4.)  — Xerez  states  that 
Atahuallpa  confessed  this  himself, 
in  conversation  vv^ith  the  Spaniards 


after  he  was  taken  prisoner.  — 
Soto’s  charger  might  well  have 
made  the  Indians  start,  if,  as  Bal- 
boa says,  he  took  twenty  feet  at  a 
leap,  and  this  with  a knight  in 
armour  on  his  back  ! Hist,  du  Pe- 
rou,  chap.  22. 

23  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  196. 


Ch.  IV.]  DESPONDENCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


401 


lower  regions  of  the  country.  As  they  contrasted 
all  this  with  their  own  diminutive  force^  too  far  ad- 
vanced, as  they  now  were,  for  succour  to  reach  them, 
they  felt  they  had  done  rashly  in  throwing  themselves 
into  the  midst  of  so  formidable  an  empire,  and  were 
filled  with  gloomy  forebodings  of  the  result.^  Their 
comrades  in  the  camp  soon  caught  the  infectious 
spirit  of  despondency,  which  was  not  lessened  as 
night  came  on,  and  they  beheld  the  watch-fires  of 
the  Peruvians  lighting  up  the  sides  of  the  mountains, 
and  glittering  in  the  darkness,  “ as  thick,”  says  one 
who  saw  them,  “ as  the  stars  of  heaven.” 

Yet  there  was  one  bosom  in  that  little  host  which 
was  not  touched  witli  the  feeling  either  of  fear  or 
dejection.  That  was  Pizarro’s,  who  secretly  re- 
joiced that  he  had  now  brought  matters  to  the  issue 
for  which  he  had  so  long  panted.  He  saw  the  ne- 
cessity of  kindling  a similar  feeling  in  his  followers, 
or  all  would  be  lost.  Without  unfolding  his  plans. 


24  “ Hecho  esto  y visto  y ata- 
layado  la  grandeza  del  ejercito,  y 
las  tiendas  que  era  bien  de  ver,  nos 
bolvimos  a donde  el  dicho  capitan 
nos  estaba  esperando,  harto  espan- 
tados  de  lo  que  habiamos  visto,  ha- 
biendo  y tomando  entre  nosotros 
muchos  acuerdos  y opiniones  de  lo 
que  se  debia  hacer,  estando  todos 
con  mucho  temor  por  ser  tan  pocos, 
y estar  tan  metidos  en  la  tierra 
donde  no  podiamos  ser  socorridos.” 
(Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
MS.)  Pedro  Pizarro  is  honest 
enough  to  confirm  this  account  of 
the  consternation  of  the  Spaniards. 
VOL.  I.  51 


(Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  Fear  was 
a strange  sensation  for  the  Cas- 
tilian cavalier.  But  if  he  did  not 
feel  some  touch  of  it  on  that  occa- 
sion, he  must  have  been  akin  to  that 
doughty  knight  who,  as  Charles  V. 
pronounced,  “ never  could  have 
snuffed  a candle  with  his  fingers.” 
25  “ Hecimos  la  guardia  en  la 
plaza,  de  donde  se  vian  los  fuegos 
del  ejercito  de  los  Indios,  lo  cual 
era  cosa  espantable,  que  como  esta- 
ban  en  una  ladera  la  mayor  parte, 
y tan  juntos  unos  de  otros,  no  pa- 
recia  sino  un  cielo  muy  estrellado.” 
Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


402 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


he  went  round  among  his  men,  beseeching  them 
not  to  show  faint  hearts  at  this  crisis,  when  they 
stood  face  to  face  with  the  foe  whom  they  had  been 
so  long  seeking.  “ They  were  to  rely  on  them- 
selves, and  on  that  Providence  which  had  carried 
tliem  safe  through  so  many  fearful  trials.  It  would 
not  now  desert  them ; and  if  numbers,  however 
great,  were  on  the  side  of  their  enemy,  it  mattered 
little  when  the  arm  of  Heaven  was  on  theirs.”^ 
The  Spanish  cavalier  acted  under  the  combined  in- 
fluence of  chivalrous  adventure  and  religious  zeal. 
The  latter  was  the  most  effective  in  the  hour  of 
peril ; and  Pizarro,  who  understood  well  the  charac- 
ters he  had  to  deal  with,  by  presenting  the  enter- 
prise as  a crusade,  kindled  the  dying  embers  of  en- 
tliusiasm  in  the  bosoms  of  his  followers,  and  restored 
their  faltering  courage. 

He  then  summoned  a council  of  his  officers,  to 
consider  the  plan  of  operations,  or  rather  to  propose 
to  them  the  extraordinary  plan  on  which  he  had 
himself  decided.  This  was  to  lay  an  ambuscade  for 
tlie  Inca,  and  take  him  prisoner  in  the  face  of  his 
whole  army  ! It  was  a project  full  of  peril,  — bor- 
dering, as  it  might  well  seem,  on  desperation.  But 
die  circumstances  of  the  Spaniards  were  desperate. 
Whichever  way  they  turned,  they  were  menaced 
by  the  most  appalling  dangers ; and  better  was  it 
bravely  to  confront  the  danger,  than  weakly  to 
shrink  from  it,  when  there  was  no  avenue  for  escape. 

26  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  197.  — Na- 
harro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 


Ch.  IV.]  DESPONDENCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


403 


To  fly  was  now  too  late.  Whither  could  they 
fly  ? At  the  first  signal  of  retreat,  the  whole  army 
of  the  Inca  would  be  upon  them.  Their  movements 
would  be  anticipated  by  a foe  far  better  acquainted 
with  the  intricacies  of  the  sierra  than  themselves ; 
the  passes  would  be  occupied,  and  they  would  be 
hemmed  in  on  all  sides ; while  the  mere  fact  of  this 
retrograde  movement  would  diminish  the  confidence 
and  with  it  the  effective  strength  of  his  own  men, 
while  it  doubled  that  of  his  enemy. 

Yet  to  remain  long  inactive  in  his  present  position 
seemed  almost  equally  perilous.  Even  supposing 
that  Atahuallpa  should  entertain  friendly  feelings 
towards  the  Christians,  they  could  not  confide  in  the 
continuance  of  such  feelings.  Familiarity  with  the 
white  men  would  soon  destroy  the  idea  of  any  thing 
supernatural,  or  even  superior,  in  their  natures.  He 
would  feel  contempt  for  their  diminutive  numbers. 
Their  horses,  their  arms  and  showy  appointments, 
would  be  an  attractive  bait  in  the  eye  of  the  bar- 
baric monarch,  and  when  conscious  that  he  had  the 
power  to  crush  their  possessors,  he  would  not  be 
slow  in  finding  a pretext  for  it.  A sufficient  one 
had  already  occurred  in  the  high-handed  measures 
of  the  Conquerors,  on  their  march  through  his  do- 
minions. 

But  what  reason  had  they  to  flatter  themselves 
that  the  Inca  cherished  such  a disposition  towards 
them  ? He  was  a crafty  and  unscrupulous  prince, 
and,  if  the  accounts  they  had  repeatedly  received  on 
their  march  were  true,  had  ever  regarded  the  coming 


404 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


of  the  Spaniards  with  an  evil  eye.  It  was  scarcely 
possible  he  should  do  otherwise.  His  soft  messages 
had  only  been  intended  to  decoy  them  across  the 
mountains,  where,  with  the  aid  of  his  warriors,  he 
might  readily  overpower  them.  They  were  entan- 
gled in  the  toils  which  the  cunning  monarch  had 
spread  for  them. 

Their  only  remedy,  then,  was  to  turn  the  Inca’s 
arts  against  himself ; to  take  him,  if  possible,  in  his 
own  snare.  There  was  no  time  to  be  lost ; for 
any  day  might  bring  back  the  victorious  legions  who 
had  recently  won  his  battles  at  the  south,  and  thus 
make  the  odds  against  the  Spaniards  far  greater 
than  now. 

Yet  to  encounter  Atahuallpa  in  the  open  field 
would  be  attended  with  great  hazard  ; and  even  if 
victorious,  there  would  be  little  probability  that  the 
person  of  the  Inca,  of  so  much  importance,  would 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  invitation  he 
had  so  unsuspiciously  accepted  to  visit  them  in  their 
quarters  afforded  the  best  means  for  securing  this 
desirable  prize.  Nor  was  the  enterprise  so  des- 
perate, considering  the  great  advantages  afforded  by 
the  character  and  weapons  of  the  invaders,  and  the 
unexpectedness  of  the  assault.  The  mere  circum- 
stance of  acting  on  a concerted  plan  would  alone 
make  a small  number  more  than  a match  for  a 
much  larger  one.  But  it  was  not  necessary  to  ad- 
mit the  whole  of  the  Indian  force  into  the  city 
before  the  attack ; and  the  person  of  the  Inca  once 
secured,  his  followers,  astounded  by  so  strange  an 


Ch.  IV.]  DESPONDENCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


405 


event,  were  they  few  or  many,  would  have  no  heart 
for  further  resistance ; — and  with  the  Inca  once  in 
his  power,  Pizarro  might  dictate  laws  to  the  empire. 

In  this  daring  project  of  the  Spanish  chief,  it  was 
easy  to  see  that  he  had  the  brilliant  exploit  of  Cor- 
tes in  his  mind,  when  he  carried  off  the  Aztec  mon- 
arch in  his  capital.  But  that  was  not  by  violence, — 
at  least  not  by  open  violence,  — and  it  received  the 
sanction,  compulsory  though  it  were,  of  the  mon- 
arch himself.  It  was  also  true  that  the  results  in 
that  case  did  not  altogether  justify  a repetition  of  the 
experiment ; since  the  people  rose  in  a body  to  sac- 
rifice both  the  prince  and  his  kidnappers.  Yet  this 
was  owing,  in  part,  at  least,  to  the  indiscretion  of 
the  latter.  The  experiment  in  the  outset  was  per- 
fectly successful ; and,  could  Pizarro  once  become 
master  of  the  person  of  Atahuallpa,  he  trusted  to 
his  own  discretion  for  the  rest.  It  would,  at  least, 
extricate  him  from  his  present  critical  position,  by 
placing  in  his  power  an  inestimable  guaranty  for 
his  safety;  and  if  he  could  not  make  his  own  terms 
with  the  Inca  at  once,  the  arrival  of  reinforcements 
from  home  would,  in  all  probability,  soon  enable  him 
to  do  so. 

Pizarro  having  concerted  his  plans  for  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  chief 
occupied  himself  with  providing  for  the  security  of 
the  camp  during  the  night.  The  approaches  to  the 
town  were  defended ; sentinels  were  posted  at  dif- 
ferent points,  especially  on  the  summit  of  the  for- 
tress, where  they  were  to  observe  the  position  of  the 


406 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


enemy,  and  to  report  any  movement  that  menaced 
the  tranquillity  of  the  night.  After  these  precau- 
tions, the  Spanish  commander  and  his  followers 
withdrew  to  their  appointed  quarters,  — but  not  to 
sleep.  At  least,  sleep  must  have  come  late  to  those 
who  were  aware  of  the  decisive  plan  for  the  mor- 
row ; that  morrow  which  was  to  be  the  crisis  of 
their  fate,  — to  crown  their  ambitious  schemes  with 
full  success,  or  consign  them  to  irretrievable  ruin  ! 


( 


CHAPTER  V. 


Desperate  Plan  of  Pizarro.  — Atahuallpa  visits  the  Span- 
iards. — Horrible  Massacre.  — The  Inca  a Prisoner.  — Con- 
duct OF  THE  Conquerors.  — Splendid  Promises  of  the  Inca.  — 
Death  of  Huascar. 

1532. 

The  clouds  of  the  evening  had  passed  away, 
and  the  sun  rose  bright  on  the  following  morning, 
the  most  memorable  epoch  in  the  annals  of  Peru. 
It  was  Saturday,  the  sixteenth  of  November,  1532. 
The  loud  cry  of  the  trumpet  called  the  Spaniards 
to  arms  with  the  first  streak  of  dawn  ; and  Pizarro, 
briefly  acquainting  them  with  the  plan  of  the  as- 
sault, made  the  necessary  dispositions. 

The  plaza,  as  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, was  defended  on  its  three  sides  by  low  ranges 
of  buildings,  consisting  of  spacious  halls  with  wide 
doors  or  vomitories  opening  into  the  square.  In 
these  halls  he  stationed  his  cavalry  in  two  divis- 
ions, one  under  his  brother  Hernando,  the  other 
under  De  Soto.  The  infantry  he  placed  in  an- 
other of  the  buildings,  reserving  twenty  chosen 
men  to  act  with  himself  as  occasion  might  require. 
Pedro  de  Candia,  with  a few  soldiers  and  the  ar- 
tillery,— comprehending  under  this  imposing  name 


\ 


408 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


two  small  pieces  of  ordnance,  called  falconets,  — 
he  established  in  the  fortress.  All  received  orders 
to  wait  at  their  posts  till  the  arrival  of  the  Inca. 
After  his  entrance  into  the  great  square,  they  were 
still  to  remain  under  cover,  withdrawn  from  obser- 
vation, till  the  signal  was  given  by  the  discharge  of  a 
gun,  when  they  were  to  cry  their  war-cries,  to  rush 
out  in  a body  from  their  covert,  and,  putting  the 
Peruvians  to  the  sword,  bear  olf  the  person  of  the 
Inca.  The  arrangement  of  the  immense  halls, 
opening  on  a level  with  the  plaza,  seemed  to  be 
contrived  on  purpose  for  a coup  de  theatre.  Pizarro 
particularly  inculcated  order  and  implicit  obedience, 
that  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment  there  should  be 
no  confusion-  Every  thing  depended  on  their  act- 
ing with  concert,  coolness,  and  celerity. ‘ 

The  chief  next  saw  that  their  arms  were  in  good 
order ; and  that  the  breastplates  of  their  horses  were 
garnished  with  bells,  to  add  by  their  noise  to  the 
consternation  of  the  Indians.  Refreshments  were, 
also,  liberally  provided,  that  the  troops  should  be  in 
condition  for  the  conflict.  These  arrangements  be- 
ing completed,  mass  was  performed  with  great  so- 
lemnity by  the  ecclesiastics  who  attended  the  ex- 
pedition ; the  God  of  battles  was  invoked  to  spread 
his  shield  over  the  soldiers  who  were  fighting  to 
extend  the  empire  of  the  Cross ; and  all  joined 

1 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 197.  — Carta  de  Hem.  Pizarro, 
Conq.,  MS.  — Relacion  del  Pri-  MS.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
mer.  Descub.,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia  tom.  IH.  p. 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  PLAN  OF  PIZARRO. 


409 


with  enthusiasm  in  the  chant,  “ Exsurge,  Domme,’’^ 
“Rise,  O Lord ! and  judge  thine  own  cause. One 
might  have  supposed  them  a company  of  martyrs, 
about  to  lay  down  their  lives  in  defence  of  their 
faith,  instead  of  a licentious  band  of  adventurers, 
meditating  one  of  the  most  atrocious  acts  of  perfidy 
on  the  record  of  history ! Yet,  whatever  were  the 
vices  of  the  Castilian  cavalier,  hypocrisy  was  not 
among  the  number.  He  felt  that  he  was  battling 
for  the  Cross,  and  under  this  conviction,  exalted  as 
it  was  at  such  a moment  as  this  into  the  predomi- 
nant impulse,  he  was  blind  to  the  baser  motives 
which  mingled  with  the  enterprise.  With  feelings 
thus  kindled  to  a flame  of  religious  ardor,  the  sol- 
diers of  Pizarro  looked  forward  with  renovated 
spirits  to  the  coming  conflict ; and  the  chieftain  saw 
with  satisfaction,  that  in  the  hour  of  trial  his  men 
would  be  true  to  their  leader  and  themselves. 

It  was  late  in  the  day  before  any  movement  was 
visible  in  the  Peruvian  camp,  where  much  prepara- 
tion was  making  to  approach  the  Christian  quarters 
with  due  state  and  ceremony.  A message  was 
received  from  Atahuallpa,  informing  the  Spanish 
commander  that  he  should  come  with  his  warriors 

2 “ Los  Eclesiasticos  i Religio-  d los  soldados  conuna  mui  cristiana 
SOS  se  ocuparon  toda  aquella  noche  platica  gue  les  hizo : con  que,  i 
en  oracion,  pidiendo  a Dios  el  mas  asegurarles  los  Eclesiasticos  de 
conveniente  suceso  a su  sagrado  parte  de  Dios  i de  su  Madre  San- 
servicio,  exaltacion  de  la  fe  e sal-  tisima  la  vitoria,  amanecieron  todos 
vacion  de  tanto  numero  de  almas,  mui  deseosos  de  dar  la  batalla,  di- 
derramando  muchas  lagrimas  i ciendo  a voces,  Exsurge  Domine, 
sangre  en  las  disciplinas  que  to-  et  judica  causam  tuam.”  Naharro, 
maron.  Francisco  Pizarro  animo  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 

VOL.  I.  52 


410 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


fully  armed,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Spaniards 
had  come  to  his  quarters  the  night  preceding.  This 
was  not  an  agreeable  intimation  to  Pizarro,  though 
he  had  no  reason,  probably,  to  expect  the  contrary. 
But  to  object  might  imply  distrust,  or,  perhaps,  dis- 
close, in  some  measure,  his  own  designs.  He  ex- 
pressed his  satisfaction,  therefore,  at  the  intelligence, 
assuring  the  Inca,  that,  come  as  he  would,  he  would 
be  received  by  him  as  a friend  and  brother.® 

It  was  noon  before  the  Indian  procession  was  on 
its  march,  when  it  was  seen  occupying  the  great 
causeway  for  a long  extent.  In  front  came  a large 
body  of  attendants,  whose  office  seemed  to  be  to 
sweep  away  every  particle  of  rubbish  from  the  road. 
High  above  the  crowd  appeared  the  Inca,  borne  on 
the  shoulders  of  his  principal  nobles,  while  others  of 
the  same  rank  marched  by  the  sides  of  his  litter,  dis- 
playing such  a dazzling  show  of  ornaments  on  their 
persons,  that,  in  the  language  of  one  of  the  Con- 
querors, “they  blazed  like  the  sun.”^  But  the 
greater  part  of  the  Inca’s  forces  mustered  along  the 
fields  that  lined  the  road,  and  were  spread  over  the 
broad  meadows  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.® 

3 “ El  govemador  respondio  : ^ “ Hera  tanta  la  pateneria  que 

Di  a tu  Seiior,  que  venga  en  hora  traian  d’oro  y plata  que  hera  cossa 
buena  como  quisiere,  que  de  la  estraiia  lo  que  Reluzia  con  el  Sol  ” 
manera  que  viniere  lo  recebir^  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 
como  Amigo,  i Hermano.”  Xe-  MS. 

rez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Bareia,  5 To  the  eye  of  the  old  Con- 
tom.  III.  p.  197.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  queror  so  often  quoted,  the  number 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  of  Peruvian  warriors  appeared  not 
cap.  7.  — Carta  de  Hem.  Pizarro,  less  than  50,000  ; “ mas  de  cin- 
MS.  cuenta  mil  que  tenia  de  guerra.” 


Ch.  V.]  ATAHUALLPA  VISITS  THE  SPANIARDS.  41 1 

When  the  royal  procession  had  arrived  within 
half  a mile  of  the  city,  it  came  to  a halt ; and  Pi- 
zarro  saw  with  surprise  that  Atahuallpa  was  pre- 
paring to  pitch  his  tents,  as  if  to  encamp  there. 
A messenger  soon  after  arrived,  informing  the  Span- 
iards that  the  Inca  would  occupy  his  present  sta- 
tion the  ensuing  night,  and  enter  the  city  on  the 
following  morning. 

This  intelligence  greatly  disturbed  Pizarro,  who 
had  shared  in  the  general  impatience  of  his  men 
at  the  tardy  movements  of  the  Peruvians.  The 
troops  had  been  under  arms  since  daylight,  the 
cavalry  mounted,  and  the  infantry  at  their  post, 
waiting  in  silence  the  coming  of  the  Inca.  A pro- 
found stillness  reigned  throughout  the  town,  broken 
only  at  intervals  by  the  cry  of  the  sentinel  from 
the  summit  of  the  fortress,  as  he  proclaimed  the 
movements  of  the  Indian  army.  Nothing,  Pizarro 
well  knew,  was  so  trying  to  the  soldier  as  pro- 
longed suspense,  in  a critical  situation  like  the 
present ; and  he  feared  lest  his  ardor  might  evapo- 
rate, and  be  succeeded  by  that  nervous  feeling 
natural  to  the  bravest  soul  at  such  a crisis,  and 
which,  if  not  fear,  is  near  akin  to  it.®  He  returned 


(Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
MS.)  To  Pizarro’s  secretary,  as 
they  lay  encamped  along  the  hills, 
they  seemed  about  30,000.  (Xe- 
resi,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
tom.  III.  p.  196.)  However  grati- 
fying to  the  imagination  to  repose 
on  some  precise  number,  it  is  very 
rare  that  one  can  do  so  with  safety, 


in  estimating  the  irregular  and 
tumultuous  levies  of  a barbarian 
host. 

6 Pedro  Pizarro  says  that  an 
Indian  spy  reported  to  Atahuallpa, 
that  the  white  men  were  all  hud- 
dled together  in  the  great  halls  on 
the  square,  in  much  consternation, 
llenos  de  miedo,  which  was  not  far 


412 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


an  answer,  therefore,  to  Atahuallpa,  deprecating  his 
change  of  purpose  ; and  adding  that  he  had  pro- 
vided every  thing  for  his  entertainment,  and  ex- 
pected him  that  night  to  sup  with  him/ 

This  message  turned  the  Inca  from  his  purpose  ; 
and,  striking  his  tents  again,  he  resumed  his  march, 
first  advising  the  general  that  he  should  leave  the 
greater  part  of  his  warriors  behind,  and  enter  the 
place  with  only  a few  of  them,  and  without  arms,® 
as  he  preferred  to  pass  the  night  at  Caxamalca.  At 
the  same  time  he  ordered  accommodations  to  be  pro- 
vided for  himself  and  his  retinue  in  one  of  the  large 
stone  buildings,  called,  from  a serpent  sculptured  on 
the  walls,  “the  House  of  the  Serpent.”® — No  ti- 
dings could  have  been  more  grateful  to  the  Span- 
iards. It  seemed  as  if  the  Indian  monarch  was 
eager  to  rush  into  the  snare  that  had  been  spread 
for  him  ! The  fanatical  cavalier  could  not  fail  to 
discern  in  it  the  immediate  finger  of  Providence. 

It  is  difficult  to  account  for  this  wavering  con- 
duct of  Atahuallpa,  so  different  from  the  bold  and 


from  the  truth,  adds  the  cavalier. 
(Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.) 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

“ Asentados  sus  toldos  envio  a 
decir  al  gobernador  que  ya  era 
tarde,  que  el  queria  dormir  alii, 
que  por  la  maiiana  vemia : el  go- 
bernador le  envio  a decir  que  le 
rogaba  que  viniese  luego,  porque 
le  esperaba  a cenar,  e que  no  habia 
de  cenar,  hasta  que  fuese.”  Carta 
de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 


® “ 6l  queria  vemir  luego,  e 
que  venia  sin  armas.  E luego 
Atabaliva  se  movio  para  venir,  e 
dejo  alb  la  gente  con  las  armas,  e 
llevo  consigo  hasta  cinco  6 seis  mil 
indios  sin  armas,  salvo  que  debajo 
de  las  camisetas  traian  unas  porras 
pequeiias,  e hondas,  e bolsas  con 
piedras.”  Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro, 
MS. 

3 Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  197. 


Ch.  V.]  ATAHUALLPA  VISITS  THE  SPANIARDS.  413 

decided  character  which  history  ascribes  to  him. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  he  made  his  visit  to  the 
white  men  in  perfect  good  faith  ; though  Pizarro 
was  probably  right  in  conjecturing  that  this  amia- 
ble disposition  stood  on  a very  precarious  footing. 
There  is  as  little  reason  to  suppose  that  he  distrust- 
ed the  sincerity  of  the  strangers ; or  he  would  not 
thus  unnecessarily  have  proposed  to  visit  them  un- 
armed. His  original  purpose  of  coming  with  all 
his  force  was  doubtless  to  display  his  royal  state, 
and  perhaps,  also,  to  show  greater  respect  for  the 
Spaniards ; but  when  he  consented  to  accept  their 
hospitality,  and  pass  the  night  in  their  quarters,  he 
was  willing  to  dispense  with  a great  part  of  his 
armed  soldiery,  and  visit  them  in  a manner  that  im- 
plied entire  confidence  in  their  good  faith.  He  was 
too  absolute  in  his  own  empire  easily  to  suspect ; 
and  he  probably  could  not  comprehend  the  audacity 
with  which  a few  men,  like  those  now  assembled 
in  Caxamalca,  meditated  an  assault  on  a powerful 
monarch  in  the  midst  of  his  victorious  army.  He 
did  not  know  the  character  of  the  Spaniard. 

It  was  not  long  before  sunset,  when  the  van  of 
the  royal  procession  entered  the  gates  of  the  city. 
First  came  some  hundreds  of  the  menials,  employed 
to  clear  the  path  from  every  obstacle,  and  singing 
songs  of  triumph  as  they  came,  “ which,  in  our 
ears,”  says  one  of  the  Conquerors,  “sounded  like  the 
songs  of  hell  ” ! Then  followed  other  bodies  of  dif- 


Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


414 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


ferent  ranks,  and  dressed  in  different  liveries.  Some 
wore  a showy  stuff,  checkered  white  and  red,  like 
the  squares  of  a chess-board.”  Others  were  clad  in 
pure  white,  bearing  hammers  or  maces  of  silver  or 
copper ; and  the  guards,  together  with  those  in 
immediate  attendance  on  the  prince,  were  distin- 
guished by  a rich  azure  livery,  and  a profusion  of 
gay  ornaments,  while  the  large  pendants  attached 
to  the  ears  indicated  the  Peruvian  noble. 

Elevated  high  above  his  vassals  came  the  Inca 
Atahuallpa,  borne  on  a sedan  or  open  litter,  on  which 
was  a sort  of  throne  made  of  massive  gold  of  ines- 
timable value.*^  The  palanquin  was  lined  with  the 
richly  colored  plumes  of  tropical  birds,  and  studded 
with  shining  plates  of  gold  and  silver.”  The 
monarch’s  attire  was  much  richer  than  on  the  pre- 
ceding evening.  Round  his  neck  was  suspended 
a collar  of  emeralds  of  uncommon  size  and  bril- 
liancy.*® His  short  hair  was  decorated  with  golden 
ornaments,  and  the  imperial  borla  encircled  his 


“ Blanca  y colorada  como  las 
casas  de  un  ajedcez.”  Ibid.,  MS. 

“ Con  martillos  en  las  manos 
de  cobre  y plata.”  Ibid.,  MS. 

13  “El  asiento  que  traia  sobre 
las  andas  era  un  tablon  de  oro  que 
peso  un  quintal  de  oro  segun  dicen 
los  historiadores  25,000  pesos  6 
ducados.”  Naharro,  Relacion  Su- 
maria,  MS. 

I'l  “ Luego  venia  mucha  Gente 
con  Armaduras,  Patenas,  i Coronas 
de  oro  i Plata  ; entre  estos  venia 
Atabaliba,  en  una  Litera,  aforrada 


de  Pluma  de  Papagaios,  de  muchas 
colores,  guamecida  de  chapas  de 
Oro,  i Plata.”  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  198. 

13  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  v 
Conq.,  MS. 

“ Venia  la  persona  de  Atabalica, 
la  dial  traian  ochenta  Seilores  en 
hombros  todos  bestidos  de  una 
librea  azul  muy  rica,  y el  bestido 
su  persona  muy  ricamente  con  su 
corona  en  la  cabeza,  y al  cuello  un 
collar  de  emeraldas  grandes.”  Re- 
lacion del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


Ch.  V.]  ATAHUALLPA  VISITS  THE  SPANIARDS.  415 

temples.  The  bearing  of  the  Inca  was  sedate  and 
dignified  ; and  from  his  lofty  station  he  looked 
down  on  the  multitudes  below  with  an  air  of  com- 
posure, like  one  accustomed  to  command. 

As  the  leading  files  of  the  procession  entered  the 
great  square,  larger,  says  an  old  chronicler,  than  any 
square  in  Spain,  they  opened  to  the  right  and  left 
for  the  royal  retinue  to  pass.  Every  thing  was 
conducted  with  admirable  order.  The  monarch 
was  permitted  to  traverse  the  plaza  in  silence,  and 
not  a Spaniard  was  to  be  seen.  When  some  five 
or  six  thousand  of  his  people  had  entered  the  place, 
Atahuallpa  halted,  and,  turning  round  with  an  in- 
quiring look,  demanded,  “ Where  are  the  stran- 
gers ? ” 

At  this  moment  Fray  Vicente  de  Valverde,  a 
Dominican  friar,  Pizarro’s  chaplain,  and  afterward 
Bishop  of  Cuzco,  came  forward  with  his  breviary, 
or,  as  other  accounts  say,  a Bible,  in  one  hand,  and 
a crucifix  in  the  other,  and,  approaching  the  Inca, 
told  him,  that  he  came  by  order  of  his  commander 
to  expound  to  him  the  doctrines  of  the  true  faith, 
for  which  purpose  the  Spaniards  had  come  from  a 
great  distance  to  his  country.  The  friar  then  ex- 
plained, as  clearly  as  he  could,  the  mysterious  doc- 
trine of  the  Trinity,  and,  ascending  high  in  his  ac- 
count, began  with  the  creation  of  man,  thence  passed 
to  his  fall,  to  his  subsequent  redemption  by  Jesus 
Christ,  to  the  crucifixion,  and  the  ascension,  when 
the  Saviour  left  the  Apostle  Peter  as  his  Vicegerent 
upon  earth.  This  power  had  been  transmitted  to 


416 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


the  successors  of  the  Apostle,  good  and  wise  men, 
who,  under  the  title  of  Popes,  held  authority  over  all 
powers  and  potentates  on  earth.  One  of  the  last 
of  these  Popes  had  commissioned  the  Spanish  em- 
peror, the  most  mighty  monarch  in  the  world,  to 
conquer  and  convert  the  natives  in  this  western 
hemisphere ; and  his  general,  Francisco  Pizarro,  had 
now  come  to  execute  this  important  mission.  The 
friar  concluded  with  beseeching  the  Peruvian  mon- 
arch to  receive  him  kindly ; to  abjure  the  errors  of 
his  own  faith,  and  embrace  that  of  the  Christians 
now  proffered  to  him,  the  only  one  by  which  he 
could  hope  for  salvation  ; and,  furthermore,  to  ac- 
knowledge himself  a tributary  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth,  who,  in  that  event,  would  aid 
and  protect  him  as  his  loyal  vassal.^® 

Whether  Atahuallpa  possessed  himself  of  every 
link  in  the  curious  chain  of  argument  by  which  the 
monk  connected  Pizarro  with  St.  Peter,  may  be 
doubted.  It  is  cermin,  however,  that  he  must  have 
had  very  incorrect  notions  of  the  Trinity,  if,  as  Gar- 
cilasso  states,  the  interpreter  Felipillo  explained  it 
by  saying,  that  “ the  Christians  believed  in  three 
Gods  and  one  God,  and  that  made  four.”'^  But 


'6  Montesinos  says  that  Valverde 
read  to  the  Inca  the  regular  formu- 
la used  by  the  Spaniards  in  their 
Conquests.  (Annales,  MS.,  ano 
1533.)  But  that  address,  though 
absurd  enough,  did  not  comprehend 
the  whole  range  of  theology  as- 
cribed to  the  chaplain  on  this  occa- 
sion. Yet  it  is  not  impossible. 


But  I have  followed  the  report  of 
Fray  Naharro,  who  collected  his 
information  from  the  actors  in  the 
tragedy,  and  whose  minuter  state- 
ment is  corroborated  by  the  more 
general  testimony  of  both  the  Pi- 
zarros  and  the  secretary  Xerez. 

“ For  dezir  Dios  trino  y uno, 
dixo  Dios  tres  y uno  son  quatro, 


Ch.  V.]  ATAHUALLPA  VISITS  THE  SPANIARDS.  417 

there  is  no  doubt  he  perfectly  comprehended^  that 
the  drift  of  the  discourse  was  to  persuade  him  to 
resign  his  sceptre  and  acknowledge  the  supremacy 
of  another. 

The  eyes  of  the  Indian  monarch  flashed  fire,  and 
his  dark  brow  grew  darker  as  he  replied,  — “I  will 
be  no  man’s  tributary.  I am  greater  than  any 
prince  upon  earth.  Your  emperor  may  be  a great 
prince  ; I do  not  doubt  it,  when  I see  that  he  has 
sent  his  subjects  so  far  across  the  waters ; and  I am 
willing  to  hold  him  as  a brother.  As  for  the  Pope 
of  whom  you  speak,  he  must  be  crazy  to  talk  of 
giving  away  countries  which  do  not  belong  to  him. 
For  my  faith,”  he  continued,  “ I will  not  change  it. 
Your  own  God,  as  you  say,  was  put  to  death  by  the 
very  men  whom  he  created.  But  mine,”  he  con- 
cluded, pointing  to  his  Deity,  — then,  alas ! sinking 
in  glory  behind  the  mountains,  — “ my  God  still 
lives  in  the  heavens,  and  looks  down  on  his  chil- 
dren.” IS 

He  then  demanded  of  Valverde  by  what  author- 
ity he  had  said  these  things.  The  friar  pointed  to 
the  book  which  he  held,  as  liis  authority.  Atahu- 
allpa,  taking  it,  turned  over  the  pages  a moment, 
then,  as  the  insult  he  had  received  probably  flashed 
across  his  mind,  he  threw  it  down  with  vehemence, 
and  exclaimed,  — “ Tell  your  comrades  that  they 

sumando  los  numeros  por  darse  a the  reader  will  find  extracts  in  the 
entender.”  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  original  from  several  contemporary 
lib.  I,  cap.  23.  MSS.,  relating  to  the  capture  of 

See  Appendix,  No.  8,  where  Atahuallpa. 

VOL.  I.  53 


418 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


shall  give  me  an  account  of  their  doings  in  my 
land.  I will  not  go  from  here,  till  they  have  made 
me  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  wrongs  they  have 
committed.” 

The  friar,  greatly  scandalized  by  the  indignity 
offered  to  the  sacred  volume,  stayed  only  to  pick  it 
up,  and,  hastening  to  Pizarro,  informed  him  of  what 
had  been  done,  exclaiming,  at  the  same  time,  — 
“ Do  you  not  see,  that,  while  we  stand  here  wasting 
our  breath  in  talking  with  this  dog,  full  of  pride 
as  he  is,  the  fields  are  filling  with  Indians  ? Set 
on,  at  once  ; I absolve  you.”  Pizarro  saw  that 


Some  accounts  describe  him 
as  taxing  the  Spaniards  in  much 
more  unqualified  terms.  (See  Ap- 
pendix, No.  8.)  But  language  is 
not  likely  to  be  accurately  reported 
in  such  seasons  of  excitement.  — 
According  to  some  authorities, 
Atahuallpa  let  the  volume  drop  by 
accident.  (Montesinos,  Annales, 
MS.,  ano  1533. — Balboa,  Hist, 
du  Perou,  chap.  22.)  But  the 
testimony,  as  far  as  we  have  it,  of 
those  present,  concurs  in  repre- 
senting it  as  stated  in  the  text. 
And,  if  he  spoke  with  the  heat  im- 
puted to  him,  this  act  would  only 
be  in  keeping. 

20  “ Visto  esto  por  el  Frayle  y 
lo  poco  que  aprovechaban  sus  pala- 
bras,  tomo  su  libro,  y abajo  su 
cabeza,  y fuese  para  donde  estaba 
el  dicho  Pizarro,  casi  corriendo,  y 
dijole  : No  veis  lo  que  pasa  : para 
que  estais  en  comedimientos  y re- 
querimientos  con  este  perro  lleno 
de  soberbia  que  vienen  los  campos 


llenos  de  Indies  1 Salid  a el,— que 
yo  os  absuelvo.”  (Relacion  del 
Primer.  Descub.,  MS.)  The  his- 
torian should  be  slow  in  ascribing 
conduct  so  diabolical  to  Father 
Yalverde,  without  evidence.  Two 
of  the  Conquerors  present,  Pedro 
Pizarro  and  Xerez,  simply  state 
that  the  monk  reported  to  his  com- 
mander the  indignity  offered  to 
the  sacred  volume.  But  Hernando 
Pizarro  and  the  author  of  the  Re- 
lacion del  Primer.  Descub.,  both 
eyewitnesses,  and  Naharro,  Zarate, 
Gomara,  Balboa,  Herrera,  the  Inca 
Titucussi  Yupanqui,  all  of  whom 
obtained  their  information  from 
persons  who  were  eyewitnesses, 
state  the  circumstance,  with  little 
variation,  as  in  the  text.  Yet 
Oviedo  indorses  the  account  of 
Xerez,  and  Garcilasso  de  la  Yega 
insists  on  Yalverde’s  innocence  of 
any  attempt  to  rouse  the  passions 
of  his  comrades. 


Ch.  V.] 


HORRIBLE  MASSACRE. 


419 


the  hour  had  come.  He  waved  a white  scarf  in 
the  air,  the  appointed  signal.  The  fatal  gun  was 
fired  from  the  fortress.  Then,  springing  into  the 
square,  the  Spanish  captain  and  his  followers  shout- 
ed the  old  war-cry  of  “ St.  Jago  and  at  them.” 
It  was  answered  by  the  battle-cry  of  every  Span- 
iard in  the  city,  as,  rushing  from  the  avenues  of 
the  great  halls  in  which  they  were  concealed,  they 
poured  into  the  plaza,  horse  and  foot,  each  in  his 
own  dark  column,  and  threw  themselves  into  the 
midst  of  the  Indian  crowd.  The  latter,  taken  by 
surprise,  stunned  by  the  report  of  artillery  and  mus- 
kets, the  echoes  of  which  reverberated  like  thunder 
from  the  surrounding  buildings,  and  blinded  by  the 
smoke  which  rolled  in  sulphurous  volumes  along  the 
square,  were  seized  with  a panic.  They  knew  not 
whither  to  fly  for  refuge  from  the  coming  ruin. 
Nobles  and  commoners,  — all  were  trampled  down 
under  the  fierce  charge  of  the  cavalry,  who  dealt 
their  blows,  right  and  left,  without  sparing;  while 
their  swords,  flashing  through  the  thick  gloom,  car- 
ried dismay  into  the  hearts  of  the  wretched  na- 
tives, who  now,  for  the  first  time,  saw  the  horse 
and  his  rider  in  all  their  terrors.  They  made  no 
resistance,  — as,  indeed,  they  had  no  weapons  with 
which  to  make  it.  Every  avenue  to  escape  was 
closed,  for  the  entrance  to  the  square  was  choked 
up  with  the  dead  bodies  of  men  who  had  perished 
in  vain  efforts  to  fly ; and,  such  was  the  agony 
of  the  survivors  under  the  terrible  pressure  of  their 
assailants,  that  a large  body  of  Indians,  by  their 


420 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


convulsive  struggles,  burst  through  the  wall  of  stone 
and  dried  clay  which  formed  part  of  the  boundary 
of  the  plaza!  It  fell,  leaving  an  opening  of  more 
than  a hundred  paces,  through  which  multitudes 
now  found  their  way  into  the  country,  still  hotly 
pursued  by^  the  cavalry,  who,  leaping  the  fallen 
rubbish,  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  fugitives,  striking 
them  down  in  all  directions.^* 

Meanwhile  the  fight,  or  rather  massacre,  con- 
tinued hot  around  the  Inca,  whose  person  was  the 
great  object  of  the  assault.  His  faithful  nobles, 
rallying  about  him,  threw  themselves  in  the  way  of 
the  assailants,  and  strove,  by  tearing  them  from 
their  saddles,  or,  at  least,  by  offering  their  own 
bosoms  as  a mark  for  their  vengeance,  to  shield 
their  beloved  master.  It  is  said  by  some  authorities, 
that  they  carried  weapons  concealed  under  their 
clothes.  If  so,  it  availed  them  little,  as  it  is  not 
pretended  that  they  used  them.  But  the  most 
timid  animal  will  defend  itself  when  at  bay.  That 
they  did  not  so  in  the  present  instance  is  proof  that 
they  had  no  weapons  to  use.^^  Yet  they  still  con- 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Primero  Descubrimiento  speaks  of 
Conq.,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  a few  as  ha\-ing  bows  and  arrows, 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  198.  and  of  others  as  armed  with  silver 

— Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — and  copper  mallets  or  maces,  which 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  may,  how'ever,  have  been  more  for 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.  — Relacion  ornament  than  for  service  in  fight, 
del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. — Za-  — Pedro  Pizarro  and  some  later 
rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  5.  writers  say  that  the  Indians  brought 

— Instruccion  del  Inga  Titucussi  thongs  with  them  to  bind  the  cap- 

Yupanqui,  MS.  tive  white  men.  — Both  Hernando 

22  The  author  of  the  Relacion  del  Pizarro  and  the  secretary  Xerez 


Ch.  V.] 


HORRIBLE  MASSACRE. 


421 


tinued  to  force  back  the  cavaliers,  clinging  to  their 
horses  with  dying  grasp,  and,  as  one  was  cut  down, 
another  taking  the  place  of  his  fallen  comrade  with 
a loyalty  truly  affecting. 

The  Indian  monarch,  stunned  and  bewildered, 
saw  his  faithful  subjects  falling  round  him  without 
fully  comprehending  his  situation.  The  litter  on 
which  he  rode  heaved  to  and  fro,  as  the  mighty 
press  swayed  backwards  and  forwards ; and  he 
gazed  on  the  overwhelming  ruin,  like  some  forlorn 
mariner,  who,  tossed  about  in  his  bark  by  the  fu- 
rious elements,  sees  the  lightning’s  flash  and  hears 
the  thunder  bursting  around  him  with  the  conscious- 
ness that  he  can  do  nothing  to  avert  his  fate.  At 
length,  weary  with  the  work  of  destruction,  the 
Spaniards,  as  the  shades  of  evening  grew  deeper, 
felt  afraid  that  the  royal  prize  might,  after  all,  elude 
them ; and  some  of  the  cavaliers  made  a desperate 
attempt  to  end  the  affray  at  once  by  taking  Ata- 
huallpa’s  life.  But  Pizarro,  Avho  was  nearest  his 
person,  called  out  with  Stentorian  voice,  “ Let  no 
one,  who  values  his  life,  strike  at  the  Inca”  and, 
stretching  out  his  arm  to  shield  him,  received  a 
wound  on  the  hand  from  one  of  his  own  men,  — the 
only  wound  received  by  a Spaniard  in  the  action.^ 

agree  that  their  only  arms  were  agree  that  no  attempt  was  made  at 
secreted  under  their  clothes  ; but  resistance. 

as  they  do  not  pretend  that  these  23  “ Ej  marquez  dio  bozes  di- 
were  used,  and  as  it  was  announced  ciendo.  Nadie  hiera  al  indio  so 
by  the  Inca  that  he  came  without  pena  de  la  vida.”  Pedro  Pizarro, 
arms,  the  assertion  may  well  be  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
doubted,  — or  rather  discredited.  24  Whatever  discrepancy  exists 
All  authorities,  without  exception,  among  the  Castilian  accounts  in 


422 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


The  Struggle  now  became  fiercer  than  ever  round 
the  royal  litter.  It  reeled  more  and  more,  and  at 
length,  several  of  the  nobles  who  supported  it  hav- 
ing been  slain,  it  was  overturned,  and  the  Indian 
prince  would  have  come  with  violence  to  the  ground, 
had  not  his  fall  been  broken  by  the  efforts  of  Pizarro 
and  some  other  of  the  cavaliers,  who  caught  him 
in  their  arms.  The  imperial  horla  was  instantly 
snatched  from  his  temples  by  a soldier  named 
Estete,^  and  the  unhappy  monarch,  strongly  se- 


other  respects,  all  concur  in  this 
remarkable  fact,  — that  no  Span- 
iard, except  their  general,  received 
a wound  on  that  occasion.  Pizarro 
saw  in  this  a satisfactory  argument 
for  regarding  the  Spaniards,  this 
day,  as  under  the  especial  protec- 
tion of  Providence.  See  Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
III.  p.  199. 

25  Miguel  Estete,  who  long  re- 
tained the  silken  diadem  as  a tro- 
phy of  the  exploit,  according  to 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  (Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  27,)  an 
indifferent  authority  for  any  thing 
in  this  part  of  his  history.  This 
popular  writer,  whose  work,  from 
his  superior  knowledge  of  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  country,  has  ob- 
tained greater  credit,  even  in  what 
relates  to  the  Conquest,  than  the 
reports  of  the  Conquerors  them- 
selves, has  indulged  in  the  roman- 
tic vein  to  an  unpardonable  extent, 
in  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
Atahuallpa.  According  to  him,  the 
Peruvian  monarch  treated  the  in- 


vaders from  the  first  with  supreme 
deference,  as  descendants  of  Vira- 
cocha,  predicted  by  his  oracles  as  to 
come  and  rule  over  the  land.  But 
if  this  flattering  homage  had  been 
paid  by  the  Inca,  it  would  never 
have  escaped  the  notice  of  the 
Conquerors.  Garcilasso  had  read 
the  Commentaries  of  Cortes,  as  he 
somewhere  tells  us ; and  it  is  prob- 
able that  that  general’s  account, 
well  founded,  it  appears,  of  a simi- 
lar superstition  among  the  Aztecs 
suggested  to  the  historian  the  idea 
of  a corresponding  sentiment  in  the 
Peruvians,  which,  while  it  flatter- 
ed the  vanity  of  the  Spaniards,  in 
some  degree  vindicated  his  owm 
countrymen  from  the  charge  of 
cowardice,  incurred  by  their  too 
ready  submission ; for,  however 
they  might  be  called  on  to  resist 
men,  it  would  have  been  madness 
to  resist  the  decrees  of  Heaven. 
Yet  Garcilasso’s  romantic  version 
has  something  in  it  so  pleasing  to 
the  imagination,  that  it  has  ever 
found  favor  with  the  majority  of 


Ch.  V.] 


THE  INCA  A PRISONER. 


423 


cured,  was  removed  to  a neighbouring  building, 
where  he  was  carefully  guarded. 

All  attempt  at  resistance  now  ceased.  The  fate 
of  the  Inca  soon  spread  over  town  and  country. 
The  charm  which  might  have  held  the  Peruvians 
together  was  dissolved.  Every  man  thought  only 
of  his  own  safety.  Even  the  soldiery  encamped  on 
the  adjacent  fields  took  the  alarm,  and,  learning  the 
fatal  tidings,  were  seen  flying  in  every  direction 
before  their  pursuers,  who  in  the  heat  of  triumph 
show^ed  no  touch  of  mercy.  At  length  night,  more 
pitiful  than  man,  threw  her  friendly  mantle  over  the 
fugitives,  and  the  scattered  troops  of  Pizarro  rallied 
once  more  at  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  in  the  bloody 
square  of  Caxamalca. 

The  number  of  slain  is  reported,  as  usual,  with 
great  discrepancy.  Pizarro’s  secretary  says  two 
thousand  natives  fell.^®  A descendant  of  the  In- 
cas — a safer  authority  than  Garcilasso  — swells  the 
number  to  ten  thousand.^’^  Truth  is  generally  found 


readers.  The  English  student 
might  have  met  with  a sufficient 
corrective  in  the  criticism  of  the 
sagacious  and  skeptical  Robertson. 

26  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  199. 

27  “ Los  mataron  a todos  con 
los  Cavallos  con  espadas  con  arca- 
buzes  como  quien  mata  ovejas  — 
sin  hacerles  nadie  resistencia  que 
no  se  escaparon  de  mas  de  diez 
mil,  doscientos.”  Instruc.  del  Inga 
Titucussi,  MS. 

This  document,  consisting  of 


two  hundred  folio  pages,  is  signed 
by  a Peruvian  Inca,  grandson  of 
the  great  Huayna  Capac,  and 
nephew,  consequently,  of  Ata- 
huaUpa.  It  was  written  in  1570, 
and  designed  to  set  forth  to  his 
Majesty  Philip  II.  the  claims  of 
Titucussi  and  the  members  of  his 
family  to  the  royal  bounty.  In 
the  course  of  the  Memorial,  the 
writer  takes  occasion  to  recapitu- 
late some  of  the  principal  events  in 
the  latter  years  of  the  empire ; and 
though  sufficiently  prolix  to  tax 


424 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


somewhere  between  the  extremes.  The  slaughter 
was  incessant,  for  there  was  nothing  to  check  it. 
That  there  should  have  been  no  resistance  will  not 
appear  strange,  when  we  consider  the  fact,  that  the 
wretched  victims  were  without  arms,  and  that  their 
senses  must  have  been  completely  overwhelmed  by 
the  strange  and  appalling  spectacle  which  burst  on 
them  so  unexpectedly.  “ What  wonder  was  it,” 
said  an  ancient  Inca  to  a Spaniard,  who  repeats  it, 
“ what  wonder  that  our  countrymen  lost  their  wits, 
seeing  blood  run  like  water,  and  the  Inca,  whose 
person  we  all  of  us  adore,  seized  and  carried  off  by 
a handful  of  men.^”^  Yet  though  the  massacre 
was  incessant,  it  was  short  in  duration.  The  whole 
time  consumed  by  it,  the  brief  twilight  of  the  trop- 
ics, did  not  much  exceed  half  an  hour;  a short 
period,  indeed, — yet  long  enough  to  decide  the  fate 
of  Peru,  and  to  subvert  the  dynasty  of  the  Incas. 

That  night  Pizarro  kept  his  engagement  with  the 
Inca,  since  he  had  Atahuallpa  to  sup  with  him. 


even  the  patience  of  Philip  II.,  it 
is  of  much  value  as  an  historical 
document,  coming  from  one  of  the 
royal  race  of  Peru. 

^ Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
aiio  1533. 

According  to  Naharro,  the  In- 
dians were  less  astounded  by  the 
wild  uproar  caused  by  the  sudden 
assault  of  the  Spaniards,  though 
“ this  was  such  that  it  seemed  as 
if  the  very  heavens  were  falling,” 
than  by  a terrible  apparition  which 
appeared  in  the  air  during  the  on- 


slaught. It  consisted  of  a woman 
and  a child,  and,  at  their  side,  a 
horseman  all  clothed  in  white  on  a 
milk-white  charger,  — doubtless 
the  valiant  St.  James,  — who,  with 
his  sword  glancing  lightning,  smote 
down  the  infidel  host,  and  rendered 
them  incapable  of  resistance.  This 
miracle  the  good  father  reports  on 
the  testimony  of  three  of  his  Order, 
who  were  present  in  the  action, 
and  who  received  it  from  number- 
less of  the  natives.  Relacion  Su- 
maria,  MS. 


Ch.  V.] 


THE  INCA  A PRISONER. 


425 


The  banquet  was  served  in  one  of  the  halls  facing 
the  great  square,  which  a few  hours  before  had  been 
the  scene  of  slaughter,  and  the  pavement  of  which 
was  still  encumbered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
Inca’s  subjects.  The  captive  monarch  was  placed 
next  his  conqueror.  He  seemed  like  one  who  did 
not  yet  fully  comprehend  the  extent  of  his  calamity. 
If  he  did,  he  showed  an  amazing  fortitude.  “ It 
is  the  fortune  of  war,”  he  said  and,  if  we  may 
credit  the  Spaniards,  he  expressed  his  admiration  of 
the  adroitness  with  which  they  had  contrived  to 
entrap  him  in  the  midst  of  his  own  troops.®’  He 
added,  that  he  had  been  made  acquainted  with  the 
progress  of  the  white  men  from  the  hour  of  their 
landing ; but  that  he  had  been  led  to  undervalue 
their  strength  from  the  insignificance  of  their  num- 
bers. He  had  no  doubt  he  should  be  easily  able  to 
overpower  them,  on  their  arrival  at  Caxamalca,  by 
his  superior  strength ; and,  as  he  wished  to  see  for 
himself  what  manner  of  men  they  were,  he  had 
suffered  them  to  cross  the  mountains,  meaning  to 
select  such  as  he  chose  for  his  own  service,  and, 
getting  possession  of  their  wonderful  arms  and 
horses,  put  the  rest  to  death.^’ 

That  such  may  have  been  Atahuallpa’s  purpose 

29  “ Diciendo  que  era  use  de  9i  And  in  my  opinion,”  adds 
Guerra  veneer,  i ser  vencido.”  the  Conqueror  who  reports  the 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  speech,  “ he  had  good  grounds  for 
lib.  2,  cap.  12.  beheving  he  could  do  this,  since 

^9  “ Haciendo  admiracion  de  la  nothing  but  the  miraculous  inter- 
traza  que  tenia  hecha.”  Relacion  position  of  Heaven  could  have 
del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.  saved  us.”  Ibid.,  MS. 


VOL.  I. 


54 


426 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


is  not  improbable.  It  explains  his  conduct  in  not 
occupying  the  mountain  passes,  which  afforded  such 
strong  points  of  defence  against  invasion.  But  that 
a prince  so  astute,  as  by  the  general  testimony  of 
the  Conquerors  he  is  represented  to  have  been, 
should  have  made  so  impolitic  a disclosure  of  his 
hidden  motives  is  not  so  probable.  The  intercourse 
with  the  Inca  was  carried  on  chiefly  by  means  of 
the  interpreter  Felipillo,  or  little  Philip,  as  he  was 
called,  from  his  assumed  Christian  name,  — a ma- 
licious youth,  as  it  appears,  wdio  bore  no  good-will 
to  Atahuallpa,  and  whose  interpretations  were  read- 
ily admitted  by  the  Conquerors,  eager  to  find  some 
pretext  for  their  bloody  reprisals. 

Atahuallpa,  as  elsewhere  noticed,  was,  at  this 
time,  about  thirty  years  of  age.  He  was  well  made, 
and  more  robust  than  usual  with  his  countrvmen. 
His  head  was  large,  and  his  countenance  might 
have  been  called  handsome,  but  that  his  eyes,  which 
were  bloodshot,  gave  a fierce  expression  to  his  fea- 
tures. He  was  deliberate  in  speech,  grave  in  man- 
ner, and  towards  his  own  people  stern  even  to  se- 
verity ; though  with  the  Spaniards  he  showed  himself 
affable,  sometimes  even  indulging  in  sallies  of  mirth.^'^ 

Pizarro  paid  every  attention  to  his  royal  captive, 
and  endeavoured  to  lighten,  if  he  could  not  dispel, 
the  gloom  which,  in  spite  of  his  assumed  equa- 
nimity, hung  over  the  monarch’s  brow.  He  be- 
sought him  not  to  be  cast  down  by  his  reverses,  for 


32  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  203. 


Ch.  V.] 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


427 


his  lot  had  only  been  that  of  every  prince  who  had 
resisted  the  white  men.  They  had  come  into  the 
country  to  proclaim  the  gospel,  the  religion  of  Je- 
sus Christ ; and  it  was  no  wonder  they  had  pre- 
vailed, when  his  shield  was  over  them.  Heaven  had 
permitted  that  Atahuallpa’s  pride  should  be  hum- 
bled, because  of  his  hostile  intentions  towards  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  insults  he  had  offered  to  the 
sacred  volume.  But  he  bade  the  Inca  take  cour- 
age and  confide  in  him,  for  the  Spaniards  were  a 
generous  race,  w^arring  only  against  those  who  made 
war  on  them,  and  showing  grace  to  all  who  sub- 
mitted ! ^ — Atahuallpa  may  have  thought  the  mas- 
sacre of  that  day  an  indifferent  commentary  on 
this  vaunted  lenity. 

Before  retiring  for  the  night,  Pizarro  briefly  ad- 
dressed his  troops  on  their  present  situation.  When 
he  had  ascertained  that  not  a man  was  wound- 
ed, he  bade  them  offer  up  thanksgivings  to  Prov- 
idence for  so  great  a miracle  ; without  its  care, 
they  could  never  have  prevailed  so  easily  over  the 
host  of  their  enemies  ; and  he  trusted  their  lives 
had  been  reserved  for  still  greater  things.  But  if 
they  would  succeed,  they  had  much  to  do  for  them- 
selves. They  were  in  the  heart  of  a powerful 
kingdom,  encompassed  by  foes  deeply  attached  to 
their  own  sovereign.  They  must  be  ever  on  their 
guard,  therefore,  and  be  prepared  at  any  hour  to  be 

33  “ Nosotros  vsamos  de  piedad  nos  la  hacen,  i pudiendolos  destniir, 
con  nuestros  Enemigos  vencidos,  i no  lo  hacemos,  antes  los  perdona- 
no  hacemos  Guerra,  sino  a los  que  mos.”  Ibid.,  tom.  III.  p.  199. 


428 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


roused  from  their  slumbers  by  the  call  of  the  trum- 
pet.^ — Having  then  posted  his  sentinels,  placed  a 
strong  guard  over  the  apartment  of  Atahuallpa, 
and  taken  all  the  precautions  of  a careful  com- 
mander, Pizarro  withdrew  to  repose  ; and,  if  he 
could  really  feel,  that,  in  the  bloody  scenes  of  the 
past  day,  he  had  been  fighting  only  the  good  fight 
of  the  Cross,  he  doubtless  slept  sounder  than  on 
the  night  preceding  the  seizure  of  the  Inca. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  first  commands 
of  the  Spanish  chief  were  to  have  the  city  cleans- 
ed of  its  impurities ; and  the  prisoners,  of  whom 
there  were  many  in  the  camp,  were  employed  to 
remove  the  dead,  and  give  them  decent  burial. 
His  next  care  was  to  despatch  a body  of  about 
thirty  horse  to  the  quarters  lately  occupied  by  Ata- 
huallpa at  the  baths,  to  take  possession  of  the  spoil, 
and  disperse  the  remnant  of  the  Peruvian  forces 
which  still  hung  about  the  place. 

Before  noon,  the  party  which  he  had  detached  on 
this  service  returned  with  a large  troop  of  Indians, 
men  and  women,  among  the  latter  of  whom  were 
many  of  the  wives  and  attendants  of  the  Inca. 
The  Spaniards  had  met  with  no  resistance  ; since 
the  Peruvian  warriors,  though  so  superior  in  number, 
excellent  in  appointments,  and  consisting  mostly  of 
able-bodied  young  men, — for  the  greater  part  of  the 
veteran  forces  were  with  the  Inca’s  generals  at  the 
south,  — lost  all  heart  from  the  moment  of  their 


3^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  i Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  V.] 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


429 


sovereign’s  captivity.  There  was  no  leader  to  take 
his  place  ; for  they  recognized  no  authority  but  that 
of  the  Child  of  the  Sun,  and  they  seemed  to  be 
held  by  a sort  of  invisible  charm  near  the  place  of 
his  confinement ; while  they  gazed  with  supersti- 
tious awe  on  the  white  men,  who  could  achieve 
so  audacious  an  enterprise.® 

The  number  of  Indian  prisoners  was  so  great, 
that  some  of  the  Conquerors  were  for  putting  them 
all  to  death,  or,  at  least,  cutting  off  their  hands,  to 
disable  them  from  acts  of  violence,  and  to  strike  ter- 
ror into  their  countrymen.®  The  proposition,  doubt- 
less, came  from  the  lowest  and  most  ferocious  of 
the  soldiery.  But  that  it  should  have  been  made  at 
all  shows  what  materials  entered  into  the  compo- 
sition of  Pizarro’s  company.  The  chief  rejected  it 
at  once,  as  no  less  impolitic  than  inhuman,  and  dis- 
missed the  Indians  to  their  several  homes,  with  the 
assurance  that  none  should  be  harmed  who  did  not 
offer  resistance  to  the  white  men.  A sufficient 
number,  however,  were  retained  to  wait  on  the 
Conquerors,  who  were  so  well  provided,  in  this 

35  From  this  time,  says  Onde-  an  amiable  fancy,  among  the  an- 
gardo,  the  Spaniards,  who  hitherto  cient  Greeks,  that  “ the  stranger 
had  been  designated  as  the  “ men  came  from  Jupiter.” 

with  beards,”  iar&M</os,  were  called  , , , , „ 

, ,,  ■ r ■ Upos  yap  Aios  fiaiv  aTTavTfs 

by  the  natives,  from  their  lair-com- 

plexioned  deity,  Viracochas.  The  OAY2.  v. 

people  of  Cuzco,  who  bore  no  good-  36  “ Algunos  fueron  de  opinion, 
will  to  the  captive  Inca,  “ looked  que  matasen  a todos  los  Hombres 
upon  the  strangers,”  says  the  au-  de  Guerra,  6 les  cortasen  las  ma- 
thor,  “ as  sent  by  Viracocha  him-  nos.”  Xerez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ap. 
self.”  (Rel.  Prim.,  MS.)  It  re-  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  200. 
minds  us  of  a superstition,  or  rather 


430 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


respect,  that  the  most  common  soldier  was  attended 
by  a retinue  of  menials  that  would  have  better 
suited  the  establishment  of  a noble.^’' 

The  Spaniards  had  found  immense  droves  of 
llamas  under  the  care  of  their  shepherds  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  baths,  destined  for  the  con- 
sumption of  the  Court.  Many  of  them  were  now 
suffered  to  roam  abroad  among  their  native  moun- 
tains ; though  Pizarro  caused  a considerable  num- 
ber to  be  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  army.  And 
this  w^as  no  small  quantity,  if,  as  one  of  the  Con- 
querors says,  a hundred  and  fifty  of  the  Peruvian 
sheep  were  frequently  slaughtered  in  a day.^®  In- 
deed, the  Spaniards  were  so  improvident  in  their 
destruction  of  these  animals,  that,  in  a few  years, 
the  superb  flocks,  nurtured  with  so  much  care  by 
the  Peruvian  government,  had  almost  disappeared 
from  the  land.^^ 

The  party  sent  to  pillage  the  Inca’s  pleasure- 
house  brought  back  a rich  booty  in  gold  and  sil- 
ver, consisting  chiefly  of  plate  for  the  royal  table, 
which  greatly  astonished  the  Spaniards  by  their 
size  and  weight.  These,  as  w^ell  as  some  large 
emeralds  obtained  there,  together  with  the  precious 

37  “ Cada  Espanol  de  los  que  i cinquenta.”  Xerez,  Conq.  del 

alii  ivan  tomaron  para  si  mui  gran  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  202. 
cantidad  tanto  que  como  andava  39  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap. 
todo  a rienda  suelta  havia  Espanol  80.  — Ondegardo,  Rel.  Seg.,  MS. 
que  tenia  docientas  piezas  de  Indios  “ Hasta  que  los  destruian  todos 
i Indias  de  servicio.”  Conq.  i Fob.  sin  haver  Espanol  ni  Justicia  que 
del  Piru,  MS.  lo  defendiese  ni  amparase.”  Conq. 

38  “ Se  matan  cada  Dia,  ciento  i Pob.  del  Pint,  MS. 


Ch.  V.] 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


431 


spoils  found  on  the  bodies  of  the  Indian  nobles 
who  had  perished  in  the  massacre,  were  placed  in 
safe  custody,  to  be  hereafter  divided.  In  the  city 
of  Caxamalca,  the  troops  also  found  magazines 
stored  with  goods,  both  cotton  and  woollen,  far 
superior  to  any  they  had  seen,  for  fineness  of 
texture,  and  the  skill  with  which  the  various  colors 
were  blended.  They  were  piled  from  the  floors  to 
the  very  roofs  of  the  buildings,  and  in  such  quan- 
tity, that,  after  every  soldier  had  provided  himself 
with  what  he  desired,  it  made  no  sensible  diminu- 
tion of  the  whole  amount.^® 

Pizarro  would  now  gladly  have  directed  his  march 
on  the  Peruvian  capital.  But  the  distance  was 
great,  and  his  force  was  small.  This  must  have 
been  still  further  crippled  by  the  guard  required  for 
the  Inca,  and  the  chief  feared  to  involve  himself 
deeper  in  a hostile  empire  so  populous  and  power- 
ful, with  a prize  so  precious  in  his  keeping.  With 
much  anxiety,  therefore,  he  looked  for  reinforce- 
ments from  the  colonies  ; and  he  despatched  a 
courier  to  San  Miguel,  to  inform  the  Spaniards 
there  of  his  recent  successes,  and  to  ascertain  if 
there  had  been  any  arrival  from  Panama.  Mean- 
while he  employed  his  men  in  making  Caxamalca 
a more  suitable  residence  for  a Christian  host,  by 


Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  de  tiendas  y ropas  de  lana  y algo- 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  200.  don  eran  en  tan  gran  cantidad,  que 

There  was  enough,  says  the  &,  mi  parecer  fueran  menester  mu- 
anonymous  Conqueror,  for  several  chos  navios  en  que  supieran.” 
ship-loads.  “ Todas  estas  cosas  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


432 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  111. 


erecting  a church,  or,  perhaps,  appropriating  some 
Indian  edifice  to  this  use,  in  which  mass  was  regu- 
larly performed  by  the  Dominican  fathers,  with 
great  solemnity.  The  dilapidated  walls  of  the  city 
were  also  restored  in  a more  substantial  manner 
than  before,  and  every  vestige  was  soon  effaced  of 
the  hurricane  that  had  so  recently  swept  over  it. 

It  was  not  long  before  Atahuallpa  discovered, 
amidst  all  the  show  of  religious  zeal  in  his  Conquer- 
ors, a lurking  appetite  more  potent  in  most  of  their 
bosoms  than  either  religion  or  ambition.  This  was 
the  love  of  gold.  He  determined  to  avail  himself 
of  it  to  procure  his  own  freedom.  The  critical 
posture  of  his  affairs  made  it  important  that  this 
should  not  be  long  delayed.  His  brother  Huascar, 
ever  since  his  defeat,  had  been  detained  as  a pris- 
oner, subject  to  the  victor’s  orders.  He  was  now'  at 
Andamarca,  at  no  great  distance  from  Caxamalca ; 
and  Atahuallpa  feared,  w ith  good  .reason,  that,  when 
his  own  imprisonment  W'as  know  n,  Huascar  would 
find  it  easy  to  corrupt  his  guards,  make  his  escape, 
and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  contested  empire, 
w'ithout  a rival  to  dispute  it. 

In  the  hope,  therefore,  to  effect  his  purpose  by 
appealing  to  the  avarice  of  his  keepers,  he  one  day 
told  Pizarro,  that,  if  he  w'ould  set  him  free,  he  w ould 
engage  to  cover  the  floor  of  the  apartment  on  which 
they  stood  wdth  gold.  Those  present  listened  with 
an  incredulous  smile ; and,  as  the  Inca  received  no 
answer,  he  said,  with  some  emphasis,  that  “ he 
would  not  merely  cover  the  floor,  but  would  fill  the 


Ch.  V.]  SPLENDID  PROMISES  OF  THE  INCA. 


433 


room  with  gold  as  high  as  he  could  reach  ” ; and, 
standing  on  tiptoe,  he  stretched  out  his  hand  against 
the  wall.  All  stared  with  amazement;  while  they 
regarded  it  as  the  insane  boast  of  a man  too  eager 
to  procure  his  liberty  to  weigh  the  meaning  of  his 
words.  Yet  Pizarro  was  sorely  perplexed.  As  he 
had  advanced  into  the  country,  much  that  he  had 
seen,  and  all  that  he  had  heard,  had  confirmed 
the  dazzling  reports  fust  received  of  the  riches  of 
Peru.  Atahuallpa  himself  had  given  him  the  most 
glowing  picture  of  the  wealth  of  the  capital,  where 
the  roofs  of  the  temples  were  plated  with  gold, 
while  the  walls  were  hung  with  tapestry  and  the 
floors  inlaid  with  tiles  of  the  same  precious  metal. 
There  must  be  some  foundation  for  all  this.  At  all 
events,  it  was  safe  to  accede  to  the  Inca’s  proposi- 
tion ; since,  by  so  doing,  he  could  collect,  at  once, 
all  the  gold  at  his  disposal,  and  thus  prevent  its  be- 
ing purloined  or  secreted  by  the  natives.  He  there- 
fore acquiesced  in  Atahuallpa’s  offer,  and,  drawing  a 
red  line  along  the  M all  at  the  height  which  the  Inca 
had  indicated,  he  caused  the  terms  of  the  proposal 
to  be  duly  recorded  by  the  notary.  The  apartment 
M'as  about  seventeen  feet  broad,  by  twenty-two  feet 
long,  and  the  line  round  the  walls  M"as  nine  feet 
from  the  floor.^'  This  space  Avas  to  be  filled  with 

41  I have  adopted  the  dimensions  long  by  seventeen  or  eighteen  feet 
given  by  the  secretary  Xerez,  wide.  (Carta,  MS.)  The  most 
(Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  moderate  estimate  is  large  enough. 
III.  p.  202.)  According  to  Her-  Stevenson  says  that  they  still 
nando  Pizarro,  the  apartment  was  show  “ a large  room,  part  of  the 
nine  feet  high,  but  thirty-five  feet  old  palace,  and  now  the  residence 
VOL.  I.  55 


434 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


gold  ; but  it  was  understood  that  the  gold  was  not 
to  be  melted  down  into  ingots,  but  to  retain  the 
original  form  of  the  articles  into  which  it  was  manu- 
factured, that  the  Inca  might  have  the  benefit  of  the 
space  which  they  occupied.  He  further  agreed  to 
fill  an  adjoining  room  of  smaller  dimensions  twice 
full  with  silver,  in  like  manner ; and  he  demanded 
two  months  to  accomplish  all  this.^ 

No  sooner  was  this  arrangement  made,  than  the 
Inca  despatched  couriers  to  Cuzco  and  the  other 
principal  places  in  the  kingdom,  with  orders  that  the 
gold  ornaments  and  utensils  should  be  removed  from 
the  royal  palaces,  and  from  the  temples  and  other 
public  buildings,  and  transported  without  loss  of 
time  to  Caxamalca.  Meanwhile  he  continued  to  live 


of  the  Cacique  Astopilca,  where  the 
ill-fated  Inca  was  kept  a prisoner 
and  he  adds  that  the  line  traced 
on  the  wall  is  still  visible.  (Resi- 
dence in  South  America,  vol.  II. 
p.  163.)  Peru  abounds  in  remains 
as  ancient  as  the  Conquest ; and  it 
would  not  be  surprising  that  the 
memory  of  a place  so  remarkable 
as  this  should  be  preserved, — 
though  any  thing  but  a memorial 
to  be  cherished  by  the  Spaniards. 

^ The  facts  in  the  preceding 
paragraph  are  told  with  remarkable 
uniformity  by  the  ancient  chroni- 
clers. (Conf.  Pedro  Pizarro,  De- 
scub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de 
Hern.  Pizarro,  MS.  — Xerez,Conq. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  ubi  supra.  — 
Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 
— Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2, 


cap.  6.  — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  cap.  114. — Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  1.) 

Both  Naharro  and  Herrera  state 
expressly  that  Pizarro  promised 
the  Inca  his  liberation  on  fulfilling 
the  compact.  This  is  not  confirm- 
ed by  the  other  chroniclers,  who, 
however,  do  not  intimate  that  the 
Spanish  general  declined  the  terms. 
And  as  Pizarro,  by  all  accounts,  en- 
couraged his  prisoner  to  perform 
his  part  of  the  contract,  it  must 
have  been  with  the  understanding 
implied,  if  not  expressed,  that  he 
would  abide  by  the  other.  It  is 
most  improbable  that  the  Inca 
would  have  stripped  himself  of  his 
treasures,  if  he  had  not  so  under- 
stood it. 


Ch.  V.]  SPLENDID  PROMISES  OF  THE  INCA.  435 

in  the  Spanish  quarters,  treated  with  the  respect  due 
to  his  rank,  and  enjoying  all  the  freedom  that  was 
compatible  with  the  security  of  his  person.  Though 
not  permitted  to  go  abroad,  his  limbs  were  un- 
shackled, and  he  had  the  range  of  his  own  apart- 
ments under  the  jealous  surveillance  of  a guard,  who 
knew  too  well  the  value  of  the  royal  captive  to  be 
remiss.  He  was  allowed  the  society  of  his  favorite 
wives,  and  Pizarro  took  care  that  his  domestic  pri- 
vacy should  not  be  violated.  His  subjects  had  free 
access  to  their  sovereign,  and  every  day  he  received 
visits  from  the  Indian  nobles,  who  came  to  bring 
presents,  and  offer  condolence  to  their  unfortu- 
nate master.  On  such  occasions,  the  most  potent 
of  these  great  vassals  never  ventured  into  his  pres- 
ence, without  first  stripping  off  their  sandals,  and 
bearing  a load  on  their  backs  in  token  of  reverence. 
The  Spaniards  gazed  with  curious  eyes  on  these 
acts  of  homage,  or  rather  of  slavish  submission, 
on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  air  of  perfect  indiffer- 
ence with  which  they  were  received,  as  a matter  of 
course,  on  the  other ; and  they  conceived  high  ideas 
of  the  character  of  a prince  who,  even  in  his  pres- 
ent helpless  condition,  could  inspire  such  feelings 
of  awe  in  his  subjects.  The  royal  levee  was  so 
well  attended,  and  such  devotion  was  shown  by  his 
vassals  to  the  captive  monarch,  as  did  not  fail,  in 
the  end,  to  excite  some  feelings  of  distrust  in  his 
keepers.'*^ 


“*3  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
MS.  — Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. 


436 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Pizarro  did  not  neglect  the  opportunity  afforded 
him  of  communicating  the  truths  of  revelation  to  his 
prisoner,  and  both  he  and  his  chaplain,  Father  Val- 
verde,  labored  in  the  same  good  work.  Atahuallpa 
listened  with  composure  and  apparent  attention. 
But  nothing  seemed  to  move  him  so  much  as  the 
argument  with  which  the  military  polemic  closed  his 
discourse,  — that  it  could  not  be  the  true  God  whom 
Atahuallpa  worshipped,  since  he  had  suffered  him  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  The  unhappy 
monarch  assented  to  the  force  of  this,  acknowledg- 
ing that  his  Deity  had  indeed  deserted  him  in  his 
utmost  need.^^ 

Yet  his  conduct  towards  his  brother  Huascar,  at 
this  time,  too  clearly  proves,  that,  whatever  respect 
he  may  have  shown  for  the  teachers,  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity  had  made  little  impression  on  his 
heart.  No  sooner  had  Huascar  been  informed  of 
the  capture  of  his  rival,  and  of  the  large  ransom  he 
had  offered  for  his  deliverance,  than,  as  the  latter 
had  foreseen,  he  made  every  effort  to  regain  his  lib- 
erty, and  sent,  or  attempted  to  send,  a message  to 
the  Spanish  commander,  that  he  would  pay  a much 
larger  ransom  than  that  promised  by  Atahuallpa, 
who,  never  having  dwelt  in  Cuzco,  was  ignorant 
of  the  quantity  of  treasure  there,  and  where  it  was 
deposited. 

44  “ I mas  dijo  Atabalipa,  que  su  Idolo,  no  es  Dios  verdadero, 
estaba  espantado  de  lo  que  el  Go-  pues  tan  poco  le  aiudo.”  Xerez, 
vernador  le  havia  dicho : que  bien  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
conocia  que  aquel  que  hablaba  eu  III.  p.  203. 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  OF  HUASCAR. 


437 


Intelligence  of  all  this  was  secretly  communicated 
to  Atahuallpa  by  the  persons  who  had  his  brother 
in  charge;  and  his  jealousy,  thus  roused,  was  fur- 
ther heightened  by  Pizarro’s  declaration,  that  he  in- 
tended to  have  Huascar  brought  to  Caxamalca, 
where  he  would  himself  examine  into  the  contro- 
versy, and  determine  which  of  the  two  had  best  title 
to  the  sceptre  of  the  Incas.  Pizarro  perceived,  from 
the  first,  the  advantages  of  a competition  which 
would  enable  him,  by  throwing  his  sword  into  the 
scale  he  preferred,  to  give  it  a preponderance.  The 
party  who  held  the  sceptre  by  his  nomination  would 
henceforth  be  a tool  in  his  hands,  with  which  to 
work  his  pleasure  more  effectually  than  he  could 
well  do  in  his  o%vn  name.  It  was  the  game,  as 
every  reader  knows,  played  by  Edward  the  First  in 
the  affairs  of  Scotland,  and  by  many  a monarch, 
both  before  and  since,  — and  though  their  examples 
may  not  have  been  familiar  to  the  unlettered  soldier, 
Pizarro  was  too  quick  in  his  perceptions  to  require, 
in  this  matter,  at  least,  the  teachings  of  history. 

Atahuallpa  was  much  alarmed  by  the  Spanish 
commander’s  determination  to  have  the  suit  between 
the  rival  candidates  brought  before  him ; for  he 
feared,  that,  independently  of  the  merits  of  the 
case,  the  decision  would  be  likely  to  go  in  favor  of 
Huascar,  whose  mild  and  ductile  temper  would 
make  him  a convenient  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
his  conquerors.  Without  further  hesitation,  he  de- 
termined to  remove  this  cause  of  jealousy  for  ever, 
by  the  death  of  his  brother. 


438 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


His  orders  were  immediately  executed,  and  the 
unhappy  prince  was  drowned,  as  was  commonly  re- 
ported, in  the  river  of  Andamarca,  declaring  with  his 
dying  breath  that  the  white  men  would  avenge  his 
murder,  and  that  his  rival  would  not  long  survive 
him.^^  — Thus  perished  the  unfortunate  Huascar, 
the  legitimate  heir  of  the  throne  of  the  Incas,  in 
the  very  morning  of  life,  and  the  commencement  of 
his  reign ; a reign,  however,  which  had  been  long 
enough  to  call  forth  the  display  of  many  excellent 
and  amiable  qualities,  though  his  nature  was  too 
gentle  to  cope  with  the  bold  and  fiercer  temper  of 
his  brother.  Such  is  the  portrait  we  have  of  him 
from  the  Indian  and  Castilian  chroniclers,  though 
the  former,  it  should  be  added,  were  the  kinsmen 
of  Huascar,  and  the  latter  certainly  bore  no  good- 
will to  Atahuallpa.^*^ 

That  prince  received  the  tidings  of  Huascar’s 
death  with  every  mark  of  surprise  and  indignation. 
He  immediately  sent  for  Pizarro,  and  communicated 


Both  the  place  and  the  man- 
ner of  Huascar’s  death  are  reported 
with  much  discrepancy  by  the  his- 
torians. All  agree  in  the  one  im- 
portant fact,  that  he  died  a violent 
death  at  the  instigation  of  his  broth- 
er. Conf.  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  2.  — Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
HI.  p.  204.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  De- 
scub.  y Conq.,  MS.  — Naharro, 
Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  — Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  6.  — 
Instruc.  del  Inga  Titucussi,  MS. 


46  Both  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 
and  Titucussi  Yupanqui  were  de- 
scendants from  Huayna  Capac,  of 
the  pure  Peruvian  stock,  the  natu- 
ral enemies,  therefore,  of  their 
kinsman  of  Quito,  whom  they  re- 
garded as  a usurper.  Circum- 
stances brought  the  Castilians  into 
direct  collision  with  Atahuallpa, 
and  it  was  natural  they  should 
seek  to  darken  his  reputation  by 
contrast  with  the  fair  character  of 
his  rival. 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  OF  HUASCAR. 


439 


the  event  to  him  with  expressions  of  the  deepest 
sorrow.  The  Spanish  commander  refused,  at  first, 
to  credit  the  unwelcome  news,  and  bluntly  told  the 
Inca,  that  his  brother  could  not  be  dead,  and  that 
he  should  be  answerable  for  his  life.^'  To  this 
Atahuallpa  replied  by  renewed  assurances  of  the 
fact,  adding  that  the  deed  had  been  perpetrated, 
without  his  privity,  by  Huascar’s  keepers,  fearful 
that  he  might  take  advantage  of  the  troubles  of  the 
country  to  make  his  escape.  Pizarro,  on  making 
further  inquiries,  found  that  the  report  of  his  death 
was  but  too  true.  That  it  should  have  been  brought 
about  by  Atahuallpa’s  officers,  without  his  express 
command,  would  only  show,  that,  by  so  doing,  they 
had  probably  anticipated  their  master’s  wishes. 
The  crime,  which  assumes  in  our  eyes  a deeper 
dye  from  the  relation  of  the  parties,  had  not  the 
same  estimation  among  the  Incas,  in  whose  multi- 
tudinous families  the  bonds  of  brotherhood  must 
have  sat  loosely,  — much  too  loosely  to  restrain  the 
arm  of  the  despot  from  sweeping  away  any  obsta- 
cle that  lay  in  his  path. 

47  “ Sabido  eeto  por  el  Gober-  sen  luego  vivo:  i sino,  que  el  man- 
nador,  mostrb,  que  le  pesaba  mu-  daria  matar  a Atabalipa.  ” Xerez, 
cho : i dijo  que  era  mentiia,  que  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
no  le  havian  muerto,  que  lo  truje-  III.  p.  204. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Gold  arrives  for  the  Ransom.  — Visit  to  Pachacamac. — Demo- 
lition OF  THE  Idol.  — The  Inca’s  favorite  General.  — The 
Inca’s  Life  in  Confinement.  — Envoys’  Conduct  in  Cuzco.  — 
Arrival  of  Almagro. 

1533. 

Several  weeks  had  now  passed  since  Atahu- 
allpa’s  emissaries  had  been  despatched  for  the  gold 
and  silver  that  were  to  furnish  his  ransom  to  the 
Spaniards.  But  the  distances  were  great,  and  the 
returns  came  in  slowly.  They  consisted,  for  the 
most  part,  of  massive  pieces  of  plate,  some  of  which 
weighed  two  or  three  arrobas,  — a Spanish  weight 
of  twenty-five  pounds.  On  some  days,  articles  of 
the  value  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  pesos  de  oro 
were  brought  in,  and,  occasionally,  of  the  value  of 
fifty  or  even  sixty  thousand  pesos.  The  greedy 
eyes  of  the  Conquerors  gloated  on  the  shining 
heaps  of  treasure,  which  were  transported  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  Indian  porters,  and,  after  being 
carefully  registered,  were  placed  in  safe  deposit  un- 
der a strong  guard.  They  now  began  to  believe 
that  the  magnificent  promises  of  the  Inca  would  be 
fulfilled.  But,  as  their  avarice  was  sharpened  by  the 
ravishing  display  of  wealth,  such  as  they  had  hardly 


Ch.  VI.]  GOLD  ARRIVES  FOR  THE  RANSOM. 


441 


dared  to  imagine,  they  became  more  craving  and 
impatient.  They  made  no  allowance  for  the  dis- 
tance and  the  difficulties  of  the  way,  and  loudly  in- 
veighed against  the  tardiness  with  which  the  royal 
commands  were  executed.  They  even  suspected 
Atahuallpa  of  devising  this  scheme  only  to  gain  a 
pretext  for  communicating  with  his  subjects  in  dis- 
tant places,  and  of  proceeding  as  dilatorily  as  pos- 
sible, in  order  to  secure  time  for  the  execution  of  his 
plans.  Rumors  of  a rising  among  the  Peruvians 
were  circulated,  and  the  Spaniards  were  in  appre- 
hension of  some  general  and  sudden  assault  on  their 
quarters.  Their  new  acquisitions  gave  them  ad- 
ditional cause  for  solicitude ; like  a miser,  they 
trembled  in  the  midst  of  their  treasures. ‘ 

Pizarro  reported  to  his  captive  the  rumors  that 
were  in  circulation  among  the  soldiers,  naming,  as 
one  of  the  places  pointed  out  for  the  rendezvous  of 
the  Indians,  the  neighbouring  city  of  Guamachucho. 
Atahuallpa  listened  with  undisguised  astonishment, 
and  indignantly  repelled  the  charge,  as  false  from 
beginning  to  end.  “ No  one  of  my  subjects,”  said 
he,  “ would  dare  to  appear  in  arms,  or  to  raise  his 
finger,  without  my  orders.  You  have  me,”  he  con- 
tinued, “ in  your  power.  Is  not  my  life  at  your  dis- 
posal ? And  what  better  security  can  you  have  for 
my  fidelity  ? ” He  then  represented  to  the  Spanish 
commander,  that  the  distances  of  many  of  the  places 
were  very  great ; that  to  Cuzco,  the  capital,  al- 

I Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  maria,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del 
cap.  6.  — Naharro,  Relacion  Su-  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  204. 

VOL.  I.  56 


442 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


though  a message  might  be  sent  by  post,  through 
a succession  of  couriers,  in  five  days  from  Caxamal- 
ca,  it  would  require  weeks  for  a porter  to  travel  over 
the  same  ground,  with  a heavy  load  on  his  back. 
“ But  that  you  may  be  satisfied  I am  proceeding  in 
good  faith,”  he  added,  “ I desire  you  will  send  some 
of  your  own  people  to  Cuzco.  I will  give  them  a 
safe-conduct,  and,  when  there,  they  can  superintend 
the  execution  of  the  commission,  and  see  with  their 
own  eyes  that  no  hostile  movements  are  intended.” 
It  was  a fair  offer,  and  Pizarro,  anxious  to  get  more 
precise  and  authentic  information  of  the  state  of  the 
country,  gladly  availed  himself  of  it.^ 

Before  the  departure  of  these  emissaries,  the  gen- 
eral had  despatched  his  brother  Hernando  with 
about  twenty  horse  and  a small  body  of  infantry  to 
the  neighbouring  town  of  Guamachucho,  in  order  to 
reconnoitre  the  country,  and  ascertain  if  there  was 
any  truth  in  the  report  of  an  armed  force  having  as- 
sembled there.  Hernando  found  every  thing  quiet, 
and  met  with  a kind  reception  from  the  natives. 
But  before  leaving  the  place,  he  received  further  or- 
ders from  his  brother  to  continue  his  march  to  Pa- 
chacamac,  a town  situated  on  the  coast,  at  least  a 
hundred  leagues  distant  from  Caxamalca.  It  was 
consecrated  as  the  seat  of  the  great  temple  of  the 
deity  of  that  name,  whom  the  Peruvians  worshipped 
as  the  Creator  of  the  world.  It  is  said  that  they 

2 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 203,  204.  — Naharro,  Relacion 
Conq.,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Sumaria,  MS. 

Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  pp. 


1 


Ch.  VI  ] VISIT  TO  PACHACAMAC.  443 

found  there  altars  raised  to  this  god,  on  their  first 
occupation  of  the  country ; and,  such  was  the  ven- 
eration in  which  he  was  held  by  the  natives,  that  the 
Incas,  instead  of  attempting  to  abolish  his  worship, 
deemed  it  more  prudent  to  sanction  it  conjointly 
with  that  of  their  own  deity,  the  Sun.  Side  by  side, 
the  two  temples  rose  on  the  heights  that  overlooked 
the  city  of  Pachacamac,  and  prospered  in  the  offer- 
ings of  their  respective  votaries.  “ It  was  a eun- 
ning  arrangement,”  says  an  ancient  writer,  “ by 
which  the  great  enemy  of  man  secured  to  himself  a 
double  harvest  of  souls.”  ^ 

But  the  temple  of  Pachacamac  continued  to 
maintain  its  ascendency  ; and  the  oracles,  delivered 
from  its  dark  and  mysterious  shrine,  were  held  in  no 
less  repute  among  the  natives  of  Tavantinsuyii,  (or 
“ the  four  quarters  of  the  world,”  as  Peru  under  the 
Incas  was  called,)  than  the  oracles  of  Delphi  obtain- 
ed among  the  Greeks.  Pilgrimages  were  made  to 
the  hallowed  spot  from  the  most  distant  regions,  and 
the  city  of  Pachacamac  became  among  the  Peruvi- 
ans what  Mecca  was  among  the  Mahometans,  or 
Cholula  with  the  people  of  Anahuac.  The  shrine 
of  the  deity,  enriched  by  the  tributes  of  the  pil- 
grims, gradually  beeame  one  of  the  most  opulent  in 
the  land ; and  Atahuallpa,  anxious  to  collect  his  ran- 
som as  speedily  as  possible,  urged  Pizarro  to  send  a 

3 “ El  demonic  Pachacama  ale-  otro  era  el  seruido,  y quedauan  las 
gre  con  este  concierto,  afirman  que  animas  de  los  simples  malauentura- 
mostraua  en  sus  respuestas  gran  dos  presas  en  sn  poder.”  Cieza 
contento : pues  con  lo  vno  y lo  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  72. 


444 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


detachment  in  that  direction,  to  secure  the  treasures 
before  they  could  be  secreted  by  the  priests  of  the 
temple. 

It  was  a journey  of  considerable  difficulty.  Two 
thirds  of  the  route  lay  along  the  table-land  of  the 
Cordilleras,  intersected  occasionally  by  crests  of  the 
mountain  range,  that  imposed  no  slight  impediment 
to  their  progress.  Fortunately,  much  of  the  way, 
they  had  the  benefit  of  the  great  road  to  Cuzco,  and 
“ nothing  in  Christendom,”  exclaims  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro,  “ equals  the  magnificence  of  this  road  across 
the  sierra.”^  In  some  places,  the  rocky  ridges  were 
so  precipitous,  that  steps  were  cut  in  them  for  the 
travellers ; and  though  the  sides  were  protected  by 
heavy  stone  balustrades  or  parapets,  it  was  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  the  horses  were  enabled  to 
scale  them.  The  road  was  frequently  crossed  by 
streams,  over  which  bridges  of  wood  and  some- 
times of  stone  were  thrown  ; though  occasionally, 
along  the  declivities  of  the  mountains,  the  waters 
swept  down  in  such  furious  torrents,  that  the  only 
method  of  passing  them  was  by  the  swinging 
bridges  of  osier,  of  which,  till  now,  the  Spaniards 
had  had  little  experience.  They  were  secured  on 
either  bank  to  heavy  buttresses  of  stone.  But  as 
they  were  originally  designed  for  nothing  heavier 
than  the  foot-passenger  and  the  llama,  and,  as 
they  had  something  exceedingly  fragile  in  their 

“ El  camino  de  las  sierras  es  no  se  han  visto  tan  hermosos  cami- 
cosa  de  ver,  porque  en  verdad  en  nos,  toda  la  mayor  parte  de  calza- 
tierra  tan  fragosa  en  la  cristiandad  da.”  Carta,  MS. 


Ch.  VI.] 


VISIT  TO  PACHACAMAC. 


445 


appearance,  the  Spaniards  hesitated  to  venture  on 
them  with  their  horses.  Experience,  however,  soon 
showed  they  were  capable  of  bearing  a much  great- 
er weight ; and  thougli  the  traveller,  made  giddy 
by  the  vibration  of  the  long  avenue,  looked  with  a 
reeling  brain  into  the  torrent  that  was  tumbling  at 
the  depth  of  a hundred  feet  or  more  below  him,  the 
whole  of  the  cavalry  effected  their  passage  without 
an  accident.  At  these  bridges,  it  may  be  remarked, 
they  found  persons  stationed  whose  business  it  was 
to  collect  toll  for  the  government  from  all  travellers.® 
The  Spaniards  were  amazed  by  the  number  as 
well  as  magnitude  of  the  flocks  of  llamas  which 
they  saw  browsing  on  the  stunted  herbage  that 
grows  in  the  elevated  regions  of  the  Andes.  Some- 
times they  were  gathered  in  inclosures,  but  more 
usually  were  roaming  at  large  under  the  conduct  of 
their  Indian  shepherds ; and  the  Conquerors  now 
learned,  for  the  first  time,  that  these  animals  were 
tended  with  as  mnch  care,  and  their  migrations  as 
nicely  regulated,  as  those  of  the  vast  flocks  of  me- 
rinos in  their  own  country.® 


5 “ Todos  los  arroyos  tienen 
puentes  de  piedra  6 de  madera : en 
iin  rio  grande,  que  era  muy  cauda- 
loso  e muy  grande,  que  pasamos 
dos  veces,  hallamos  puentes  de 
red,  que  es  cosa  maravillosa  de 
ver ; pasamos  por  ellas  los  ca- 
ballos ; tienen  en  cada  pasaje  dos 
puentes,  la  una  por  donde  pasa  la 
gente  comun,  la  otra  por  donde 
pasa  el  seiior  de  la  tierra  6 sus 


capitanes  : esta  tienen  siempre 
cerrada  e indios  que  la  guardan ; 
estos  indios  cobran  portazgo  de  los 
que  pasan.”  Carta  de  Hern.  Pi- 
zarro,  MS.  — Also  Relacion  del 
Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

® A comical  blunder  has  been 
made  by  the  printer,  in  M.  Ter- 
naux-Compans’s  excellent  transla- 
tion of  Xerez,  in  the  account  of 
this  expedition.  “ On  trouve  sur 


446 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


The  table-land  and  its  declivities  were  thickly 
sprinkled  with  hamlets  and  towns,  some  of  them  of 
considerable  size  ; and  the  country  in  every  direc- 
tion bore  the  marks  of  a thrifty  husbandry.  Fields 
of  Indian  corn  were  to  be  seen  in  all  its  different 
stages,  from  the  green  and  tender  ear  to  the  yellow 
ripeness  of  harvest  time.  As  they  descended  into 
the  valleys  and  deep  ravines  that  divided  the  crests 
of  the  Cordilleras,  they  were  surrounded  by  the 
vegetation  of  a warmer  climate,  which  delighted 
the  eye  with  the  gay  livery  of  a thousand  bright 
colors,  and  intoxicated  the  senses  with  its  perfumes. 
Everywhere  the  natural  capacities  of  the  soil  were 
stimulated  by  a minute  system  of  irrigation,  which 
drew  the  fertilizing  moisture  from  every  stream  and 
rivulet  that  rolled  down  the  declivities  of  the  An- 
des ; while  the  terraced  sides  of  the  mountains 
were  clothed  with  gardens  and  orchards  that  teemed 
with  fruits  of  various  latitudes.  The  Spaniards 
could  not  sufficiently  admire  the  industry  with  which 
the  natives  had  availed  themselves  of  the  bounty 
of  Nature,  or  had  supplied  the  deficiency  where  she 
had  dealt  with  a more  parsimonious  hand. 

Whether  from  the  commands  of  the  Inca,  or  from 
the  awe  which  their  achievements  had  spread 
throughout  the  land,  the  Conquerors  were  received, 
in  every  place  through  which  they  passed,  with 

toute  la  route  beaucoup  de  pores,  well  lead  the  reader  into  the  error 
de  lamas.”  (Relation  de  la  Con-  of  supposing  that  swine  existed  in 
quete  du  Perou,  p.  157.)  The  Peru  before  the  Conquest, 
substitution  of  pores  for  pares  might 


Ch.  VI  ] 


VISIT  TO  PACHACAMAC. 


447 


hospitable  kindness.  Lodgings  were  provided  for 
them,  with  ample  refreshments  from  the  well-stored 
magazines,  distributed  at  intervals  along  the  route. 
In  many  of  the  towns  the  inhabitants  came  out  to 
welcome  them  with  singing  and  dancing;  and,  when 
they  resumed  their  march,  a number  of  able-bodied 
porters  were  furnished  to  carry  forward  their  bag- 
gage.^ 

At  length,  after  some  weeks  of  travel,  severe 
even  with  all  these  appliances,  Hernando  Pizarro 
arrived  before  the  city  of  Pachacamac.  It  was  a 
place  of  considerable  population,  and  the  edifices 
were,  many  of  them,  substantially  built.  The  tem- 
ple of  the  tutelar  deity  consisted  of  a vast  stone 
building,  or  rather  pile  of  buildings,  which,  cluster- 
ing around  a conical  hill,  had  the  air  of  a fortress 
rather  than  a religious  establishment.  But,  though 
the  walls  were  of  stone,  the  roof  was  composed  of 
a light  thatch,  as  usual  in  countries  where  rain 
seldom  or  never  falls,  and  where  defence,  conse- 
quently, is  wanted  chiefly  against  the  rays  of  the 
sun. 

Presenting  himself  at  the  lower  entrance  of  the 
temple,  Hernando  Pizarro  was  refused  admittance 
by  the  guardians  of  the  portal.  But,  exclaiming 
that  “ he  had  come  too  far  to  be  stayed  by  the  arm 

^ Carta  de  Hem.  Pizarro,  MS.  inspector,  accompanied  Hernando 
— Estete,ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  pp.  Pizarro  on  this  expedition,  and,  of 
206,  207. — Relacion  del  Primer,  course,  were  eyewitnesses,  like  hira- 
Descub.,  MS.  self,  of  what  they  relate.  Estete’s 

Both  the  last-cited  author  and  narrative  is  incorporated  by  the 
Miguel  Estete,  the  royal  veedor  or  secretary  Xerez  in  his  own. 


448 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


of  an  Indian  priest,”  he  forced  his  way  into  the 
passage,  and,  followed  by  his  men,  wound  up  the 
gallery  which  led  to  an  area  on  the  summit  of  the 
mount,  at  one  end  of  which  stood  a sort  of  chapel. 
This  was  the  sanctuary  of  the  dread  deity.  The 
door  was  garnished  with  ornaments  of  crystal,  and 
with  turquoises  and  bits  of  coral.®  Here  again  the 
Indians  would  have  dissuaded  Pizarro  from  vio- 
lating the  consecrated  precincts,  when,  at  that 
moment,  the  shock  of  an  earthquake,  that  made 
the  ancient  walls  tremble  to  their  foundation,  so 
alarmed  the  natives,  both  those  of  Pizarro’s  own 
company  and  the  people  of  the  place,  that  they  fled 
in  dismay,  nothing  doubting  that  their  incensed  deity 
would  bury  the  invaders  under  the  ruins,  or  con- 
sume them  with  liis  lightnings.  But  no  such  terror 
found  its  way  into  the  breast  of  the  Conquerors, 
who  felt  that  here,  at  least,  they  were  fighting  the 
good  fight  of  the  Faith. 

Tearing  open  the  door,  Pizarro  and  his  party 
entered.  But  instead  of  a hall  blazing,  as  they  had 
fondly  imagined,  with  gold  and  precious  stones, 
offerings  of  the  worshippers  of  Pachacamac,  they 
found  themselves  in  a small  and  obscure  apart- 
ment, or  rather  den,  from  the  floor  and  sides  of 
which  steamed  up  the  most  offensive  odors,  — like 
those  of  a slaughter-house.  It  was  the  place  of 
sacrifice.  A few  pieces  of  gold  and  some  emeralds 
were  discovered  on  the  ground,  and,  as  their  eyes 


8 “ Esta  puerta  era  muy  tejida  qiiesas  y cristales  y otras  cosas.” 
de  diversas  cosas  de  corales  y tur-  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,MS. 


Ch.  VI.] 


DEMOLITION  OF  THE  IDOL. 


449 


became  accommodated  to  the  darkness,  they  dis- ' 
cerned  in  the  most  retired  corner  of  the  room  the 
figure  of  the  deity.  It  was  an  uncouth  monster, 
made  of  wood,  with  the  head  resembling  that  of  a 
man.  This  was  the  god,  through  whose  lips  Satan 
had  breathed  forth  the  far-famed  oracles  which  had 
deluded  his  Indian  votaries  ! ® 

Tearing  the  idol  from  its  recess,  the  indignant 
Spaniards  dragged  it  into  the  open  air,  and  there 
broke  it  into  a hundred  fragments.  The  place  was 
then  purified,  and  a large  cross,  made  of  stone  and 
plaster,  was  erected  on  the  spot.  In  a few  years 
the  walls  of  the  temple  were  pulled  down  by  the 
Spanish  settlers,  who  found  there  a convenient 
quarry  for  their  own  edifices.  But  the  cross  still 
remained  spreading  its  broad  arms  over  the  ruins. 
It  stood  where  it  was  planted  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  stronghold  of  Heathendom  ; and,  while  all  was 
in  ruins  around  it,  it  proclaimed  the  permanent 
triumphs  of  the  Faith. 

The  simple  natives,  finding  that  Heaven  had  no 
bolts  in  store  for  the  Conquerors,  and  that  their  god 
had  no  power  to  prevent  the  profanation  of  his 
shrine,  came  in  gradually  and  tendered  their  homage 
to  the  strangers,  whom  they  now  regarded  with 

9 “ Aquel  era  Pachacama,  el  que  venian  en  romeria,  que  es 
cual  les  sanaba  de  sus  enferme-  cierto  que  del  todo  el  Senorio  de 
dades,  y a lo  que  alii  se  enteiidio,  Atabalica  iban  alii,  como  los  Mores 
el  Demonio  aparecia  en  aquella  y Turcos  van  a la  casa  de  Meca.” 
cueba  a aquellos  sacerdotes  y ha-  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
blaba  con  ellos,  y estos  entraban  — Also  Estete,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
con  las  peticiones  y ofrendas  de  los  III.  p.  209. 

VOL.  I.  57 


450 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


feelings  of  superstitious  awe.  Pizarro  profited  by 
this  temper  to  wean  them,  if  possible,  from  their 
idolatry;  and  though  no  preacher  himself,  as  he 
tells  us,  he  delivered  a discourse  as  edifying,  doubt- 
less, as  could  be  expected  from  the  mouth  of  a sol- 
dier ; and,  in  conclusion,  he  taught  them  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  as  an  inestimable  talisman  to  secure 
them  against  the  future  machinations  of  the  Devil." 

But  the  Spanish  commander  was  not  so  absorbed 
in  his  spiritual  labors  as  not  to  have  an  eye  to  those 
temporal  concerns  for  which  he  came  into  this  quar- 
ter. He  now  found,  to  his  chagrin,  that  he  had 
come  somewhat  too  late  ; and  that  the  priests  of 
Pachacamac,  being  advised  of  his  mission,  had 
secured  much  the  greater  part  of  the  gold,  and 
decamped  with  it  before  his  arrival.  A quantity 
was  afterwards  discovered  buried  in  the  grounds 
adjoining.*^  Still  the  amount  obtained  was  con- 
siderable, falling  little  short  of  eighty  thousand 
Castellanos,  a sum  which  once  would  have  been 
deemed  a compensation  for  greater  fatigues  than 
they  had  encountered.  But  the  Spaniards  had  be- 
come familiar  with  gold  ; and  their  imaginations, 
kindled  by  the  romantic  adventures  in  which  they 


10  “ i a falta  de  predicador  les 
hice  mi  sermon,  diciendo  el  engaiio 
en  que  vivian.”  Carta  de  Hern. 
Pizarro,  MS. 

u Ibid.,  MS.  — Relacion  del 
Primer.  Descub.,  MS. — Estete, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  209. 

12  «(  Y andando  los  tiepos  el 


capitan  Rodrigo  Orgonez,  y Fran- 
cisco de  Godoy,  y otros  sacaron 
gra  summa  de  oro  y plata  de  los 
enterramientos.  Y aun  se  presume 
y tiene  por  cierto,  que  ay  mucho 
mas ; pero  como  no  se  sabe  donde 
esta  enterrado,  se  pierde.”  Cieza 
de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  72. 


Ch.  VI.]  THE  INCA’S  FAVORITE  GENERAL. 


451 


had  of  late  been  engaged,  indulged  in  visions  which 
all  the  gold  of  Peru  would  scarcely  have  realized. 

One  prize,  however,  Hernando  obtained  by  his 
expedition,  which  went  far  to  console  him  for  the 
loss  of  his  treasure.  While  at  Pachacamac,  he 
learned  that  the  Indian  commander  Challcuchima 
lay  with  a large  force  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Xau- 
xa,  a town  of  some  strength  at  a considerable  dis- 
tance among  the  mountains.  This  man,  who  w’as 
nearly  related  to  Atahuallpa,  was  his  most  experi- 
enced general,  and  together  with  Quizquiz,  now  at 
Cuzco,  had  achieved  those  victories  at  the  south 
which  placed  the  Inca  on  the  throne.  From  his 
birth,  his  talents,  and  his  large  experience,  he  was 
accounted  second  to  no  subject  in  the  kingdom. 
Pizarro  was  aware  of  the  importance  of  securing 
his  person.  Finding  that  the  Indian  noble  declined 
to  meet  him  on  his  return,  he  determined  to  march 
at  once  on  Xauxa  and  take  the  chief  in  his  own 
quarters.  Such  a scheme,  considering  the  enormous 
disparity  of  numbers,  might  seem  desperate  even 
for  Spaniards.  But  success  had  given  them  such 
confidence,  that  they  hardly  condescended  to  cal- 
culate chances.  • 

The  road  across  the  mountains  presented  greater 
difficulties  than  those  on  the  former  march.  To 
add  to  the  troubles  of  the  cavalry,  the  shoes  of  their 
horses  were  used  up,  and  their  hoofs  suffered  severe- 
ly on  the  rough  and  stony  ground.  There  was  no 
iron  at  hand,  nothing  but  gold  and  silver.  In  the 
present  emergency  they  turned  even  these  to  ac- 


452 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


count ; and  Pizarro  caused  the  horses  of  the  whole 
troop  to  be  shod  with  silver.  The  work  was  done 
by  the  Indian  smiths,  and  it  answered  so  well, 
that  in  this  precious  material  they  found  a substi- 
tute for  iron  during  the  remainder  of  the  march.^^ 
Xauxa  was  a large  and  populous  place ; though 
we  shall  hardly  credit  the  assertion  of  the  Conquer- 
ors, that  a hundred  thousand  persons  assembled 
habitually  in  the  great  square  of  the  city.*^  The 
Peruvian  commander  was  encamped,  it  was  said, 
with  an  army  of  five-and-thirty  thousand  men  at 
only  a few  miles’  distance  from  the  town.  With 
some  difficulty  he  was  persuaded  to  an  interview 
with  Pizarro.  The  latter  addressed  him  courteously, 
and  urged  his  return  with  him  to  the  Castilian  quar- 
ters in  Caxamalca,  representing  it  as  the  command 
of  the  Inca.  Ever  since  the  capture  of  his  master, 
Challcuchima  had  remained  uncertain  what  course  to 
take.  The  capture  of  the  Inca  in  this  sudden  and 
mysterious  manner  by  a race  of  beings  who  seemed 
to  have  dropped  from  the  clouds,  and  that  too  in 
the  very  hour  of  his  triumph,  had  entirely  bewil- 

13  “ Hicieron  hacer  herrage  de  the  Peruvian  Conquerors  assures  us 
herraduras  e clavos  para  sus*  Ca-  they  used  gold  and  silver.  (Rela- 
ballos  de  Plata,  los  cuales  hicieron  tione  d’un  Capitano  Spagnuolo,  ap. 
los  cien  Indios  fundidores  muy  Ramusio,  Navigationi  et  Viaggi, 
buenos  e cuantos  quisieron  de  ellos,  Venetia,  1565,  tom.  III.  fob  376.) 
con  el  cual  herrage  anduhieron  dos  All  agree  in  the  silver, 
meses.”  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  14  “ Era  mucha  la  Gente  de 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  aquel  Pueblo,  i de  sus  Comarcas, 
16.)  The  author  of  the  Relacion  que  al  parecer  de  los  Espafioles,  se 
del  Primero  Descubrimiento,  MS.,  juntaban  cada  Dia  en  la  Pla5a 
says  they  shod  the  horses  with  sil-  Principal  cien  mil  Personas.” 
ver  and  copper.  And  another  of  Estete,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  230. 


Ch.  VI.]  THE  INCA’S  FAVORITE  GENERAL. 


453 


dered  the  Peruvian  chief.  He  had  concerted  no 
plan  for  the  rescue  of  Atahuallpa,  nor,  indeed,  did 
he  know  whether  any  such  movement  would  be  ac- 
ceptable to  him.  He  now  acquiesced  in  his  com- 
mands, and  was  willing,  at  all  events,  to  have  a per- 
sonal interview  with  his  sovereign.  Pizarro  gained 
his  end  without  being  obliged  to  strike  a single  blow 
to  effect  it.  The  barbarian,  when  brought  into  con- 
tact with  the  white  man,  would  seem  to  have  been 
rebuked  by  his  superior  genius,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  wild  animal  of  the  forest  is  said  to  quail  be- 
fore the  steady  glance  of  the  hunter. 

Challcuchima  came  attended  by  a numerous  reti- 
nue. He  was  borne  in  his  sedan  on  the  shoulders 
of  his  vassals;  and,  as  he  accompanied  the  Spaniards 
on  their  return  through  the  country,  received  every- 
where from  the  inhabitants  the  homage  paid  only  to 
the  favorite  of  a monarch.  Yet  all  this  pomp  van- 
ished on  his  entering  the  presence  of  the  Inca, 
whom  he  approached  with  his  feet  bare,  while  a 
light  burden,  which  he  had  taken  from  one  of  the 
attendants,  was  laid  on  his  back.  As  he  drew  near, 
the  old  warrior,  raising  his  hands  to  heaven,  ex- 
claimed, — “ Would  that  I had  been  here  ! — this 
would  not  then  have  happened  ” ; then,  kneeling 
down,  he  kissed  the  hands  and  feet  of  his  royal 
master,  and  bathed  them  with  his  tears.  Atahuallpa, 
on  his  part,  betrayed  not  the  least  emotion,  and 
showed  no  other  sign  of  satisfaction  at  the  presence 
of  his  favorite  counsellor,  than  by  simply  bidding 
him  welcome.  The  cold  demeanour  of  the  monarch 


454 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Bo'ok  III. 


contrasted  strangely  with  the  loyal  sensibility  of  the 
subject.*® 

The  rank  of  the  Inca  placed  him  at  an  immeasur- 
able distance  above  the  proudest  of  his  vassals  ; and 
the  Spaniards  had  repeated  occasion  to  admire  the 
ascendency  which,  even  in  his  present  fallen  for- 
tunes, he  maintained  over  his  peojde,  and  the  awe 
with  which  they  approached  him.  Pedro  Pizarro 
records  an  interview,  at  which  he  was  present,  be- 
tween Atahuallpa  and  one  of  his  great  nobles,  who 
had  obtained  leave  to  visit  some  remote  part  of  the 
country  on  condition  of  returning  by  a certain  day. 
He  was  detained  somewhat  beyond  the  appointed 
time,  and,  on  entering  the  presence  tvith  a small 
propitiatory  gift  for  his  sovereign,  his  knees  shook  so 
violently,  that  it  seemed,  says  the  chronicler,  as  if 
he  would  have  fallen  to  the  ground.  His  master, 
however,  received  him  kindly,  and  dismissed  him 
without  a word  of  rebuke.*® 

Atahuallpa  in  his  confinement  continued  to  re- 
ceive the  same  respectful  treatment  from  the  Span- 
iards as  hitherto.  They  taught  him  to  play  with 
dice,  and  the  more  intricate  game  of  chess,  in  w hich 
the  royal  captive  became  expert,  and  loved  to  be- 
guile with  it  the  tedious  hours  of  his  imprisonment. 
Towards  his  own  people  he  maintained  as  far  as 
possible  his  w'onted  state  and  ceremonial.  He  w^as 


15  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y since  the  Indies  were  discovered.” 
Conq.,  MS.  Ibid.,  p.  231. 

“ The  like  of  it,”  exclaims  '6  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Estete,  “ was  never  before  seen  Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  VI.]  THE  INCA’S  LIFE  IN  CONFINEMENT.  455 

attended  by  his  wives  and  the  girls  of  his  harem, 
who,  as  was  customary,  waited  on  him  at  table  and 
discharged  the  other  menial  offices  about  his  per- 
son. A body  of  Indian  nobles  were  stationed  in  the 
antechamber,  but  never  entered  the  presence  un- 
bidden ; and  when  they  did  enter  it,  they  submitted 
to  the  same  humiliating  ceremonies  imposed  on  the 
greatest  of  his  subjects.  The  service  of  his  table 
was  gold  and  silver  plate.  His  dress,  which  he 
often  changed,  was  composed  of  the  wool  of  the 
vicuna  wrought  into  mantles,  so  fine  that  it  had  the 
appearance  of  silk.  He  sometimes  exchanged  these 
for  a robe  made  of  the  skins  of  bats,  as  soft  and 
sleek  as  velvet.  Round  his  head  he  wore  the  llaiitu, 
a woollen  turban  or  shawl  of  the  most  delicate  text- 
ure, wreathed  in  folds  of  various  bright  colors  ; and 
he  still  continued  to  encircle  his  temples  with  the 
borla,  the  crimson  threads  of  which,  mingled  with 
gold,  descended  so  as  partly  to  conceal  his  eyes. 
The  image  of  royalty  had  charms  for  him,  when  its 
substance  had  departed.  No  garment  or  utensil 
that  had  once  belonged  to  the  Peruvian  sovereign 
could  ever  be  used  by  another.  When  he  laid  it 
aside,  it  was  carefully  deposited  in  a chest,  kept  for 
the  purpose,  and  afterwards  burned.  It  would  have 
been  sacrilege  to  apply  to  vulgar  uses  that  which 
had  been  consecrated  by  the  touch  of  the  Inca.^’’ 


This  account  of  the  personal  narrative  is  little  known,  I have 
habits  of  Atahuallpa  is  taken  from  extracted  the  original  in  Appendix, 
Pedro  Pizarro,  who  saw  him  often  No.  9. 
in  his  confinement.  As  his  curious 


456 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Not  long  after  the  arrival  of  the  party  from  Pa- 
chacamac,  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  the  three 
emissaries  returned  from  Cuzco.  They  had  been 
very  successful  in  their  mission.  Owing  to  the 
Inca’s  order,  and  the  awe  which  the  white  men  now 
inspired  throughout  the  country,  the  Spaniards  had 
everywhere  met  with  a kind  reception.  They  had 
been  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  the  natives  in  the 
hamacas,  or  sedans,  of  the  country ; and,  as  they  had 
travelled  all  the  way  to  the  capital  on  the  great  im- 
perial road,  along  which  relays  of  Indian  carriers 
were  established  at  stated  intervals,  they  performed 
this  journey  of  more  than  six  hundred  miles,  not 
only  without  inconvenience,  but  with  the  most  luxu- 
rious ease.  They  passed  through  many  populous 
towns,  and  always  found  the  simple  natives  disposed 
to  venerate  them  as  beings  of  a superior  nature.  In 
Cuzco  they  were  received  with  public  festivities, 
were  sumptuously  lodged,  and  had  every  want  antici- 
pated by  the  obsequious  devotion  of  the  inhabitants. 

Their  accounts  of  the  capital  confirmed  all  that 
Pizarro  had  before  heard  of  the  wealth  and  popula- 
tion of  the  city.  Though  they  had  remained  more 
than  a week  in  this  place,  the  emissaries  had  not 
seen  the  whole  of  it.  The  great  temple  of  the  Sun 
they  found  literally  covered  with  plates  of  gold. 
They  had  entered  the  interior  and  beheld  the  royal 
mummies,  seated  each  in  his  gold-embossed  chair, 
and  in  robes  profusely  covered  with  ornaments. 
The  Spaniards  had  the  grace  to  respect  these,  as 
they  had  been  previously  enjoined  by  the  Inca  ; but 


Ch.  VI.] 


ENVOYS’  CONDUCT  IN  CUZCO. 


457 


they  required  that  the  plates  which  garnished  the 
walls  should  be  all  removed.  The  Peruvians  most 
reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the  commands  of  their 
sovereign  to  desecrate  the  national  temple,  which 
every  inhabitant  of  the  city  regarded  with  peculiar 
pride  and  veneration.  With  less  reluctance  they 
assisted  the  Conquerors  in  stripping  the  ornaments 
from  some  of  the  other  edifices,  where  the  gold, 
however,  being  mixed  with  a large  proportion  of 
alloy,  was  of  much  less  value.'® 

The  number  of  plates  they  tore  from  the  temple 
of  the  Sun  was  seven  hundred  ; and  though  of  no 
great  thickness,  probably,  they  are  compared  in  size 
to  the  lid  of  a chest,  ten  or  twelve  inches  wide.'® 
A cornice  of  pure  gold  encircled  the  edifice,  but 
so  strongly  set  in  the  stone,  that  it  fortunately  defied 
the  efforts  of  the  spoilers.  The  Spaniards  com- 
plained of  the  want  of  alacrity  shown  by  the 
Indians  in  the  work  of  destruction,  and  said  that 
there  were  other  parts  of  the  city  containing  build- 
ings rich  in  gold  and  silver  which  they  had  not  been 
allowed  to  see.  In  truth,  their  mission,  which,  at 
best,  was  a most  ungrateful  one,  had  been  rendered 
doubly  annoying  by  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
executed  it.  The  emissaries  were  men  of  a very 
low  stamp,  and,  puffed  up  by  the  honors  conceded  to 

Hel.  d’un  Capitano  Spagn.,  esta  Casa  tenia,  quitaron  setecien- 

ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  375. — tas  Planchas a manera  de 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  Tablas  de  Caxas  de  k tres,  i a 
MS.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  quatro  palmos  de  largo.”  Xerez, 
dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  12,  13.  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 

“ I de  las  Chapas  de  oro,  que  HI.  p.  232. 

VOL.  I.  58 


458 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


them  by  the  natives,  they  looked  on  themselves  as 
entitled  to  these,  and  contemned  the  poor  Indians  as 
a race  immeasurably  beneath  the  European.  They 
not  only  showed  the  most  disgusting  rapacity,  but 
treated  the  highest  nobles  with  wanton  insolence. 
They  even  went  so  far,  it  is  said,  as  to  violate  the 
privacy  of  the  convents,  and  to  outrage  the  religious 
sentiments  of  the  Peruvians  by  their  scandalous 
amours  with  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  The  people' 
of  Cuzco  were  so  exasperated,  that  they  would  have 
laid  violent  hands  on  them,  but  for  their  habitual 
reverence  for  the  Inca,  in  whose  name  the  Span- 
iards had  come  there.  As  it  was,  the  Indians  col- 
lected as  much  gold  as  was  necessary  to  satisfy  their 
unworthy  visitors,  and  got  rid  of  them  as  speedily 
as  possible.^®  It  was  a great  mistake  in  Pizarro  to 
send  such  men.  There  were  persons,  even  in  his 
company,  who,  as  other  occasions  showed,  had  some 
sense  of  self-respect,  if  not  respect  for  the  natives. 

The  messengers  brought  with  them,  besides  silver, 
full  two  hundred  cargas  or  loads  of  gold.^^  This 
was  an  important  accession  to  the  contributions  of 
Atahuallpa;  and,  although  the  treasure  was  still  con- 
siderably below  the  mark  prescribed,  the  monarch 

20  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  ubi  “ Cargas  de  Paligueres,  que  las 

supra.  traen  quatro  Indies.”  The  mean- 

21  So  says  Pizarro’s  secretary,  ing  of  paligueres  — not  a Spanish 
“ I vinieron  docientas  cargas  de  word  — is  doubtful.  Temaux-Com- 
Oro,  i veinte  i cinco  de  Plata.”  pans  supposes,  ingeniously  enough, 
(Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Bar-  that  it  may  have  something  of  the 
cia,  ubi  supra.)  A load,  he  says,  same  meaning  with  palanquin,  to 
was  brought  by  four  Indians,  which  it  bears  some  resemblance. 


Ch.  VI.] 


ARRIVAL  OF  ALMAGRO. 


459 


saw  with  satisfaction  the  time  drawing  nearer  foi 
the  completion  of  his  ransom. 

Not  long  before  this,  an  event  had  occurred 
which  changed  the  condition  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
had  an  unfavorable  influence  on  the  fortunes  of  the 
Inca.  This  was  the  arrival  of  Almagro  at  Caxa- 
malca,  with  a strong  reinforcement.  That  chief 
had  succeeded,  after  great  efforts,  in  equipping  three 
vessels,  and  assembling  a body  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  with  which  he  sailed  from  Pana- 
ma, the  latter  part  of  the  preceding  year.  On 
his  voyage,  he  was  joined  by  a small  additional  force 
from  Nicaragua,  so  that  his  whole  strength  amount- 
ed to  one  hundred  and  fifty  foot  and  fifty  horse, 
well  provided  with  the  munitions  of  war.  His  ves- 
sels were  steered  by  the  old  pilot  Ruiz ; but  after 
making  the  Bay  of  St.  Matthew,  he  crept  slowly 
along  the  coast,  baffled  as  usual  by  winds  and  cur- 
rents, and  experiencing  all  the  hardships  incident  to 
that  protracted  navigation.  From  some  cause  or 
other,  he  was  not  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  tidings  of 
Pizarro ; and  so  disheartened  were  his  followers, 
most  of  whom  were  raw  adventurers,  that,  when  ar- 
rived at  Puerto  Viejo,  they  proposed  to  abandon  the 
expedition,  and  return  at  once  to  Panama.  Fortu- 
nately, one  of  the  little  squadron  which  Almagro  had 
sent  forward  to  Tumbez  brought  intelligence  of  Pi- 
zarro and  of  the  colony  he  had  planted  at  San 
Miguel.  Cheered  by  the  tidings,  the  cavalier  re- 
sumed his  voyage,  and  succeeded,  at  length,  towards 
the  close  of  December,  1532,  in  bringing  his  whole 
party  safe  to  the  Spanish  settlement. 


460 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


He  there  received  the  account  of  Pizarro’s  march 
across  the  mountains,  his  seizure  of  the  Inca,  and, 
soon  afterwards,  of  the  enormous  ransom  ofi’ered  for 
his  liberation.  Almagro  and  his  companions  listened 
with  undisguised  amazement  to  this  account  of  his 
associate,  and  of  a change  in  his  fortunes  so  rapid 
and  wonderful  that  it  seemed  little  less  than  magic. 
At  the  same  time,  he  received  a caution  from  some 
of  the  colonists  not  to  trust  himself  in  the  power 
of  Pizarro,  who  was  known  to  bear  him  no  good- 
will. 

Not  long  after  Almagro’s  arrival  at  San  Miguel, 
advices  were  sent  of  it  to  Caxamalca,  and  a private 
note  from  his  secretary  Perez  informed  Pizarro  that 
his  associate  had  come  with  no  purpose  of  cooperat- 
ing with  him,  but  with  the  intention  to  establish 
an  independent  government.  Both  of  the  Spanish 
captains  seem  to  have  been  surrounded  by  mean 
and  turbulent  spirits,  who  sought  to  embroil  them 
with  each  other,  trusting,  doubtless,  to  find  their 
own  account  in  the  rupture.  For  once,  however, 
their  malicious  machinations  failed. 

Pizarro  was  oveijoyed  at  the  arrival  of  so  consid- 
erable a reinforcement,  wdiich  would  enable  him  to 
push  his  fortunes  as  he  had  desired,  and  go  forward 
with  the  conquest  of  the  country.  He  laid  little 
stress  on  the  secretary’s  communication,  since,  what- 
ever might  have  been  Almagro’s  original  purpose, 
Pizarro  knew  that  the  richness  of  the  vein  he  had 
now  opened  in  the  land  would  be  certain  to  secure 
his  cooperation  in  working  it.  He  had  the  magna- 


Ch.  VI  ] 


ARRIVAL  OF  ALMAGRO. 


461 


nimitj,  therefore,  — for  there  is  something  magnan- 
imous in  being  able  to  stifle  the  suggestions  of  a 
petty  rivalry  in  obedience  to  sound  policy,  — to  send 
at  once  to  his  ancient  comrade,  and  invite  him,  with 
many  assurances  of  friendship,  to  Caxamalca.  Al- 
magro,  who  was  of  a frank  and  careless  nature, 
received  the  communication  in  the  spirit  in  which  it 
was  made,  and,  after  some  necessary  delay,  directed 
his  march  into  the  interior.  But  before  leaving 
San  Miguel,  having  become  acquainted  with  the 
treacherous  conduct  of  his  secretary,  he  recom 
pensed  his  treason  by  hanging  him  on  the  spot.^^ 
Ahnagro  reached  Caxamalca  about  the  middle 
of  February,  1533.  The  soldiers  of  Pizarro  came 
out  to  welcome  their  countrymen,  and  the  two  cap- 
tains embraced  each  other  with  every  mark  of  cor- 
dial satisfaction.  All  past  differences  were  buried 
in  oblivion,  and  they  seemed  only  prepared  to  aid 
one  another  in  following  up  the  brilliant  career  now 
opened  to  them  in  the  conquest  of  an  empire. 

There  was  one  person  in  Caxamalca  on  whom 
this  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  produced  a very  dif- 
ferent impression  from  that  made  on  their  own 
countrymen.  This  was  the  Inca  Atahuallpa.  He 
saw  in  the  new-comers  only  a new  swarm  of  lo- 
custs to  devour  his  unhappy  country  ; and  he  felt, 
that,  AAath  his  enemies  thus  multiplying  around  him, 

22  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y MS.  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
Conq.,  MS.  — Xerez,  Conq.  del  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  pp.  MS.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
204,  205.  — Relacion  Sumaria,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 


462 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


the  chances  were  diminished  of  recovering  his  free- 
dom, or  of  maintaining  it,  if  recovered.  A little 
circumstance,  insignificant  in  itself,  but  magnified 
by  superstition  into  something  formidable,  occurred 
at  this  time  to  cast  an  additional  gloom  over  his 
situation.  ^ 

A remarkable  appearance,  somewhat  of  the  na- 
ture of  a meteor,  or  it  may  have  been  a comet,  was 
seen  in  the  heavens  by  some  soldiers  and  pointed 
out  to  Atahuallpa.  He  gazed  on  it  wdth  fixed  at- 
tention for  some  minutes,  and  then  exclaimed,  with 
a dejected  air,  that  “ a similar  sign  had  been  seen  in 
the  skies  a short  time  before  the  death  of  his  father 
Huayna  Capac.”^^  From  this  day  a sadness  seemed 
to  take  possession  of  him,  as  he  looked  with  doubt 
and  undefined  dread  to  the  future.  — Thus  it  is, 
that,  in  seasons  of  danger,  the  mind,  like  the  senses, 
becomes  morbidly  acute  in  its  perceptions ; and  the 
least  departure  from  the  regular  course  of  nature, 
that  would  have  passed  unheeded  in  ordinary  times, 
to  the  superstitious  eye  seems  pregnant  with  mean- 
ing, as  in  some  way  or  other  connected  w'ith  the 
destiny  of  the  individual. 


23  Rel.  d’un  Capitano  Spagn.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  377. — 
Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  65. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Immense  Amount  of  Treasure.  — Its  Division  among  the  Troops. 

— Rumors  of  a Rising. — Trial  of  the  Inca.  — His  Execution. 

— Reflections. 

1533. 

The  arrival  of  Almagro  produced  a considerable 
change  in  Pizarro’s  prospects,  since  it  enabled  him 
to  resume  active  operations,  and  push  forward  his 
conquests  in  the  interior.  The  only  obstacle  in 
his  way  was  the  Inca’s  ransom,  and  the  Spaniards 
had  patiently  waited,  till  the  return  of  the  emis- 
saries from  Cuzco  swelled  the  treasure  to  a large 
amount,  though  still  below  the  stipulated  limit. 
But  now  their  avarice  got  the  better  of  their  for- 
bearance, and  they  called  loudly  for  the  immediate 
division  of  the  gold.  To  wait  longer  would  only 
be  to  invite  the  assault  of  their  enemies,  allured  by 
a bait  so  attractive.  While  the  treasure  remained 
uncounted,  no  man  knew  its  value,  nor  what  was 
to  be  his  own  portion.  It  was  better  to  distrib- 
ute it  at  once,  and  let  every  one  possess  and  de- 
fend his  own.  Several,  moreover,  were  now  dis- 
posed to  return  home,  and  take  their  share  of  the 
gold  with  them,  where  they  could  place  it  in  safety. 
But  these  were  few,  while  much  the  larger  part 


464 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


were  only  anxious  to  leave  their  present  quarters, 
and  march  at  once  to  Cuzco.  More  gold,  they 
thought,  awaited  them  in  that  capital,  than  they 
could  get  here  by  prolonging  their  stay ; while  every 
hour  was  precious,  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  from 
secreting  their  treasures,  of  which  design  they  had 
already  given  indication. 

Pizarro  was  especially  moved  by  the  last  con- 
sideration ; and  he  felt,  that,  without  the  capital,  he 
could  not  hope  to  become  master  of  the  empire. 
Without  further  delay,  the  division  of  the  treasure 
was  agreed  upon. 

Yet,  before  making  this,  it  was  necessary  to  re- 
duce the  whole  to  ingots  of  a uniform  standard,  for 
the  spoil  was  composed  of  an  infinite  variety  of  ar- 
ticles, in  which  the  gold  was  of  very  different  de- 
grees of  purity.  These  articles  consisted  of  goblets, 
ewers,  salvers,  vases  of  every  shape  and  size,  orna- 
ments and  utensils  for  the  temples  and  the  royal 
palaces,  tiles  and  plates  for  the  decoration  of  the 
public  edifices,  curious  imitations  of  different  plants 
and  animals.  Among  the  plants,  the  most  beauti- 
ful was  the  Indian  corn,  in  which  the  golden  ear 
was  sheathed  in  its  broad  leaves  of  silver,  from 
which  hung  a rich  tassel  of  threads  of  the  same 
precious  metal.  A fountain  was  also  much  ad- 
mired, which  sent  up  a sparkling  jet  of  gold,  while 
birds  and  animals  of  the  same  material  played 
in  the  waters  at  its  base.  The  delicacy  of  the 
workmanship  of  some  of  these,  and  the  beauty 
and  ingenuity  of  the  design,  attracted  the  admira- 


Ch.  VII.]  IMMENSE  AMOUNT  OF  TREASURE. 


465 


tion  of  better  judges  than  the  rude  Conquerors  of 
Peru.' 

Before  breaking  up  these  specimens  of  Indian  art, 
it  was  determined  to  send  a quantity,  which  should 
be  deducted  from  the  royal  fifth,  to  the  Emperor. 
It  would  serve  as  a sample  of  the  ingenuity  of  the 
natives,  and  would  show  him  the  value  of  his  con- 
quests. A number  of  the  most  beautiful  articles 
was  selected,  to  the  amount  of  a hundred  thousand 
ducats,  and  Hernando  Pizarro  was  appointed  to  be 
the  bearer  of  them  to  Spain.  He  was  to  obtain  an 
audience  of  Charles,  and,  at  the  same  time  that  he 
laid  the  treasures  before  him,  he  was  to  give  an 
account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Conquerors,  and 
to  seek  a further  augmentation  of  their  powers  and 
dignities. 

No  man  in  the  army  was  better  qualified  for  this 
mission,  by  his  address  and  knowledge  of  affairs, 
than  Hernando  Pizarro ; no  one  would  be  so  likely 
to  urge  his  suit  with  effect  at  the  haughty  Castilian 
court.  But  other  reasons  influenced  the  selection 
of  him  at  the  present  juncture. 

His  former  jealousy  of  Almagro  still  rankled  in 
his  bosom,  and  he  had  beheld  that  chief’s  arrival  at 
the  camp  with  feelings  of  disgust,  which  he  did  not 

^ Relatione  de  Pedro  Sancho,  was  bearing  to  Castile ; and  he 
ap.  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  tom.  III.  fol.  expatiates  on  several  beautifully 
399. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  wrought  vases,  richly  chased,  of 
Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  233.  — Zarate,  very  fine  gold,  and  measuring 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7.  twelve  inches  in  height  and  thirty 
Oviedo  saw  at  St.  Domingo  the  round.  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
articles  which  Ferdinand  Pizarro  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  16. 

VOL.  I.  59 


466 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


care  to  conceal.  He  looked  on  him  as  coming  to 
share  the  spoils  of  victory,  and  defraud  his  brother 
of  his  legitimate  honors.  Instead  of  exchanging  the 
cordial  greeting  proffered  by  Almagro  at  their  first 
interview,  the  arrogant  cavalier  held  back  in  sullen 
silence.  His  brother  Francis  was  greatly  displeased 
at  a conduct  which  threatened  to  renew  their  an- 
cient feud,  and  he  induced  Hernando  to  accompany 
him  to  Almagro’s  quarters,  and  make  some  acknowl- 
edgment for  his  uncourteous  behaviour.^  But,  not- 
withstanding this  show  of  reconciliation,  the  general 
thought  the  present  a favorable  opportunity  to  re- 
move his  brother  from  the  scene  of  operations, 
where  his  factious  spirit  more  than  counterbalanced 
his  eminent  services.'^ 

The  business  of  melting  down  the  plate  was  in- 
trusted to  the  Indian  goldsmiths,  who  were  thus 
required  to  undo  the  work  of  then’  own  hands. 
They  toiled  day  and  night,  but  such  was  the  quan- 
tity to  be  recast,  that  it  consumed  a full  month. 
When  the  whole  was  reduced  to  bars  of  a uniform 
standard,  they  were  nicely  weighed,  under  the  su- 
perintendence of  the  royal  inspectors.  The  total 
amount  of  the  gold  was  found  to  be  one  million. 


2 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
5,  lib.  2,  cap.  3. 

3 According  to  Oviedo  it  was 
agreed  that  Hernando  should  have 
a share,  much  larger  than  he  was 
entitled  to,  of  the  Inca’s  ransom, 
in  the  hope  that  he  would  feel  so 
rich  as  never  to  desire  to  return 


again  to  Peru.  “ Trabajaron  de 
le  embiar  rico  por  quitarle  de  entre 
ellos,  y porque  yendo  muy  rico 
como  fue  no  tubiese  voluntad  de 
tornar  a aquellas  partes.”  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  16. 


Ch.  VII.]  ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS. 


467 


three  hundred  and  twenty-six  thousand,  five  hun- 
dred and  thirty-nine  pesos  de  oro,  which,  allowing 
for  the  greater  value  of  money  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, would  be  equivalent,  probably,  at  the  present 
time,  to  near  three  millions  and  a half  of  pounds 
sterling,  or  somewhat  less  than  fifteen  millions  and 
a half  of  dollars.^  The  quantity  of  silver  was  esti- 


■*  Acta  de  Reparticioa  del  Res- 
cate  de  Atahuallpa,  MS.  — Xe- 
rez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
tom.  III.  p.  232. 

In  reducing-  the  sums  mentioned 
in  this  -\vork,  I have  availed  myself 
— as  I before  did,  in  the  History 
of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  — of 
the  labors  of  Senor  Clemencin, 
formerly  Secretary  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  History  at  Madrid. 
This  eminent  scholar,  in  the  sixth 
volume  of  the  Memoirs  of  tlie 
Academy,  prepared  wholly  by  him- 
self, has  introduced  an  elaborate 
essay  on  the  value  of  the  currency 
in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella. Although  this  period  — the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century  — 
was  somewhat  earlier  than  that  of 
the  Conquest  of  Peru,  yet  his  cal- 
culations are  sufficiently  near  the 
truth  for  our  purpose,  since  the 
Spanish  currency  had  not  as  yet 
been  much  affected  by  that  dis- 
turbing cause,  — the  influx  of  the 
precious  metals  from  the  New 
World. 

In  inquiries  into  the  currency  of 
a remote  age,  we  may  consider,  in 
the  first  place,  the  specific  value  of 
the  coin,  — that  is,  the  value  which 
it  derives  from  the  weight,  purity. 


&c.,  of  the  metal,  circumstances 
easily  determined.  In  the  sec- 
ond place,  we  may  inquire  into 
the  commercial  or  comparative 
worth  of  the  money,  — that  is,  the 
value  founded  on  a comparison  of 
the  difference  between  the  amount 
of  commodities  which  the  same 
sum  would  purchase  formerly,  and 
at  the  present  time.  The  last  in- 
quiry is  attended  with  great  em- 
barrassment, from  the  difficulty  of 
finding  any  one  article  which  may 
be  taken  as  the  true  standard  of 
value.  Wheat,  from  its  general  cul- 
tivation and  use,  has  usually  been 
selected  by  political  economists  as 
this  standard ; and  Clemencin  has 
adopted  it  in  his  calculations.  As- 
suming wheat  as  the  standard,  he 
has  endeavoured  to  ascertain  the 
value  of  the  principal  coins  in  cir- 
culation, at  the  time  of  the  “ Cath- 
olic Kings.”  He  makes  no  men- 
tion in  his  treatise  of  the  j)eso  de 
oro,  by  which  denomination  the 
sums  in  the  early  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century  were  more  frequent- 
ly expressed  than  by  any  other. 
But  he  ascertains  both  the  specific 
and  the  commercial  value  of  the 
Castellano,  which  several  of  the  old 
writers,  as  Oviedo,  Herrera,  and 


468 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


mated  at  fifty-one  thousand  six  hundred  and  ten 
marks.  History  affords  no  parallel  of  such  a booty  — 
and  that,  too,  in  the  most  convertible  form,  in  ready 
money,  as  it  were — having  fallen  to  the  lot  of  a little 
band  of  military  adventurers,  like  the  Conquerors  of 
Peru.  The  great  object  of  the  Spanish  expeditions 
in  the  New  World  was  gold.  It  is  remarkable  that 
their  success  should  have  been  so  complete.  Had 
they  taken  the  track  of  the  English,  the  French,  or 
the  Dutch,  on  the  shores  of  the  northern  continent, 
how  different  would  have  been  the  result ! It  is 
equally  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  wealth  thus 
suddenly  acquired,  by  diverting  them  from  the  slow 
but  surer  and  more  permanent  sources  of  national 
prosperity,  has  in  the  end  glided  from  their  grasp. 


Xerez,  concur  in  stating  as  pre- 
cisely equivalent  to  the  peso  de  oro. 
From  the  results  of  his  calcula- 
tions, it  appears  that  the  specific 
value  of  the  Castellano,  as  stated 
by  him  in  reals,  is  equal  to  three 
dollars  and  seven  cents  of  our  oxen 
currency,  while  the  commercial 
value  is  nearly  four  times  as  great, 
or  eleven  dollars  sixty-seven  cents, 
equal  to  two  pounds  twelve  shillings 
and  sixpence  sterling.  By  adopting 
this  as  the  approximate  value  of  the 
peso  de  oro,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  the  reader  may 
easily  compute  for  himself  the 
value,  at  that  period,  of  the  sums 
mentioned  in  these  pages ; most 
of  which  are  expressed  in  that 
denomination. 

I have  been  the  more  particular 
in  this  statement,  since,  in  my 


former  work,  I confined  myself  to 
the  commercial  value  of  the  money, 
which,  being  much  greater  than  the 
specific  value,  founded  on  the  qual- 
ity and  weight  of  the  metal,  was 
thought  by  an  ingenious  correspond- 
ent to  give  the  reader  an  exag- 
gerated estimate  of  the  sums  men- 
tioned in  the  history.  But  it  seems 
to  me  that  it  is  only  this  compara- 
tive or  commercial  value  with 
which  the  reader  has  any  concern  ; 
indicating  what  amount  of  com- 
modities any  given  sum  represents, 
that  he  may  thus  know  the  real 
worth  of  that  sum  ; — thus  adopt- 
ing the  principle,  though  converse- 
ly stated,  of  the  old  Iludibrastic 
maxim,  — 

“What  is  worth  in  any  thing, 

But  so  much  money  as ’t  will  bring  ? ” 


Ch.  VII.]  ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS. 


469 


and  left  them  among  the  poorest  of  the  nations  of 
Christendom. 

A new  difficulty  now  arose  in  respect  to  the  di- 
vision of  the  treasure.  Almagro’s  followers  claimed 
to  be  admitted  to  a share  of  it ; which,  as  they 
equalled,  and,  indeed,  somewhat  exceeded  in  num- 
ber Pizarro’s  company,  would  reduce  the  gains  of 
these  last  very  materially.  “ We  were  not  here,  it 
is  true,”  said  Almagro’s  soldiers  to  their  comrades, 
“ at  the  seizure  of  the  Inca,  but  we  have  taken  our 
turn  in  mounting  guard  over  him  since  his  capture, 
have  helped  you  to  defend  your  treasures,  and  now 
give  you  the  means  of  going  forward  and  securing 
your  conquests.  It  is  a common  cause,”  they  urged, 
“ in  which  all  are  equally  embarked,  and  the  gains 
should  be  shared  equally  between  us.” 

But  this  way  of  viewing  the  matter  was  not  at 
all  palatable  to  Pizarro’s  company,  who  alleged  that 
Atahuallpa’s  contract  had  been  made  exclusively 
with  them  ; that  they  had  seized  the  Inca,  had 
secured  the  ransom,  had  incurred,  in  short,  all  the 
risk  of  the  enterprise,  and  were  not  now  disposed 
to  share  the  fruits  of  it  with  every  one  who  came 
after  them.  — There  was  much  force,  it  could  not 
be  denied,  in  this  reasoning,  and  it  was  finally 
settled  between  the  leaders,  that  Almagro’s  follow- 
ers should  resign  their  pretensions  for  a stipulated 
sum  of  no  great  amount,  and  look  to  the  career  now 
opened  to  them  for  carving  out  their  fortunes  for 
themselves. 

This  delicate  affair  being  thus  harmoniously  ad- 


470 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


justed,  Pizarro  prepared,  with  all  solemnity,  for 
a diiision  of  the  imperial  spoil.  The  troops  were 
called  together  in  the  great  square,  and  the  Span- 
ish commander,  “ with  the  fear  of  God  before  his 
eyes,”  says  the  record,  “ invoked  the  assistance  of 
Heaven  to  do  the  work  before  him  conscientiously 
and  justly.”  ® The  appeal  may  seem  somewhat  out 
of  place  at  the  distribution  of  spoil  so  unrighteously 
acquired ; yet,  in  truth,  considering  the  magnitude 
of  the  treasure,  and  the  power  assumed  by  Pizarro 
to  distribute  it  according  to  the  respective  deserts 
of  the  individuals,  there  were  few  acts  of  his  life 
involving  a heavier  responsibility.  On  his  present 
decision  might  be  said  to  hang  the  future  fortunes 
of  each  one  of  his  followers,  — poverty  or  inde- 
pendence during  the  remainder  of  his  days. 

The  royal  fifth  was  first  deducted,  including  the 
remittance  already  sent  to  Spain.  The  share  ap- 
propriated by  Pizarro  amounted  to  fifty-seven  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  twenty-two  pesos  of  gold, 
and  two  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty  marks 
of  silver.  He  had  besides  this  the  great  chair  or 
throne  of  the  Inca,  of  solid  gold,  and  valued  at 
twenty-five  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  To  his  brother 
Hernando  were  paid  thirty-one  thousand  and  eighty 
pesos  of  gold,  and  two  thousand  three  hundred  and 
fifty  marks  of  silver.  De  Soto  received  seventeen 

5 “ Segun  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior  Sefior,  e imboco  el  auxilio  divino.” 
le  diere  a entender  teniendo  su  Acta  de  Reparticion  del  Rescate, 
conciencia  y para  lo  mejor  hazer  MS. 
pedia  el  ayuda  de  Dios  Nuestro 


Ch.  VII.]  ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS. 


471 


thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  pesos  of  gold, 
and  seven  hundred  and  twenty-four  marks  of  silver. 
Most  of  the  remaining  cavalry,  sixty  in  number, 
received  each  eight  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
eighty  pesos  of  gold,  and  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  marks  of  silver,  though  some  had  more,  and  a 
few  considerably  less.  The  infantry  mustered  in 
all  one  hundred  and  five  men.  Almost  one  fifth  of 
them  were  allowed,  each,  four  thousand  four  hun- 
dred and  forty  pesos  of  gold,  and  one  hundred  and 
eighty  marks  of  silver,  half  of  the  compensation  of 
the  troopers.  The  remainder  received  one  fourth 
part  less;  though  here  again  there  were  exceptions, 
and  some  were  obliged  to  content  themselves  with 
a much  smaller  share  of  the  spoil.® 

The  new  church  of  San  Francisco,  the  first 
Christian  temple  in  Peru,  was  endowed  with  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty  pesos  of  gold. 
The  amount  assigned  to  Almagro’s  company  was 
not  excessive,  if  it  was  not  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand pesos  ; ’’  and  that  reserved  for  the  colonists  of 
San  Miguel,  which  amounted  only  to  fifteen  thou- 

6 The  particulars  of  the  distri-  con  el  Capitan  Diego  de  Almagro 
bution  are  given  in  the  Acta  de  para  ayuda  a pagar  sus  deudas  y 
Reparticion  del  Rescate,  an  instru-  fletes  y suplir  algunas  necesidades 
ment  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the  que  traian  veinte  mil  pesos.”  (Ac- 
royal  notary.  The  document,  which  ta  de  Reparticion  del  Rescate,  MS.) 
is  therefore  of  unquestionable  au-  Herrera  says  that  100,000  pesos 
thority,  is  among  the  MSS.  select-  were  paid  to  Almagro’s  men. 
ed  for  me  from  the  collection  of  (Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap. 
Munoz.  3.)  But  it  is  not  so  set  down  in 

“ Se  diese  a la  gente  que  vino  the  instrument. 


472 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


sand  pesos,  was  unaccountably  small.®  There  were 
among  them  certain  soldiers,  who  at  an  early  period 
of  the  expedition,  as  the  reader  may  remember, 
abandoned  the  march,  and  returned  to  San  Miguel. 
These,  certainly,  had  little  claim  to  be  remembered 
in  the  division  of  booty.  But  the  greater  part  of 
the  colony  consisted  of  invalids,  men  whose  health 
had  been  broken  by  their  previous  hardships,  but 
who  still,  with  a stout  and  willing  heart,  did  good 
service  in  their  military  post  on  the  sea-coast.  On 
what  grounds  they  had  forfeited  their  claims  to  a 
more  ample  remuneration,  it  is  not  easy  to  explain. 

Nothing  is  said,  in  the  partition,  of  Almagro  him- 
self, who,  by  the  terms  of  the  original  contract, 
might  claim  an  equal  share  of  the  spoil  with  his 
associate.  As  little  notice  is  taken  of  Luque,  the 
remaining  partner.  Luque  himself,  was,  indeed, 
no  longer  to  be  benefited  by  worldly  treasure.  He 
had  died  a short  time  before  Almagro’s  departure 
from  Panama  ; ® too  soon  to  learn  the  full  success  of 
the  enterprise,  which,  but  for  his  exertions,  must 
have  failed  ; too  soon  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  achievements  and  the  crimes  of  Pizarro.  But 
the  Licentiate  Espinosa,  whom  he  represented,  and 
who,  it  appears,  had  advanced  the  funds  for  the 
expedition,  was  still  living  at  St.  Domingo,  and 

® “ En  treinta  personas  que  otros  tienen  necesidad  sefialaba 
quedaron  en  la  ciudad  de  san  Mi-  15,000  de  oro  para  los  repartir 
guel  de  Piura  dolientes  y otros  que  S.  Senoria  entre  las  dichas  perso- 
no  vinieron  ni  se  hallaron  en  la  nas.”  Ibid.,  MS. 
prision  de  Atagualpa  y toma  del  9 Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
oro  porque  algunos  son  pobres  y ano  1533. 


Ch.  VII.]  ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS.  473 

Luque’s  pretensions  were  explicitly  transferred  to 
him.  Yet  it  is  unsafe  to  pronounce,  at  this  dis- 
tance of  time,  on  the  authority  of  mere  negative 
testimony ; and  it  must  be  admitted  to  form  a strong 
presumption  in  favor  of  Pizarro’s  general  equity  in 
the  distribution,  that  no  complaint  of  it  has  reached 
us  from  any  of  the  parties  present,  nor  from  con- 
temporary chroniclers.^® 

The  division  of  the  ransom  being  completed  by 
the  Spaniards,  there  seemed  to  be  no  further  obsta- 
cle to  their  resuming  active  operations,  and  com- 
mencing the  march  to  Cuzco.  But  what  was  to 
be  done  with  Atahuallpa  ? In  the  determination  of 
this  question,  whatever  was  expedient  was  just.” 
To  liberate  him  would  be  to  set  at  large  the  very 
man  who  might  prove  their  most  dangerous  enemy ; 
one  whose  birth  and  royal  station  would  rally  round 
him  the  whole  nation,  place  all  the  machinery  of 
government  at  his  control,  and  all  its  resources,  — 
one,  in  short,  whose  bare  word  might  concentrate 
all  the  energies  of  his  people  against  the  Spaniards, 
and  thus  delay  for  a long  period,  if  not  wholly  de- 


10  The  “ Spanish  Captain,” 
several  times  cited,  who  tells  us 
he  was  ond  of  the  men  appointed 
to  guard  the  treasure,  does  indeed 
complain  that  a large  quantity  of 
gold  vases  and  other  articles  re- 
mained undivided,  a palpable  in- 
justice, he  thinks,  to  the  honest 
Conquerors,  who  had  earned  all  by 
their  hardships.  (Rel.  d’un  Capi- 
tano  Spagn.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom. 

60 


III.  fol.  378,  379.)  The  writer, 
throughout  his  Relation,  shows  a 
full  measure  of  the  coarse  and 
covetous  spirit  which  marked  the 
adventurers  of  Peru. 

11  “ Y esto  tenia  por  justo,  pues 
era  provechoso.”  It  is  the  senti- 
ment imputed  to  Pizarro  by  Her- 
rera, Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  3, 
cap.  4. 


VOL.  I. 


474 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


feat,  the  conquest  of  the  country.  Yet  to  hold 
him  in  captivity  was  attended  with  scarcely  less 
difficulty ; since  to  guard  so  important  a prize  would 
require  such  a division  of  their  force  as  must  great- 
ly cripple  its  strength,  and  how  could  they  expect, 
by  any  vigilance,  to  secure  their  prisoner  against 
rescue  in  the  perilous  passes  of  the  mountains  ? 

The  Inca  himself  now  loudly  demanded  his  free- 
dom. The  proposed  amount  of  the  ransom  had, 
indeed,  not  been  fully  paid.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  it  ever  would  have  been,  considering  the 
embarrassments  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  guardians 
of  the  temples,  who  seemed  disposed  to  secrete  the 
treasures,  rather  than  despoil  these  sacred  deposito- 
ries to  satisfy  the  cupidity  of  the  strangers.  It  was 
unlucky,  too,  for  the  Indian  monarch,  that  much  of 
the  gold,  and  that  of  the  best  quality,  consisted  of 
flat  plates  or  tiles,  which,  however  valuable,  lay  in 
a compact  form  that  did  little  towards  swelling  the 
heap.  But  an  immense  amount  had  been  already 
realized,  and  it  would  have  been  a still  greater  one, 
the  Inca  might  allege,  but  for  the  impatience  of 
the  Spaniards.  At  all  events,  it  was  a magnificent 
ransom,  such  as  was  never  paid  by  prince  or  poten- 
tate before. 

These  considerations  Atahuallpa  urged  on  several 
of  the  cavaliers,  and  especially  on  Hernando  de  Soto, 
who  Avas  on  terms  of  more  familiarity  with  him  than 
Pizarro.  De  Soto  reported  Atahuallpa’s  demands 
to  his  leader ; but  the  latter  evaded  a direct  reply. 
He  did  not  disclose  the  dark  purposes  over  which 


Ch.  VII.] 


RUMORS  OF  A RISING. 


475 


his  mind  was  brooding.*^  Not  long  afterward  he 
caused  the  notary  to  prepare  an  instrument,  in  which 
he  fully  acquitted  the  Inca  of  further  obligation  in 
respect  to  the  ransom.  This  he  commanded  to  be 
publicly  proclaimed  in  the  camp,  while  at  the  same 
time  he  openly  declared  that  the  safety  of  the  Span- 
iards required,  that  the  Inca  should  be  detained  in 
confinement  until  they  were  strengthened  by  addi- 
tional reinforcements.^^ 

Meanwhile  the  old  rumors  of  a meditated  attack 
by  the  natives  began  to  be  current  among  the  sol- 
diers. They  were  repeated  from  one  to  another, 
gaining  something  by  every  repetition.  An  im- 
mense army,  it  was  reported,  was  mustering  at 
Quito,  the  land  of  Atahuallpa’s  birth,  and  thirty 
thousand  Caribs  were  on  their  way  to  support  it.‘^ 
The  Caribs  were  distributed  by  the  early  Spaniards 
rather  indiscriminately  over  the  different  parts  of 


12  “ 1 como  no  ahondaban  los 
designios  quo  tenia  le  replicaban ; 
pero  el  respondia,  que  iba  mirando 
en  ello.”  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. 

13  “ Fatta  quella  fusione,  il 
Governatore  fece  vn  atto  innanzi 
al  notaro  nel  quale  liberaua  il  Ca- 
cique Atabalipa  et  I’absolueua  della 
promessa  et  parola  che  haueua 
data  a gli  Spagnuoli  che  lo  presero 
della  casa  d’oro  c'haueua  lor  c6- 
cessa,  il  quale  fece  publicar  publi- 
camete  a suon  di  trombe  nella 
piazza  di  quella  citta  di  Caxamal- 
ca.”  (Pedro  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 


Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  399.)  The 
authority  is  unimpeachable,  — for 
any  fact,  at  least,  that  makes 
against  the  Conquerors,  — since 
the  Relatione  was  by  one  of  Pi- 
zarro’s  own  secretaries,  and  was 
authorized  under  the  hands  of  the 
general  and  his  great  officers. 

14  “ De  la  Gente  Natural  de 
Quito  vienen  docientos  mil  Hom- 
bres  de  Guerra,  i treinta  mil  Ca- 
ribes,  que  comen  Came  Humana.” 
Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
tom.  III.  p.  233.  — See  also  Pedro 
Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  ubi 
supra. 


476 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


America,  being  invested  with  peculiar  horrors  as  a 
race  of  cannibals. 

It  was  not  easy  to  trace  the  origin  of  these  ru- 
mors. There  was  in  the  camp  a considerable  num- 
ber of  Indians,  who  belonged  to  the  party  of  Htias- 
car,  and  who  were,  of  course,  hostile  to  Atahuallpa. 
But  his  worst  enemy  was  Felipillo,  the  interpreter 
from  Tumbez,  already  mentioned  in  these  pages. 
This  youth  had  conceived  a passion,  or,  as  some  say, 
had  been  detected  in  an  intrigue  with,  one  of  the 
royal  concubines.^®  The  circumstance  had  reached 
the  ears  of  Atahuallpa,  who  felt  himself  deeply  out- 
raged by  it.  “ That  such  an  insult  should  have 
been  offered  by  so  base  a person  was  an  indignity,” 
he  said,  “ more  difficult  to  bear  than  his  imprison- 
ment”;^® and  he  told  Pizarro,  “ that,  by  the  Peruvi- 
an law,  it  could  be  expiated,  not  by  the  criminal’s 
own  death  alone,  but  by  that  of  his  whole  family  and 
kindred.”  But  Felipillo  was  too  important  to  the 
Spaniards  to  be  dealt  with  so  summarily  ; nor  did 
they  probably  attach  such  consequence  to  an  offence 
which,  if  report  be  true,  they  had  countenanced 

15  “ Pues  estando  asi  atravesose  authority,  (see  Espanoles  Celebres, 
un  demonio  de  una  lengua  que  se  tom.  II.  p.  210,  nota,)  are  stated 
dezia  ffelipillo  uno  de  los  mucha-  very  explicitly  by  Zarate,  Naharro, 
chos  que  el  marquez  avia  llevado  a Gomara,  Balboa,  all  contempora- 
Espana  que  al  presente  hera  lengua  neous,  though  not,  like  Pedro  Pi- 
y andava  enamorado  de  una  muger  zarro,  personally  present  in  the 
de  Atabalipa.”  Pedro  Pizarro,  army. 

Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  16  “Diciendo  que  sentiamas  aquel 

The  amour  and  the  mahce  of  desacato,  que  su  prision.”  Za- 
Felipillo,  which,  Quintana  seems  rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 
to  think,  rest  chiefly  on  Garcilasso’s  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  VII.] 


RUMORS  OF  A RISING. 


477 


by  their  own  example.^^  Felipillo,  however,  soon 
learned  the  state  of  the  Inca’s  feelings  towards 
himself,  and  from  that  moment  he  regarded  him 
with  deadly  hatred.  Unfortunately,  his  malignant 
temper  found  ready  means  for  its  indulgence. 

The  rumors  of  a rising  among  the  natives  pointed 
to  Atahuallpa  as  the  author  of  it.  Challcuchima 
was  examined  on  the  subject,  but  avowed  his  entire 
ignorance  of  any  such  design,  which  he  pronounced 
a malicious  slander.  Pizarro  next  laid  the  matter 
before  the  Inca  himself,  repeating  to  him  the  stories 
in  circulation,  with  the  air  of  one  who  believed 
them.  “ What  treason  is  this,”  said  the  general, 
“ that  you  have  meditated  against  me,  — me,  who 
have  ever  treated  you  with  honor,  confiding  in  your 
words,  as  in  those  of  a brother  ? ” “ You  jest,”  re- 

plied the  Inca,  who,  perhaps,  did  not  feel  the  weight 
of  this  confidence ; “ you  are  always  jesting  with 
me.  How  could  I or  my  people  think  of  conspiring 
against  men  so  valiant  as  the  Spaniards  ? Do  not 
jest  with  me  thus,  I beseech  you.”  “ This,”  con- 
tinues Pizarro’s  secretary,  “ he  said  in  the  most 
composed  and  natural  manner,  smiling  all  the  wiiile 
to  dissemble  his  falsehood,  so  that  W'e  were  all 
amazed  to  find  such  cunning  in  a barbarian.”  ^ 

18  “ le  habian  tornado  sus  me  hablas  cosas  de  burlas?  Que 

mugeres  e repartidolas  en  su  pre-  parte  somos  Yo,  i toda  mi  Gente, 
sencia  e usaban  de  ellas  de  sus  para  enojar  ^ tan  valientes  Hom- 
adulterios.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  bres  como  vosotros  1 No  me  digas 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  esas  burlas.”  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
22.  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  234. 

19  “ Burlaste  conmigo?  siempre  20  <<  j)g  qug  los  Espauoles  que 


478 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


But  it  was  not  ^Wth  cunning,  but  with  the  con- 
sciousness of  innocence,  as  the  event  afterwards 
proved,  that  Atahuallpa  thus  spoke  to  Pizarro.  He 
readily  discerned,  however,  the  causes,  perhaps  the 
consequences,  of  the  accusation.  He  saw  a dark  gulf 
opening  beneath  his  feet ; and  he  was  surrounded  by 
strangers,  on  none  of  whom  he  could  lean  for  coun- 
sel or  protection.  The  life  of  the  captive  monarch 
is  usually  short ; and  Atahuallpa  might  have  learned 
the  truth  of  this,  when  he  thought  of  Huascar. 
Bitterly  did  he  now  lament  the  absence  of  Hernan- 
do Pizarro,  for,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  haugh- 
ty spirit  of  this  cavalier  had  been  touched  by  the 
condition  of  the  royal  prisoner,  and  he  had  treated 
him  with  a deference  which  won  for  him  the  pecu- 
liar regard  and  confidence  of  the  Indian.  Yet  the 
latter  lost  no  time  in  endeavouring  to  efface  the  gen- 
eral’s suspicions,  and  to  establish  his  own  innocence. 
“Am  I not,”  said  he  to  Pizarro,  “a  poor  captive  in 
your  hands  ? How  could  I harbour  the  designs  you 
impute  to  me,  when  I should  be  the  first  victim  of 
the  outbreak  ? And  you  little  know  my  people,  if 
you  think  that  such  a movement  would  be  made 
without  my  orders;  when  the  very  birds  in  my 
dominions,”  said  he,  with  somewhat  of  an  hyper- 
bole, “would  scarcely  venture  to  fly  contrary  to 
my  will.”"* 

se  las  han  oido,  estan  espantados  ni  las  Aves  bolaran  en  mi  Tierra.” 
de  ver  en  vn  Hombre  Barbaro  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2, 
tanta  prudencia.”  Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  cap.  7. 

21  “ Pues  si  Yo  no  lo  quiero. 


Ch.  VII.] 


RUMORS  OF  A RISING. 


479 


But  these  protestations  of  innocence  had  little 
effect  on  the  troops ; among  whom  the  story  of  a 
general  rising  of  the  natives  continued  to  gain  credit 
every  hour.  A large  force,  it  was  said,  was  already 
gathered  at  Guamachucho,  not  a hundred  miles  from 
the  camp,  and  their  assault  might  be  hourly  ex- 
pected. The  treasure  which  the  Spaniards  had 
acquired  afforded  a tempting  prize,  and  their  own 
alarm  was  increased  by  the  apprehension  of  losing  it. 

, The  patroles  were  doubled.  The  horses  were  kept 
caddied  and  bridled.  The  soldiers  slept  on  their 
arms ; Pizarro  went  the  rounds  regularly  to  see  that 
every  sentinel  was  on  his  post.  The  little  army, 
in  short,  was  in  a state  of  preparation  for  instant 
attack. 

Men  suffering  from  fear  are  not  likely  to  be  too 
scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  removing  the  cause 
of  it.  Murmurs,  mingled  with  gloomy  menaces, 
were  now  heard  against  the  Inca,  the  author  of 
these  machinations.  Many  began  to  demand  his 
life  as  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the  army.  Among 
these,  the  most  vehement  were  Almagro  and  his 
followers.  They  had  not  witnessed  the  seizure  of 
Atahuallpa.  They  had  no  sympathy  with  him  in  his 
fallen  state.  They  regarded  him  only  as  an  incum- 
brance, and  their  desire  now  was  to  push  their  for- 
tunes in  the  country,  since  they  had  got  so  little  of 
the  gold  of  Caxamalca.  They  were  supported  by 
Riquelme,  the  treasurer,  and  by  the  rest  of  the  royal 
officers.  These  men  had  been  left  at  San  Miguel 
by  Pizarro,  who  did  not  care  to  have  such  official 


480 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


spies  on  his  movements.  But  they  had  come  to 
the  camp  with  Almagro,  and  they  loudly  demand- 
ed the  Inca’s  death,  as  indispensable  to  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  country,  and  the  interests  of  the 

Crown.^2 

To  these  dark  suggestions  Pizarro  turned  — or 
seemed  to  turn  — an  unwilling  ear,  showing  visible 
reluctance  to  proceed  to  extreme  measures  with 
his  prisoner.^^  There  were  some  few,  and  among 
others  Hernando  de  Soto,  who  supported  him  in 
these  views,  and  who  regarded  such  measures  as 
not  at  all  justified  by  the  evidence  of  Atahuallpa’s 
guilt.  In  this  state  of  things,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander determined  to  send  a small  detachment  to 
Guamachucho,  to  reconnoitre  the  country  and  as- 
certain what  ground  there  was  for  the  rumors  of  an 
insurrection.  De  Soto  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  expedition,  which,  as  the  distance  was  not  great, 
would  occupy  but  a few  days. 

After  that  cavalier’s  departure,  the  agitation 
among  the  soldiers,  instead  of  diminishing,  increas- 
ed to  such  a degree,  that  Pizarro,  unable  to  resist 
their  importunities,  consented  to  bring  Atahuallpa 
to  instant  trial.  It  was  but  decent,  and  certainly 
safer,  to  have  the  forms  of  a trial.  A court  was 

22  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 23  u Aunque  contra  voluntad  del 
Conq.,  MS.  — Relacion  del  Primer,  dicho  Gobemador,  que  nunca  estu- 
Descub.,  MS.  — Ped.  Sancho,  bo  bien  en  ello.”  Relacion  del 
Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.  — So  also 
400.  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq., 

These  cavaliers  were  all  present  MS.  — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
in  the  camp.  Ramusio,  ubi  supra. 


Ca.  VII.] 


TRIAL  OF  THE  INCA. 


481 


organized,  over  which  the  two  captains,  Pizarro  and 
Almagro,  were  to  preside  as  judges.  An  attorney- 
general  was  named  to  prosecute  for  the  Crown,  and 
counsel  was  assigned  to  the  prisoner. 

The  charges  preferred  against  the  Inca,  drawn 
up  in  the  form  of  interrogatories,  were  twelve  in 
number.  The  most  important  were,  that  he  had 
usurped  the  crown  and  assassinated  his  brother  Hu- 
ascar ; that  he  had  squandered  the  public  revenues 
since  the  conquest  of  the  country  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  lavished  them  on  his  kindred  and  his  minions; 
that  he  was  guilty  of  idolatry,  and  of  adulterous 
practices,  indulging  openly  in  a plurality  of  wives  ; 
finally,  that  he  had  attempted  to  excite  an  insurrec- 
tion against  the  Spaniards.^ 

These  charges,  most  of  which  had  reference  to 
national  usages,  or  to  the  personal  relations  of  the 
Inca,  over  which  the  Spanish  conquerors  had  clearly 
no  jurisdiction,  are  so  absurd,  that  they  might  well 


The  specification  of  the 
charges  against  the  Inca  is  given 
by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  (Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  37.) 
One  could  have  wished  to  find 
them  specified  by  some  of  the 
actors  in  the  tragedy.  But  Gar- 
cilasso had  access  to  the  best 
sources  of  information,  and  where 
there  was  no  motive  for  falsehood, 
as  in  the  present  instance,  his  word 
may  probably  be  taken.  — The  fact 
of  a process  being  formally  insti- 
tuted against  the  Indian  monarch 
is  explicitly  recognized  by  several 
VOL.  I.  61 


contemporary  writers,  by  Gomara, 
Oviedo,  and  Pedro  Sancho.  Ovie- 
do characterizes  it  as  “a  badly 
contrived  and  worse  written  docu- 
ment, devised  by  a factious  and 
unprincipled  priest,  a clumsy  no- 
tary without  conscience,  and  others 
of  the  like  stamp,  who  were  all 
concerned  in  this  villany.”  (Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS. , Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  22.)  Most  authorities  agree 
in  the  two  principal  charges,  — 
the  assassination  of  Huascar,  and 
the  conspiracy  against  the  Span- 
iards. 


482 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


provoke  a smile,  did  they  not  excite  a deeper  feel- 
ing. The  last  of  the  charges  was  the  only  one  of 
moment  in  such  a trial ; and  the  weakness  of  this 
may  be  inferred  from  the  care  taken  to  bolster  it  up 
with  the  others.  The  mere  specification  of  the  ar- 
ticles must  have  been  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
doom  of  the  Inca  was  already  sealed. 

A number  of  Indian  witnesses  were  examined, 
and  their  testimony,  filtrated  through  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Felipillo,  received,  it  is  said,  when  necessary, 
a very  different  coloring  from  that  of  the  original. 
The  examination  was  soon  ended,  and  “ a warm 
discussion,”  as  we  are  assured  by  one  of  Pizarro’s 
own  secretaries,  “ took  place  in  respect  to  the  prob- 
able good  or  evil  that  would  result  from  the  death 
of  Atahuallpa.”^  It  was  a question  of  expediency. 
He  was  found  guilty,  — whether  of  all  the  crimes 
alleged  we  are  not  informed,  — and  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  be  burnt  alive  in  the  great  square  of 
Caxamalca.  The  sentence  was  to  be  carried  into 
execution  that  very  night.  They  were  not  even  to 
wait  for  the  return  of  De  Soto,  when  the  informa- 
tion he  would  bring  would  go  far  to  establish  the 


25  “ Doppo  I’essersi  molto  dis- 
putato,  et  ragionato  del  danno  et 
vtile  che  saria  potuto  auuenire  per 
il  viuere  o morire  di  Atabalipa,  fu 
risoluto  che  si  facesse  giustitia  di 
lui.”  (Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  400.)  It 
is  the  language  of  a writer  who 
may  be  taken  as  the  mouthpiece 


of  Pizarro  himself.  According  to 
him,  the  conclave,  which  agitated 
this  “ question  of  expediency,” 
consisted  of  the  “ officers  of  the 
Crown  and  those  of  the  army,  a 
certain  doctor  learned  in  the  law, 
that  chanced  to  be  with  them,  and 
the  reverend  Father  Vicente  de 
Valverde.” 


Ch.  VII.] 


TRIAL  OF  THE  INCA. 


483 


truth  or  the  falsehood  of  the  reports  respecting  the 
insurrection  of  the  natives.  It  was  desirable  to  ob- 
tain the  countenance  of  Father  Valverde  to  these 
proceedings,  and  a copy  of  the  judgment  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  friar  for  his  signature,  which  he  gave 
without  hesitation,  declaring,  that,  “ in  his  opinion, 
the  Inca,  at  all  events,  deserved  death.” 

Yet  there  were  some  few  in  that  martial  conclave 
who  resisted  these  high-handed  measures.  They 
considered  them  as  a poor  requital  of  all  the  favors 
bestowed  on  them  by  the  Inca,  wdio  hitherto  had 
received  at  their  hands  nothing  but  wrong.  They 
objected  to  the  evidence  as  wholly  insufficient ; and 
they  denied  the  authority  of  such  a tribunal  to  sit  in 
judgment  on  a sovereign  prince  in  the  heart  of  liis 
own  dominions.  If  he  were  to  be  tried,  he  should 
be  sent  to  Spain,  and  his  cause  brought  before  the 
Emperor,  who  alone  had  power  to  determine  it. 

But  the  great  majority  — and  they  were  ten  to 
one  — overruled  these  objections,  by  declaring  there 
was  no  doubt  of  Atahuallpa’s  guilt,  and  they  were 
willing  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  his  punish- 
ment. A full  account  of  the  proceedings  would  be 
sent  to  Castile,  and  the  Emperor  should  be  informed 
who  were  the  loyal  servants  of  the  Crown,  and 
who  were  its  enemies.  The  dispute  ran  so  high, 
that  for  a time  it  menaced  an  open  and  violent 
rupture  ; till,  at  length,  convinced  that  resistance 

“ Respondio,  que  firmaria,  aun  en  lo  exterior  quisieron  justi- 
que  era  bastante,  para  que  el  Inga  ficar  su  intento.”  Herrera,  Hist, 
fuese  condenado  muerte,  porque  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. 


484 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


was  fruitless,  the  weaker  party,  silenced,  but  not 
satisfied,  contented  themselves  with  entering  a writ- 
ten protest  against  these  proceedings,  which  would 
leave  an  indelible  stain  on  the  names  of  all  con- 
cerned in  them.^’^ 

When  the  sentence  was  communicated  to  the 
Inca,  he  was  greatly  overcome  by  it.  He  had,  in- 
deed, for  some  time,  looked  to  such  an  issue  as 
probable,  and  had  been  heard  to  intimate  as  much 
to  those  about  him.  But  the  probability  of  such  an 
event  is  very  different  from  its  certainty,  — and  that, 
too,  so  sudden  and  speedy.  For  a moment,  the 
overwhelming  conviction  of  it  unmanned  him,  and 
he  exclaimed,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  — “ What 
have  I done,  or  my  children,  that  I should  meet  such 
a fate.^  And  from  your  hands,  too,”  said  he,  ad- 
dressing Pizarro  ; “ you,  who  have  met  with  friend- 
ship and  kindness  from  my  people,  with  whom  I 
have  shared  my  treasures,  who  have  received  noth- 
ing but  benefits  from  my  hands ! ” In  the  most 
piteous  tones,  he  then  implored  that  his  life  might 
be  spared,  promising  any  guaranty  that  might  be 
required  for  the  safety  of  every  Spaniard  in  the  ar- 

2'i'  Garcilasso  has  preserved  the  like  the  Inca  of  Peru ; but  not  so 
names  of  some  of  those  -who  so  correct  in  supposing  that  their 
courageously,  though  ineffectually,  master,  the  Emperor,  had  a better 
resisted  the  popular  cry  for  the  right.  Vattel  (Book  II.  ch.  4.) 
Inca’s  blood.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  especially  animadverts  on  this  pre- 
2,  lib.  1,  cap.  37.)  They  were  tended  trial  of  Atahuallpa,  as  a 
doubtless  correct  in  denying  the  manifest  outrage  on  the  law  of 
right  of  such  a tribunal  to  sit  in  nations, 
judgment  on  an  independent  prince. 


Ch.  VII.] 


HIS  EXECUTION. 


485 


my,  — promising  double  the  ransom  he  had  already 
paid,  if  time  were  only  given  him  to  obtain  it.^ 

An  eyewitness  assures  us  that  Pizarro  was  visi- 
bly affected,  as  he  turned  away  from  the  Inca,  to 
whose  appeal  he  had  no  power  to  listen,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  voice  of  the  army,  and  to  his  own  sense 
of  what  was  due  to  the  security  of  the  country.^® 
Atahuallpa,  finding  he  had  no  power  to  turn  his 
Conqueror  from  his  purpose,  recovered  his  habitual 
self-possession,  and  from  that  moment  submitted 
himself  to  his  fate  with  the  courage  of  an  Indian 
warrior. 

The  doom  of  the  Inca  was  proclaimed  by  sound 
of  trumqet  in  the  great  square  of  Caxamalca ; and, 
two  hours  after  sunset,  the  Spanish  soldiery  assem- 
bled by  torch-light  in  the  plaza  to  witness  the  exe- 
cution of  the  sentence.  It  was  on  the  twenty-ninth 
of  August,  1533.  Atahuallpa  was  led  out  chained 
hand  and  foot,  — for  he  had  been  kept  in  irons  ever 
since  the  great  excitement  had  prevailed  in  the 
army  respecting  an  assault.  Father  Vicente  de 
Valverde  was  at  his  side,  striving  to  administer  con- 
solation, and,  if  possible,  to  persuade  him  at  this  last 
hour  to  abjure  his  superstition  and  embrace  the  re- 
ligion of  his  Conquerors.  He  was  willing  to  save 
the  soul  of  his  victim  from  the  terrible  expiation  in 

28  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y “ Yb  tv'cfe //orar  al  marques  de  pesar 
Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  por  no  podelle  dar  la  vida  porque 
neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.  — Za-  cierto  temio  los  requirimientos  y el 
rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7.  rriezgo  que  avia  en  la  tierra  si  se 

29  “I  myself,”  says  Pedro  Pi-  soltava.”  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 
zarro,  “ saw  the  general  weep.” 


486 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


the  next  world,  to  which  he  had  so  cheerfully  con- 
signed his  mortal  part  in  this. 

During  Atahuallpa’s  confinement,  the  friar  had  re- 
peatedly expounded  to  him  the  Christian  doctrines, 
and  the  Indian  monarch  discovered  much  acuteness 
in  apprehending  the  discourse  of  his  teacher.  But 
it  had  not  carried  conviction  to  his  mind,  and 
though  he  listened  with  patience,  he  had  shown  no 
disposition  to  renounce  the  faith  of  his  fathers. 
The  Dominican  made  a last  appeal  to  him  in  this 
solemn  hour ; and,  when  Atahuallpa  was  bound  to 
the  stake,  with  the  fagots  that  were  to  kindle  his 
funeral  pile  lying  around  him,  Valverde,  holding  up 
the  cross,  besought  him  to  embrace  it  and  be  bap- 
tized, promising  that,  by  so  doing,  the  painful  death 
to  which  he  had  been  sentenced  should  be  com- 
muted for  the  milder  form  of  the  garrote,  — a mode 
of  punishment  by  strangulation,  used  for  criminals 
in  Spain.^° 

The  unhappy  monarch  asked  if  this  were  really 
so,  and,  on  its  being  confirmed  by  Pizarro,  he  con- 
sented to  abjure  his  own  religion,  and  receive  bap- 
tism. The  ceremony  was  performed  by  Father 

Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  tached.  By  twisting  this  stick, 
Barcia,  tom.  HI.  p.  234.  — Pedro  the  noose  is  tightened  and  suffoca- 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — tion  is  produced.  This  was  the 
Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS.  — Ped.  mode,  probably,  of  Atahuallpa’s 
Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  execution.  In  Spain,  instead  of 
III.  fol.  400.  the  cord,  an  iron  collar  is  substi- 

The  garrote  is  a mode  of  execu-  tuted,  which,  by  means  of  a screw, 
tion  by  means  of  a noose  drawn  is  compressed  round  the  throat  of 
lound  the  criminal’s  neck,  to  the  the  sufferer, 
back  part  of  which  a stick  is  at- 


Ch.  VII.] 


HIS  EXECUTION. 


487 


Valve rde,  and  the  new  convert  received  the  name 
of  Juan  de  Atahuallpa,  — the  name  of  Juan  being 
conferred  in  honor  of  John  the  Baptist,  on  whose 
daj  the  event  took  place. 

Atahuallpa  expressed  a desire  that  his  remains 
might  be  transported  to  Quito,  the  place  of  his  birth, 
to  be  preserved  with  those  of  his  maternal  ances- 
tors. Then  turning  to  Pizarro,  as  a last  request,  he 
implored  him  to  take  compassion  on  his  young  chil- 
dren, and  receive  them  under  his  protection.  Was 
there  no  other  one  in  that  dark  company  who  stood 
grimly  around  him,  to  whom  he  could  look  for  the 
protection  of  his  offspring  ? Perhaps  he  thought 
there  was  no  other  so  competent  to  afford  it,  and 
that  the  wishes  so  solemnly  expressed  in  that  hour 
might  meet  with  respect  even  from  his  Conqueror. 
Then,  recovering  his  stoical  bearing,  which  for  a 
moment  had  been  shaken,  he  submitted  himself 
calmly  to  his  fate,  — while  the  Spaniards,  gathering 
around,  muttered  their  credos  for  the  salvation  of  his 
soul ! ^ Thus  by  the  death  of  a vile  malefactor 
perished  the  last  of  the  Incas  ! 

31  Velasco,  Hist,  de  Quito,  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Bar- 

tom.  I.  p.  373.  cia,  tom.  III.  p.  234.  — Pedro  Pi- 

32  “ Ma  quando  se  lo  vidde  appres-  zarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — 
sare  per  douer  esser  morto,  disse  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. 
che  raccomandaua  al  Gouernatore  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — 
i suoi  piccioli  figliuoli  che  volesse  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
tenersegli  appresso,  & con  queste  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2, 
vltime  parole,  & dicendo  per  I’ani-  cap.  7. 

ma  sua  li  Spagnuoli  che  erano  The  death  of  Atahuallpa  has 
all’  intorno.  il  Credo,  fu  subito  affo-  many  points  of  resemblance  with  ^ 
gate.”  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  that  of  Caupolican,  the  great  Arau- 
Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  399.  canian  chief,  as  described  in  the 


488 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


I have  already  spoken  of  the  person  and  the  qual- 
ities of  Atahuallpa.  He  had  a handsome  counte- 
nance, though  with  an  expression  somewhat  too 
fierce  to  be  pleasing.  His  frame  was  muscular  and 
well-proportioned  ; his  air  commanding ; and  his  de- 
portment in  the  Spanish  quarters  had  a degree  of 
refinement,  the  more  interesting  that  it  was  touched 
with  melancholy.  He  is  accused  of  having  been 
cruel  in  his  wars,  and  bloody  in  his  revenge.^^  It 
may  be  true,  but  the  pencil  of  an  enemy  would  be 
likely  to  overcharge  the  shadows  of  the  portrait. 
He  is  allowed  to  have  been  bold,  high-minded,  and 
liberal.^  All  agree  that  he  showed  singular  pene- 
tration and  quickness  of  perception.  His  exploits 


historical  epic  of  Ercilla.  Both 
embraced  the  religion  of  their  con- 
querors at  the  stake,  though  Cau- 
polican  was  so  far  less  fortunate 
than  the  Peruvian  monarch,  that 
his  conversion  did  not  save  him 
from  the  tortures  of  a most  agoniz- 
ing death.  He  was  impaled  and 
shot  with  arrows.  The  spirited 
verses  reflect  so  faithfully  the  char- 
acter of  these  early  adventurers,  in 
which  the  fanaticism  of  the  Cru- 
sader was  mingled  with  the  cruelty 
of  the  conqueror,  and  they  are  so 
germane  to  the  present  subject, 
that  I would  willingly  quote  the 
1 assage  were  it  not  too  long.  See 
La  Araucana,  Parte  2,  canto  24. 

33  “ Thus  he  paid  the  penalty 
of  his  errors  and  cruelties,”  says 
, Xerez,  “ for  he  was  the  greatest 
butcher,  as  all  agree,  that  the 
world  ever  saw  ; making  nothing 


of  razing  a whole  town  to  the 
ground  for  the  most  trifling  offence, 
and  massacring  a thousand  persons 
for  the  fault  of  one  ! ” (Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  234.) 
Xerez  was  the  private  secretary  of 
Pizarro.  Sancho,  who,  on  the  de- 
parture of  Xerez  for  Spain,  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  same  office,  pays 
a more  decent  tribute  to  the  mem- 
ory of  the  Inca,  who,  he  trusts, 
“ is  received  into  glory,  since  he 
died  penitent  for  his  sins,  and  in 
the  true  faith  of  a Christian.” 
Ped.  Sancho,  Bel.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
tom.  III.  fol.  399. 

34  “ El  hera  muy  regalado,  y 
muy  Senor,”  says  Pedro  Pizarro. 
(Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.)  “ Mui 
dispuesto,  sabio,  animoso,  franco,” 
says  Gomara.  (Hist,  de  las  Ind. , 
cap.  118.) 


Ch.  VII.] 


HIS  EXECUTION. 


489 


as  a warrior  had  placed  his  valor  beyond  dispute. 
The  best  homage  to  it  is  the  reluctance  shown  by 
the  Spaniards  to  restore  him  to  freedom.  They 
dreaded  him  as  an  enemy,  and  they  had  done  him 
too  many  wrongs  to  think  that  he  could  be  their 
friend.  Yet  his  conduct  towards  them  from  the 
first  had  been  most  friendly ; and  they  repaid  it 
with  imprisonment,  robbery,  and  death. 

The  body  of  the  Inca  remained  on  the  place  of 
execution  through  the  night.  The  following  morn- 
ing it  was  removed  to  the  church  of  San  Francisco, 
where  his  funeral  obsequies  were  performed  with 
great  solemnity.  Pizarro  and  the  principal  cavaliers 
went  into  mourning,  and  the  troops  listened  with 
devout  attention  to  the  service  of  the  dead  from 
the  lips  of  Father  Valverde.^  The  ceremony  was 
interrupted  by  the  sound  of  loud  cries  and  wailing, 
as  of  many  voices  at  the  doors  of  the  church.  These 
were  suddenly  thrown  open,  and  a number  of  Indian 
women,  the  wives  and  sisters  of  the  deceased,  rush- 
ing up  the  great  aisle,  surrounded  the  corpse.  This 
was  not  the  way,  they  cried,  to  celebrate  the  fu- 
neral rites  of  an  Inca ; and  they  declared  their  in- 
tention to  sacrifice  themselves  on  his  tomb,  and  bear 
him  company  to  the  land  of  spirits.  The  audience, 
outraged  by  this  frantic  behaviour,  told  the  intruders 
that  Atahuallpa  had  died  in  the  faith  of  a Christian, 

35  The  secretary  Sancho  seems  huallpa  for  any  wrongs  he  may 
to  think  that  the  Peruvians  must  have  sustained,  since  they  at  once 
have  regarded  these  funeral  honors  raised  him  to  a level  with  the 
as  an  ample  compensation  to  Ata-  Spaniards  ! Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

VOL.  I.  62 


490 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


and  that  the  God  of  the  Christians  abhorred  such 
sacrifices.  They  then  caused  the  women  to  be  ex- 
cluded from  the  church,  and  several,  retiring  to 
their  own  quarters,  laid  violent  hands  on  themselves, 
in  the  vain  hope  of  accompanying  their  beloved 
lord  to  the  bright  mansions  of  the  Sun.^ 

Atahuallpa’s  remains,  notwithstanding  his  request, 
were  laid  in  the  cemetery  of  San  Francisco.^’^  But 
from  thence,  as  is  reported,  after  the  Spaniards  left 
Caxamalca,  they  were  secretly  removed,  and  carried, 
as  he  had  desired,  to  Quito.  The  colonists  of  a 
later  time  supposed  that  some  treasures  might  have 
been  buried  with  the  body.  But,  on  excavating  the 
ground,  neither  treasure  nor  remains  were  to  be 
discovered.^ 


A day  or  two  after  these  tragic  events,  Hernan- 
do de  Soto  returned  from  his  excursion.  Great  was 
his  astonishment  and  indignation  at  learning  what 


36  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub., 
MS. 

See  Appendix,  No.  10,  where 
I have  cited  in  the  original  sev- 
eral of  the  contemporary  notices 
of  Atahuallpa’s  execution,  which 
being  in  manuscript  are  not  very 
accessible,  even  to  Spaniards. 

37  “ Oi  dicen  los  indios  que  esta 
su  sepulcro  junto  a una  Cruz  de 
Piedra  Blanca  que  esta  en  el  Ce- 
menterio  del  Convento  de  S«  Fran- 
cisco. ’ ’ Montesinos,  Annales,  MS. , 
ano  1533. 

38  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22. 

According  to  Stevenson,  “ In 


the  chapel  belonging  to  the  com- 
mon gaol,  which  was  formerly  part 
of  the  palace,  the  altar  stands  on 
the  stone  on  which  Atahuallpa  was 
placed  by  the  Spaniards  and  stran- 
gled, and  under  which  he  was 
buried.”  (Residence  in  South 
America,  vol.  II.  p.  163.)  Mon- 
tesinos, who  wrote  more  than  a 
century  after  the  Conquest,  tells  us 
that  “ spots  of  blood  were  still 
visible  on  a broad  flagstone,  in  the 
prison  of  Caxamalca,  on  which 
Atahuallpa  was  beheaded.''  (An- 
nales, MS.,  ano  1533.)  — Igno- 
rance and  credulity  could  scarcely 
go  farther. 


Ch.  VII.] 


HIS  EXECUTION. 


491 


had  been  done  in  his  absence.  He  sought  out 
Pizarro  at  once,  and  found  him,  says  the  chronicler, 
“ with  a great  felt  hat,  by  way  of  mourning,  slouch- 
ed over  his  eyes,”  and  in  his  dress  and  demeanour 
exhibiting  all  the  show  of  sorrow.^®  “You  have 
acted  rashly,”  said  De  Soto  to  him  bluntly  ; “ Ata- 
huallpa  has  been  basely  slandered.  There  was  no 
enemy  at  Guamachucho ; no  rising  among  the  na- 
tives. I have  met  with  nothing  on  the  road  but 
demonstrations  of  good-will,  and  all  is  quiet.  If  it 
was  necessary  to  bring  the  Inca  to  trial,  he  should 
have  been  taken  to  Castile  and  judged  by  the  Em- 
peror. I would  have  pledged  myself  to  see  him 
safe  on  board  the  vessel.”  Pizarro  confessed  that 
he  had  been  precipitate,  and  said  that  he  had  been 
deceived  by  Riquelme,  Valverde,  and  the  others. 
These  charges  soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  treas- 
urer and  the  Dominican,  who,  in  their  turn,  ex- 
culpated themselves,  and  upbraided  Pizarro  to  his 
face,  as  the  only  one  responsible  for  the  deed. 
The  dispute  ran  high  ; and  the  parties  were  heard 
by  the  by-standers  to  give  one  another  the  lie  ! 

39  “ Hallaronle  monstrando  mu-  of  his  narrative,  but  in  one  of  those 
cho  sentimiento  con  un  gran  som-  supplementary  chapters,  which  he 
brero  de  fieltro  puesto  en  la  cabeza  makes  the  vehicle  of  the  most  mis- 
por  luto  e muy  calado  sobre  los  cellaneous,  yet  oftentimes  impor- 
ojos.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  In-  tant  gossip,  respecting  the  great 
dias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22.  transactions  of  his  history.  As  he 

40  Ibid.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Pe-  knew  familiarly  the  leaders  in  these 

dro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  transactions,  the  testimony  which 
— See  Appendix,  No.  10.  he  collected,  somewhat  at  ran- 

This  remarkable  account  is  dom,  is  of  high  authority.  The 
given  by  Oviedo,  not  in  the  body  reader  will  find  Oviedo’s  account 


492 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


This  vulgar  squabble  among  the  leaders,  so  soon 
after  the  event,  is  the  best  commentary  on  the  in- 
iquity of  their  own  proceedings  and  the  innocence 
of  the  Inca. 

The  treatment  of  Atahuallpa,  from  first  to  last, 
forms  undoubtedly  one  of  the  darkest  chapters  in 
Spanish  colonial  history.  There  may  have  been 
massacres  perpetrated  on  a more  extended  scale, 
and  executions  accompanied  with  a greater  refine- 
ment of  cruelty.  But  the  blood-stained  annals  of 
the  Conquest  afford  no  such  example  of  cold-heart- 
ed and  systematic  persecution,  not  of  an  enemy, 
but  of  one  whose  whole  deportment  had  been  that 
of  a friend  and  a benefactor. 

From  the  hour  that  Pizarro  and  his  followers  had 
entered  within  the  sphere  of  Atahuallpa’s  influence, 
the  hand  of  friendship  had  been  extended  to  them 
by  the  natives.  Their  first  act,  on  crossing  the 
mountains,  was  to  kidnap  the  monarch  and  massa- 
cre his  people.  The  seizure  of  his  person  might 
be  vindicated,  by  those  who  considered  the  end  as 
justifying  the  means,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  in- 
dispensable to  secure  the  triumphs  of  the  Cross. 
But  no  such  apology  can  be  urged  for  the  massa- 
cre of  the  unarmed  and  helpless  population,  — as 
wanton  as  it  was  wicked. 

The  long  confinement  of  the  Inca  had  been  used 
by  the  Conquerors  to  wring  from  him  his  treasures 
with  the  hard  gripe  of  avarice.  During  the  whole 

of  the  Inca’s  death  extracted,  in  tices  of  this  catastrophe,  in  Ap- 
the  original,  among  the  other  no-  pendix,  No.  10. 


Ch.  VII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


493 


of  this  dismal  period,  he  had  conducted  himself 
with  singular  generosity  and  good  faith.  He  had 
opened  a free  passage  to  the  Spaniards  through 
every  part  of  his  empire ; and  had  furnished  every 
facility  for  the  execution  of  their  plans.  When 
these  were  accomplished,  and  he  remained  an  en- 
cumbrance on  their  hands,  notwithstanding  their  en- 
gagement, expressed  or  implied,  to  release  him,  — 
and  Pizarro,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a formal  act, 
acquitted  his  captive  of  any  further  obligation  on 
the  score  of  the  ransom,  — he  was  arraigned  before 
a mock  tribunal,  and,  under  pretences  equally  false 
and  frivolous,  was  condemned  to  an  excruciating 
death.  From  first  to  last,  the  policy  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors  towards  their  unhappy  victim  is  stamped 
with  barbarity  and  fraud. 

It  is  not  easy  to  acquit  Pizan’o  of  being  in  a 
great  degree  responsible  for  this  policy.  His  par- 
tisans have  labored  to  show,  that  it  was  forced  on 
him  by  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  that  in  the 
death  of  the  Inca,  especially,  he  yielded  reluctantly 
to  the  importunities  of  others.'*^  But  weak  as  is 
this  apology,  the  historian  who  has  the  means  of 
comparing  the  various  testimony  of  the  period  will 
come  to  a different  conclusion.  To  him  it  will 

^ “ Contra  su  voluntad  senten-  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  399.) 
cio  a muerte  a Atabalipa.”  (Pe-  Even  Oviedo  seems  willing  to  ad- 
dro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  mit  it  possible  that  Pizarro  may 
MS.)  “ Contra  voluntad  del  dicho  have  been  somewhat  deceived  by 
Gobemador.”  (Relacion  del  Pri-  others.  “ Que  tambien  se  puede 
mer.  Descub.,  MS.)  “ Ancora  creer  que  era  engafiado.”  Hist, 
che  molto  li  dispiacesse  di  venir  a de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
questo  atto.”  (Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  cap.  22. 


494 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


appear,  that  Pizarro  had  probably  long  felt  the  re- 
moval of  Atahuallpa  as  essential  to  the  success  of 
his  enterprise.  He  foresaw  the  odium  that  would 
be  incurred  by  the  death  of  his  royal  captive  with- 
out sufficient  grounds  ; W'hile  he  labored  to  establish 
these,  he  still  shrunk  from  the  responsibility  of  the 
deed,  and  preferred  to  perpetrate  it  in  obedience  to 
the  suggestions  of  others,  rather  than  his  own. 
Like  many  an  unprincipled  politician,  he  wished 
to  reap  the  benefit  of  a bad  act,  and  let  others  take 
the  blame  of  it. 

Almagro  and  his  followers  are  reported  by  Pi- 
zarro’s  secretaries  to  have  first  insisted  on  the  Inca’s 
death.  They  were  loudly  supported  by  the  treas- 
urer and  the  royal  officers,  who  considered  it  as 
indispensable  to  the  interests  of  the  Crown ; and, 
finally,  the  rumors  of  a conspiracy  raised  the  same 
cry  among  the  soldiers,  and  Pizarro,  with  all  his 
tenderness  for  his  prisoner,  could  not  refuse  to 
bring  him  to  trial.  — The  form  of  a trial  was  neces- 
sary to  give  an  appearance  of  fairness  to  the  pro- 
ceedings. That  it  was  only  form  is  evident  from 
the  indecent  haste  with  which  it  was  conducted,  — 
the  examination  of  evidence,  the  sentence,  and  the 
execution,  being  all  on  the  same  day.  The  multi- 
plication of  the  charges,  designed  to  place  the  guilt 
of  the  accused  on  the  strongest  ground,  had,  from 
their  very  number,  the  opposite  effect,  proving  only 
the  determination  to  convict  him.  If  Pizarro  had 
felt  the  reluctance  to  his  conviction  which  he  pre- 
tended, why  did  he  send  De  Soto,  Atahuallpa’s  best 


Ch.  VII  ] 


REFLECTIONS. 


495 


friend,  away,  when  the  inquiry  was  to  be  instituted  ? 
Why  was  the  sentence  so  summarily  executed,  as 
not  to  afford  opportunity,  by  that  cavalier’s  return, 
of  disproving  the  truth  of  the  principal  charge,  — 
the  only  one,  in  fact,  with  which  the  Spaniards 
had  any  concern  ? The  solemn  farce  of  mourning 
and  deep  sorrow  affected  by  Pizarro,  who  by  these 
honors  to  the  dead  would  intimate  the  sincere  re- 
gard he  had  entertained  for  the  living,  was  too  thin 
a veil  to  impose  on  the  most  credulous. 

It  is  not  intended  by  these  reflections  to  excul- 
pate the  rest  of  the  army,  and  especially  its  officers, 
from  their  share  in  the  infamy  of  the  transaction. 
But  Pizarro,  as  commander  of  the  army,  was  mainly 
responsible  for  its  measures.  For  he  was  not  a man 
to  allow  his  own  authority  to  be  wrested  from  his 
grasp,  or  to  yield  timidly  to  the  impulses  of  others. 
He  did  not  even  yield  to  his  own.  His  whole 
career  shows  him,  whether  for  good  or  for  evil,  to 
have  acted  with  a cool  and  calculating  policy. 

A story  has  been  often  repeated,  which  refers  the 
motives  of  Pizarro’s  conduct,  in  some  degree  at 
least,  to  personal  resentment.  The  Inca  had  re- 
quested one  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  to  write  the 
name  of  God  on  his  nail.  This  the  monarch  show- 
ed to  several  of  his  guards  successively,  and,  as  they 
read  it,  and  each  pronounced  the  same  word,  the 
sagacious  mind  of  the  barbarian  was  delighted  with 
what  seemed  to  him  little  short  of  a miracle,  — to 
which  the  science  of  his  own  nation  afforded  no 
analogy.  On  showing  the  writing  to  Pizarro,  that 


496 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


chief  remained  silent ; and  the  Inca,  finding  he 
could  not  read,  conceived  a contempt  for  the  com- 
mander who  was  even  less  informed  than  his  sol- 
diers. This  he  did  not  wholly  conceal,  and  Pi- 
zarro,  aware  of  the  cause  of  it,  neither  forgot  nor 
forgave  it.^^  The  anecdote  is  reported  not  on  the 
highest  authority.  It  may  be  true ; but  it  is  un- 
necessary to  look  for  the  motives  of  Pizarro’s  con- 
duct in  personal  pique,  when  so  many  proofs  are  to 
be  discerned  of  a dark  and  deliberate  policy. 

Yet  the  arts  of  the  Spanish  chieftain  failed  to 
reconcile  his  countrymen  to  the  atrocity  of  his  pro- 
ceedings. It  is  singular  to  observe  the  difference 
between  the  tone  assumed  by  the  first  chroniclers 
of  the  transaction,  while  it  was  yet  fresh,  and  that 
of  those  who  wrote  when  the  lapse  of  a few  years 
had  shown  the  tendency  of  public  opinion.  The 
first  boldly  avow  the  deed  as  demanded  by  expe- 
diency, if  not  necessity;  while  they  deal  in  no 
measured  terms  of  reproach  with  the  character  of 
their  unfortunate  victim.^^  The  latter,  on  the  other 


The  story  is  to  be  found  in 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  (Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  cap.  38,)  and  in  no 
other  writer  of  the  period,  so  far  as 
I am  aware. 

■U  I have  already  noticed  the 
lavish  epithets  heaped  by  Xerez  on 
the  Inca’s  cruelty.  This  account 
was  printed  in  Spain,  in  1534,  the 
year  after  the  execution.  “ The 
proud  tyrant,”  says  the  other  sec- 
retary, Sancho,  “ would  have  repaid 
the  kindness  and  good  treatment 


he  had  received  from  the  governor 
and  every  one  of  us  with  the  same 
coin  with  which  he  usually  paid 
his  own  followers,  without  any 
fault  on  their  part,  — by  putting 
them  to  death.”  (Ped.  Sancho, 
Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  HI.  fol. 
399.)  “ He  deserved  to  die,”  says 
the  old  Spanish  Conqueror  before 
quoted,  “ and  all  the  country  was 
rejoiced  that  he  was  put  out  of  the 
way.”  Rel.  d’un  Capitano  Spagn., 
ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  IH.  fol.  377. 


Ch.  VII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


497 


hand,  while  they  extenuate  the  errors  of  the  Inca, 
and  do  justice  to  his  good  faith,  are  unreserved  in 
their  condemnation  of  the  Conquerors,  on  whose 
conduct,  they  say.  Heaven  set  the  seal  of  its  own 
reprobation,  by  bringing  them  all  to  an  untimely 
and  miserable  end.^®  The  sentence  of  contempo- 
raries has  been  fully  ratified  by  that  of  posterity ; 
and  the  persecution  of  Atahuallpa  is  regarded  with 
justice  as  having  left  a stain,  never  to  be  effaced, 
on  the  Spanish  arms  in  the  New  World. 


45  “ Las  deraostraciones  que 
despues  se  vieron  bien  manifiestan 
lo  mui  injusta  que  fue,  ....  puesto 
que  todos  quantos  entendieron  en 
ella  tuvieron  despues  mui  desastra- 
das  muertes.”  (Naharro,  Rela- 
cion  Sumaria,  MS.)  Gomara  uses 
nearly  the  same  language.  “ No 
ai  que  reprehender  a los  que  le 
mataron,  pues  el  tiempo,  i sus 
pecados  los  castigaron  despues ; ca 
todos  ellos  acabaron  mal.”  (Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  cap.  118.)  According 
to  the  former  writer,  Felipillo  paid 
the  forfeit  of  his  crimes  sometime 
afterwards,  — being  hanged  by 
Almagro  on  the  expedition  to  Chili, 
— when,  as  “some  say,  he  con- 
fessed having  perverted  testimony 
given  in  favor  of  Atahuallpa’s  in- 
nocence, directly  against  that  mon- 
arch.” Oviedo,  usually  ready 


enough  to  excuse  the  excesses  of 
his  countrymen,  is  unqualified  in 
his  condemnation  of  this  whole 
proceeding,  (see  Appendix,  No. 
10,)  which,  says  another  contem- 
porary, “ fills  every  one  with  pity 
who  has  a spark  of  humanity  in 
his  bosom.”  Conq.  i Fob.  del 
Piru,  MS. 

46  The  most  eminent  example 
of  this  is  given  by  Quintana  in  his 
memoir  of  Pizarro,  (Espanoles 
Celebres,  tom.  II.,)  throughout 
which  the  writer,  rising  above  the 
mists  of  national  prejudice,  which 
too  often  blind  the  eyes  of  his 
countrymen,  holds  the  scale  of 
historic  criticism  with  an  impartial 
hand,  and  deals  a full  measure  of 
reprobation  to  the  actors  in  these 
dismal  scenes. 


VOL.  1. 


63 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Disorders  in  Peru.  — March  to  Cuzco.  — Encounter  with  the 
Natives.  — Challcuchima  burnt.  — Arrival  in  Cuzco.  — De- 
scription OF  the  City.  — Treasure  found  there. 


1533—1534. 

The  Inca  of  Peru  was  its  sovereign  in  a pe- 
culiar sense.  He  received  an  obedience  from  his 
vassals  more  implicit  than  that  of  any  despot;  for 
his  authority  reached  to  the  most  secret  conduct,  — 
to  the  thoughts  of  the  individual.  He  was  rever- 
enced as  more  than  human.^  He  was  not  merely 
the  head  of  the  state,  but  the  point  to  which  all  its 
institutions  converged,  as  to  a common  centre,  — the 
keystone  of  the  political  fabric,  which  must  fall  to 
pieces  by  its  own  weight  when  that  was  with- 
drawn. So  it  fared  on  the  death  of  Atahuallpa.^ 


1 “ Such  was  the  awe  in  which 
the  Inca  was  held,”  says  Pizarro, 
“ that  it  was  only  necessary  for 
him  to  intimate  his  commands  to 
that  effect,  and  a Peruvian  would 
at  once  jump  down  a precipice, 
hang  himself,  or  put  an  end  to 
his  life  in  any  way  that  was  pre- 
scribed.” Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

2 Oviedo  tells  us,  that  the  Inca’s 
right  name  was  Atahaliva,  and  that 


the  Spaniards  usually  misspelt  it, 
because  they  thought  much  more 
of  getting  treasure  for  themselves, 
than  they  did  of  the  name  of  the 
person  who  owned  it.  (Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  16.)  Nevertheless,  I have 
preferred  the  authority  of  Garci- 
lasso,  who,  a Peruvian  himself, 
and  a near  kinsman  of  the  Inca, 
must  be  supposed  to  have  been 


'>  Ch.  VIII.] 


DISORDERS  IN  PERU. 


499 


His  death  not  only  left  the  thione  vacant,  without 
any  certain  successor,  but  the  manner  of  it  an- 
nounced to  the  Peruvian  people  that  a hand  stronger 
than  that  of  their  Incas  had  now  seized  the  sceptre, 
and  that  the  dynasty  of  the  Children  of  the  Sun 
had  passed  away  for  ever. 

The  natural  consequences  of  such  a conviction 
followed.  The  beautiful  order  of  the  ancient  insti- 
tutions was  broken  up,  as  the  authority  which  con- 
trolled it  was  withdrawn.  The  Indians  broke  out 
into  greater  excesses  from  the  uncommon  restraint 
to  which  they  had  been  before  subjected.  Villages 
were  burnt,  temples  and  palaces  were  plundered, 
and  the  gold  they  contained  was  scattered  or  se- 
creted. Gold  and  silver  acquired  an  importance  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Peruvian,  when  he  saw  the  impor- 
tance attached  to  them  by  his  conquerors.  The 
precious  metals,  which  before  served  only  for  pur- 
poses of  state  or  religious  decoration,  were  now 
hoarded  up  and  buried  in  caves  and  forests.  The 
gold  and  silver  concealed  by  the  natives  were  af- 
firmed greatly  to  exceed  in  quantity  that  which  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.^  The  remote 


well  informed.  His  countrymen, 
he  says,  pretended  that  the  cocks 
imported  into  Peru  by  the  Span- 
iards, when  they  crowed,  uttered  the 
name  of  Atahuallpa  ; “ and  I and 
the  other  Indian  boys,”  adds  the 
historian,  “ when  we  were  at 
school,  used  to  mimic  them.” 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  23. 

3 “ That  which  the  Inca  gave 


the  Spaniards,  said  some  of  the 
Indian  nobles  to  Benalcazar,  the 
conqueror  of  Quito,  was  but  as  a 
kernel  of  corn,  compared  with  the 
heap  before  him.”  (Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  22.)  See  also  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  — Relacion 
del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


500 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


provinces  now  shook  off  their  allegiance  to  the  In- 
cas. Their  great  captains,  at  the  head  of  distant 
armies,  set  up  for  themselves.  Ruminavi,  a com- 
mander on  the  borders  of  Quito,  sought  to  detach 
that  kingdom  from  the  Peruvian  empire,  and  to  re- 
assert its  ancient  independence.  The  country,  in 
short,  was  in  that  state,  in  which  old  things  are  pass- 
ing away,  and  the  new  order  of  things  has  not  yet 
been  established.  It  was  in  a state  of  revolution. 

The  authors  of  the  revolution,  Pizarro  and  his  fol- 
lowers, remained  meanwhile  at  Caxamalca.  But  the 
first  step  of  the  Spanish  commander  was  to  name  a 
successor  to  Atahuallpa.  It  would  be  easier  to  gov- 
ern under  the  venerated  authority  to  which  the 
homage  of  the  Indians  had  been  so  long  paid ; and  it 
was  not  difficult  to  find  a successor.  The  true  heir 
to  the  crown  was  a second  son  of  Huayna  Capac, 
named  Manco,  a legitimate  brother  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Huascar.  But  Pizarro  had  too  little  knowl- 
edge of  the  dispositions  of  this  prince ; and  he 
made  no  scruple  to  prefer  a brother  of  Atahuallpa, 
and  to  present  him  to  the  Indian  nobles  as  their 
future  Inca.  We  know  nothing  of  the  character  of 
the  young  Toparca,  who  probably  resigned  himself 
without  reluctance  to  a destiny  which,  however  hu- 
miliating in  some  points  of  view,  was  more  exalted 
than  he  could  have  hoped  to  obtain  in  the  regular 
course  of  events.  The  ceremonies  attending  a Pe- 
ruvian coronation  were  observed,  as  well  as  time 
would  allow ; the  brows  of  the  young  Inca  were 
encircled  with  the  imperial  horla  by  the  hands  of 


Ch.  VIII  ] 


MARCH  TO  CUZCO. 


501 


his  conqueror,  and  he  received  the  homage  of  his 
Indian  vassals.  They  were  the  less  reluctant  to 
pay  it,  as  most  of  those  in  the  camp  belonged  to  the 
faction  of  Quito. 

All  thoughts  were  now  eagerly  turned  towards 
Cuzco,  of  which  the  most  glowing  accounts  were  cir- 
culated among  the  soldiers,  and  whose  temples  and 
royal  palaces  were  represented  as  blazing  with  gold 
and  silver.  With  imaginations  thus  excited,  Pizar- 
ro  and  his  entire  company,  amounting  to  almost  five 
hundred  men,  of  whom  nearly  a third,  probably, 
were  cavalry,  took  their  departure  early  in  Septem- 
ber from  Caxamalca,  — a place  ever  memorable  as 
the  theatre  of  some  of  the  most  strange  and  san- 
guinary scenes  recorded  in  history.  All  set  forward 
in  high  spirits,  — the  soldiers  of  Pizarro  from  the 
expectation  of  doubling  their  present  riches,  and 
Almagro’s  followers  from  the  prospect  of  sharing 
equally  in  the  spoil  with  “ the  first  conquerors.”^ 
The  young  Inca  and  the  old  chief  Challcuchima  ac- 
companied the  march  in  their  litters,  attended  by 
a numerous  retinue  of  vassals,  and  moving  in  as 
much  state  and  ceremony  as  if  in  the  possession  of 
real  power.'^ 

Their  course  lay  along  the  great  road  of  the 
Incas,  which  stretched  across  the  elevated  regions 

“1  The  “ first  conquerors,”  ac-  venturers.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  I, 
cording  to  Garcilasso,  were  held  in  lib.  7,  cap.  9. 
especial  honor  by  those  who  came  5 Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
after  them,  though  they  were,  on  Conq.,  MS.  — Naharro,  Relacion 
the  whole,  men  of  less  considera-  Sumaria,  MS.  — Ped.  Sancho, 
tion  and  fortune  than  the  later  ad-  Rel.,ap.Ramusio,tom.III.fol.400. 


502 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


of  the  Cordilleras,  all  the  way  to  Cuzco.  It  was 
of  nearly  a uniform  breadth,  though  constructed 
with  different  degrees  of  care,  according  to  the 
ground.®  Sometimes  it  crossed  smooth  and  level 
valleys,  which  offered  of  themselves  little  impedi- 
ment to  the  traveller ; at  other  times,  it  followed  the 
course  of  a mountain  stream  that  wound  round  the 
base  of  some  beetling  cliff,  leaving  small  space  for 
the  foothold ; at  others,  again,  where  the  sierra  was 
so  precipitous  that  it  seemed  to  preclude  all  further 
progress,  the  road,  accommodated  to  the  natural  sin- 
uosities of  the  ground,  wound  round  the  heights 
which  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  scale  di- 
rectly.’’ 

But  although  managed  with  great  address,  it  was 
a formidable  passage  for  the  cavalry.  The  moun- 
tain was  hewn  into  steps,  but  the  rocky  ledges  cut 
up  the  hoofs  of  the  horses;  and,  though  the  troopers 
dismounted  and  led  them  by  the  bridle,  they  suffered 
severely  in  their  efforts  to  keep  their  footing.®  The 
road  was  constructed  for  man  and  the  light-footed 
llama  ; and  the  only  heavy  beast  of  burden  at  all 
suited  to  it  was  the  sagacious  and  sure-footed  mule, 
with  which  the  Spanish  adventurers  were  not  then 
provided.  It  was  a singular  chance  that  Spain  was 
the  land  of  the  mule ; and  thus  the  country  was 
speedily  supplied  with  the  very  animal  which  seems 

6 “ Va  todo  el  camino  de  una  possible  poderlo  pasar.”  Ibid., 
traza  y anchura  hecho  a mano.”  MS. 

Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS.  ® Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramu- 
“ En  muchas  partes  viendo  lo  sio,  tom.  III.  fol.  404. 
que  esta  adelante,  parece  cosa  im- 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MARCH  TO  CUZCO. 


603 


to  have  been  created  for  the  difficult  passes  of  the 
Cordilleras. 

Another  obstacle,  often  occurring,  was  the  deep 
torrents  that  rushed  down  in  fury  from  the  Andes. 
They  were  traversed  by  the  hanging  bridges  of 
osier,  whose  frail  materials  were  after  a time  broken 
up  by  the  heavy  tread  of  the  cavalry,  and  the  holes 
made  in  them  added  materially  to  the  dangers  of 
the  passage.  On  such  occasions,  the  Spaniards 
contrived  to  work  their  way  across  the  rivers  on 
rafts,  swimming  their  horses  by  the  bridle.^ 

All  along  the  route  they  found  post-houses  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  royal  couriers,  estab- 
lished at  regular  intervals  ; and  magazines  of  grain 
and  other  commodities,  provided  in  the  principal 
towns  for  the  Indian  armies.  The  Spaniards  profit- 
ed by  the  prudent  forecast  of  the  Peruvian  govern- 
ment. 

Passing  through  several  hamlets  and  towns  of 
some  note,  the  principal  of  which  were  Guamachu- 
cho  and  Guanuco,  Pizarro,  after  a tedious  march, 
came  in  sight  of  the  rich  valley  of  Xauxa.  The 
march,  though  tedious,  had  been  attended  with  little 
suffering,  except  in  crossing  the  bristling  crests  of 
the  Cordilleras,  which  occasionally  obstructed  their 
path,  — a rough  setting  to  the  beautiful  valleys, 
that  lay  scattered  like  gems  along  this  elevated 
region.  In  the  mountain  passes  they  found  some 
inconvenience  from  the  cold ; since,  to  move  more 


9 Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


504 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


quickly,  they  had  disencumbered  themselves  of  all 
superfluous  baggage,  and  were  even  unprovided 
with  tents. The  bleak  winds  of  the  mountains 
penetrated  the  thick  harness  of  the  soldiers ; but 
the  poor  Indians,  more  scantily  clothed  and  accus- 
tomed to  a tropical  climate,  suffered  most  severely. 
The  Spaniard  seemed  to  have  a hardihood  of  body, 
as  of  soul,  that  rendered  him  almost  indifferent  to 
climate. 

On  the  march  they  had  not  been  molested  by 
enemies.  But  more  than  once  they  had  seen  ves- 
tiges of  them  in  smoking  hamlets  and  ruined 
bridges.  Reports,  from  time  to  time,  had  reached 
Pizarro  of  warriors  on  his  track  ; and  small  bodies 
of  Indians  were  occasionally  seen  like  dusky  clouds 
on  the  verge  of  the  horizon,  which  vanished  as  the 
Spaniards  approached.  On  reaching  Xauxa,  how- 
ever, these  clouds  gathered  into  one  dark  mass  of 
warriors,  which  formed  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river  that  flowed  through  the  valley. 

The  Spaniards  advanced  to  the  stream,  which, 
swollen  by  the  melting  of  the  snows,  was  now  of 
considerable  width,  though  not  deep.  The  bridge 
had  been  destroyed  ; but  the  Conquerors,  without 
hesitation,  dashing  boldly  in,  advanced,  swimming 
and  wading,  as  they  best  could,  to  the  opposite 
bank.  The  Indians,  disconcerted  by  this  decided 
movement,  as  they  had  relied  on  their  watery  de- 

10  “La  notte  dormirono  tutti  in  souuenimento  di  legne  ne  da  man- 
quella  campagna  senza  coperto  al-  glare.”  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
ouno,  sopra  la  neue,  ne  pur  hebber  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  401. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MARCH  TO  CUZCO. 


505 


fences,  took  to  flight,  after  letting  off  an  impotent 
volley  of  missiles.  Fear  gave  wings  to  the  fugi- 
tives ; but  the  horse  and  his  rider  were  swifter, 
and  the  victorious  pursuers  took  bloody  vengeance 
on  their  enemy  for  having  dared  even  to  meditate 
resistance. 

Xauxa  was  a considerable  town.  It  was  the 
place  already  noticed  as  having  been  visited  by 
Hernando  Pizarro.  It  was  seated  in  the  midst  of 
a verdant  valley,  fertilized  by  a thousand  little  rills, 
which  the  thrifty  Indian  husbandman  drew  from 
the  parent  river  that  rolled  sluggishly  through  the 
meadows.  There  were  several  capacious  buildings 
of  rough  stone  in  the  town,  and  a temple  of  some 
note  in  the  times  of  the  Incas.  But  the  strong  arm 
of  Father  Valverde  and  his  countrymen  soon  tum- 
bled the  heathen  deities  from  their  pride  of  place, 
and  established,  in  their  stead,  the  sacred  effigies 
of  the  Virgin  and  Child. 

Here  Pizarro  proposed  to  halt  for  some  days,  and 
to  found  a Spanish  colony.  It  was  a favorable 
position,  he  thought,  for  holding  the  Indian  moun- 
taineers in  check,  while,  at  the  same  time,  it  afford- 
ed an  easy  communication  with  the  sea-coast. 
Meanwhile  he  determined  to  send  forward  De  Soto, 
with  a detachment  of  sixty  horse,  to  reconnoitre 
the  country  in  advance,  and  to  restore  the  bridges 
where  demolished  by  the  enemy.” 

n Carta  de  la  Justicia  y Regi-  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  5, 
miento  de  la  Ciudad  de  Xauja,  MS.  lib.  4,  cap.  10.  — Relacion  del 
— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

MS.  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

VOL.  I.  64 


506 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  HI. 


That  active  cavalier  set  forward  at  once,  but 
found  considerable  impediments  to  his  progress. 
The  traces  of  an  enemy  became  more  frequent  as 
he  advanced.  The  villages  were  burnt,  the  bridges 
destroyed,  and  heavy  rocks  and  trees  strewed  in 
the  path  to  impede  the  march  of  the  cavalry.  As 
he  drew  near  to  Bilcas,  once  an  important  place, 
though  now  effaced  from  the  map,  he  had  a sharp 
encounter  with  the  natives,  in  a mountain  defile, 
which  cost  him  the  lives  of  two  or  three  troopers. 
The  loss  was  light ; but  any  loss  was  felt  by  the 
Spaniards,  so  little  accustomed,  as  they  had  been 
of  late,  to  resistance. 

Still  pressing  forward,  the  Spanish  captain  crossed 
the  river  Abancay,  and  the  broad  waters  of  the 
Apurimac ; and,  as  he  drew  near  the  sierra  of  Vilca- 
conga,  he  learned  that  a considerable  body  of  Ind- 
ians lay  in  wait  for  him  in  the  dangerous  passes  of 
the  mountains.  The  sierra  was  several  leagues 
from  Cuzco ; and  the  cavalier,  desirous  to  reach 
the  further  side  of  it  before  nightfall,  incautiously 
pushed  on  his  wearied  horses.  When  he  was  fair- 
ly entangled  in  its  rocky  defiles,  a multitude  of 
armed  warriors,  springing,  as  it  seemed,  from  every 
cavern  and  thicket  of  the  sierra,  filled  the  air  with 
their  war-cries,  and  rushed  down,  like  one  of  their 
own  mountain  torrents,  on  the  invaders,  as  they 
were  painfully  toiling  up  the  steeps.  Men  and 
horses  were  overturned  in  the  fury  of  the  assault, 
and  the  foremost  files,  rolling  back  on  those  be- 
low, spread  ruin  and  consternation  in  their  ranks. 


Ch.  VIII.]  ENCOUNTER  WITH  THE  NATIVES.  507 

De  Soto  in  vain  endeavoured  to  restore  order,  and, 
if  possible,  to  charge  the  assailants.  The  horses 
were  blinded  and  maddened  by  the  missiles,  while 
the  desperate  natives,  clinging  to  their  legs,  strove 
to  prevent  their  ascent  up  the  rocky  pathway. 
De  Soto  saw,  that,  unless  he  gained  a level  ground 
which  opened  at  some  distance  before  him,  all 
must  be  lost.  Cheering  on  his  men  with  the  old 
battle-cry,  that  always  went  to  the  heart  of  a 
Spaniard,  he  struck  his  spurs  deep  into  the  sides 
of  his  wearied  charger,  and,  gallantly  supported  by 
his  troop,  broke  through  the  dark  array  of  warriors, 
and,  shaking  them  olf  to  the  right  and  left,  at  length 
succeeded  in  placing  himself  on  the  broad  level. 

Here  both  parties  paused,  as  if  by  mutual  con- 
sent, for  a few  moments.  A little  stream  ran 
through  the  plain,  at  which  the  Spaniards  watered 
their  horses  ; and  the  animals,  having  recovered 
wind,  De  Soto  and  his  men  made  a desperate  charge 
on  their  assailants.  The  undaunted  Indians  sus- 
tained the  shock  with  firmness ; and  the  result  of 
the  combat  was  still  doubtful,  when  the  shades  of 
evening,  falling  thicker  around  them,  separated  the 
combatants. 

Both  parties  then  withdrew  from  the  field,  taking 
up  their  respective  stations  within  bow-shot  of  each 
other,  so  that  the  voices  of  the  warriors  on  either 
side  could  be  distinctly  heard  in  the  stillness  of 
the  night.  But  very  different  were  the  reflections 


12  Fed.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  405. 


508 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


of  the  two  hosts.  The  Indians,  exulting  in  their 
temporary  triumph,  looked  with  confidence  to  the 
morrow  to  complete  it.  The  Spaniards,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  proportionably  discouraged.  They 
were  not  prepared  for  this  spirit  of  resistance 
in  an  enemy  hitherto  so  tame.  Several  cavaliers 
had  fallen  ; one  of  them  by  a blow  from  a Peru- 
vian battle-axe,  which  clove  his  head  to  the  chin, 
attesting  the  power  of  the  weapon,  and  of  the  arm 
that  used  it.'^  Several  horses,  too,  had  been  killed  ; 
and  the  loss  of  these  was  almost  as  severely  felt 
as  that  of  their  riders,  considering  the  great  cost 
and  difficulty  of  transporting  them  to  these  distant 
regions.  Few  either  of  the  men  or  horses  escaped 
without  wounds,  and  the  Indian  allies  suffered  still 
more  severely. 

It  seemed  probable,  from  the  pertinacity  and  a 
certain  order  maintained  in  the  assault,  that  it  was 
directed  by  some  leader  of  military  experience ; 
perhaps  the  Indian  commander  Quizquiz,  who  was 
said  to  be  hanging  round  the  environs  of  Cuzco 
with  a considerable  force. 

Notwithstanding  the  reasonable  cause  of  appre- 
hension for  the  morrow,  De  Soto,  like  a stout-hearted 
cavalier,  as  he  was,  strove  to  keep  up  the  spirits 
of  his  followers.  If  they  had  beaten  off  the  ene- 
my when  their  horses  were  jaded,  and  their  own 
strength  nearly  exhausted,  how  much  easier  it  would 
be  to  come  off  victorious  when  both  were  restored 


13  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  VIII.]  ENCOUNTER  WITH  THE  NATIVES. 


509 


by  a night’s  rest ; and  he  told  them  to  “ trust  in  the 
Almighty,  who  would  never  desert  his  faithful  fol- 
low'ers  in  their  extremity.”  The  event  justified 
De  Soto’s  confidence  in  this  seasonable  succour. 

From  time  to  time,  on  his  march,  he  had  sent  ad- 
vices to  PizaiTO  of  the  menacing  state  of  the  coun- 
try, till  his  commander,  becoming  seriously  alarmed, 
was  apprehensive  that  the  cavalier  might  be  over- 
powered by  the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy. 
He  accordingly  detached  Almagro,  wdth  nearly  all 
the  remaining  horse,  to  his  support,  — unencum- 
bered by  infantry,  that  he  might  move  the  lighter. 
That  efficient  leader  advanced  by  forced  marches, 
stimulated  by  the  tidings  which  met  him  on  the 
road ; and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  reach  the  foot  of 
the  sierra  of  Vilcaconga  the  very  night  of  the  en- 
gagement. 

There  hearing  of  the  encounter,  he  pushed  for- 
ward without  halting,  though  his  horses  were  spent 
wdth  travel.  The  night  was  exceedingly  dark, 
and  Almagro,  afraid  of  stumbling  on  the  enemy’s 
bivouac,  and  desirous  to  give  De  Soto  information  of 
his  approach,  commanded  his  trumpets  to  sound, 
till  the  notes,  winding  through  the  defiles  of  the 
mountains,  broke  the  slumbers  of  his  countrymen, 
sounding  like  blithest  music  in  their  ears.  They 
quickly  replied  with  their  own  bugles,  and  soon  had 
the  satisfaction  to  embrace  their  deliverers.''^ 

Great  was  the  dismay  of  the  Peruvian  host,  when 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  5,  lib.  5,  cap.  3. 


510 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


the  morning  light  discovered  the  fresh  reinforcement 
of  the  ranks  of  the  Spaniards.  There  was  no  use 
in  contending  with  an  enemy  who  gathered  strength 
from  the  conflict,  and  who  seemed  to  multiply  his 
numbers  at  will.  Without  further  attempt  to  renew 
the  fight,  they  availed  themselves  of  a thick  fog, 
which  hung  over  the  lower  slopes  of  the  hills,  to 
effect  their  retreat,  and  left  the  passes  open  to  the 
invaders.  The  two  cavaliers  then  continued  their 
march  until  they  extricated  their  forces  from  the 
sierra,  when,  taking  up  a secure  position,  they  pro- 
posed to  await  there  the  arrival  of  Pizarro.^® 

The  commander-in-chief,  meanwhile,  lay  at  Xau- 
xa,  where  he  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the  rumors 
which  reached  him  of  the  state  of  the  country.  His 
enterprise,  thus  far,  had  gone  forward  so  smoothly, 
that  he  was  no  better  prepared  than  his  lieutenant 
to  meet  with  resistance  from  the  natives.  He  did 
not  seem  to  comprehend  that  the  mildest  nature 
might  at  last  be  roused  by  oppression  ; and  that  the 
massacre  of  their  Inca,  whom  they  regarded  with 
such  awful  veneration,  would  be  likely,  if  any  thing 
could  do  it,  to  wake  them  from  their  apathy. 

The  tidings  which  he  now  received  of  the  retreat 
of  the  Peruvians  were  most  welcome  ; and  he  caused 
mass  to  be  said,  and  thanksgivings  to  be  offered  up 

15  The  account  of  De  Soto’s  MS.,  — Relacion  del  Primer.  Des- 
affair  with  the  natives  is  given  in  cub.,  MS.,  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Des- 
more  or  less  detail,  by  Ped.  San-  cub.  y Conq.,  MS., -^parties  all 
cho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  present  in  the  army, 
fol.  405,  — Conq.  i Pob.  del  Pirn, 


Ch.  VIII.] 


CHALLCUCHIMA  BURNT. 


611 


to  Heaven,  “ tvhich  had  shown  itself  thus  favorable 
to  the  Christians  throughout  this  mighty  enterprise.” 
The  Spaniard  was  ever  a Crusader.  He  was,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  what  Cceur  de  Lion  and  his  brave 
knights  were  in  the  twelfth,  with  this  difference ; 
the  cavalier  of  that  day  fought  for  the  Cross  and 
for  glory,  while  gold  and  the  Cross  were  the  watch- 
words of  the  Spaniard.  The  spirit  of  chivalry  had 
waned  somewhat  before  the  spirit  of  trade  ; but  the 
fire  of  religious  enthusiasm  still  burned  as  bright 
under  the  quilted  mail  of  the  American  Conqueror, 
as  it  did  of  yore  under  the  iron  panoply  of  the  sol- 
dier of  Palestine. 

It  seemed  probable  that  some  man  of  authority 
had  organized,  or  at  least  countenanced,  this  resist- 
ance of  the  natives,  and  suspicion  fell  on  the  captive 
chief  Challcuchima,  who  was  accused  of  maintaining 
a secret  correspondence  with  his  confederate.  Quiz- 
quiz.  Pizarro  waited  on  tlie  Indian  noble,  and, 
charging  him  with  the  conspiracy,  reproached  him, 
as  he  had  formerly  done  his  royal  master,  with  in- 
gratitude towards  the  Spaniards,  who  had  dealt  with 
him  so  liberally.  He  concluded  by  the  assurance, 
tliat,  if  he  did  not  cause  the  Peruvians  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  tender  their  submission  at  once,  he 
should  be  burnt  alive,  so  soon  as  they  reached  Al- 
magro’s  quarters.^® 

The  Indian  chief  listened  to  the  terrible  menace 
with  the  utmost  composure.  He  denied  having  had 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  406, 


512 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


any  communication  Avith  his  countrymen,  and  said, 
that,  in  his  present  state  of  confinement,  at  least,  he 
could  have  no  power  to  bring  them  to  submission. 
He  then  remained  doggedly  silent,  and  Pizarro  did 
not  press  the  matter  further.’’’  But  he  placed  a 
strong  guard  over  his  prisoner,  and  caused  him  to  be 
put  in  irons.  It  was  an  ominous  proceeding,  and 
had  been  the  precursor  of  the  death  of  Atahuallpa. 

Before  quitting  Xauxa,  a misfortune  befell  the 
Spaniards  in  the  death  of  their  creature,  the  young 
Inca  Toparca.  Suspicion,  of  course,  fell  on  Chall- 
cuchima,  now  selected  as  the  scape-goat  for  all 
the  offences  of  his  nation.’®  It  was  a disappoint- 
ment to  Pizarro,  who  hoped  to  find  a convenient 
shelter  for  his  future  proceedings  under  this  shadow 
of  royalty.’® 

The  general  considered  it  most  prudent  not  to 
hazard  the  loss  of  his  treasures  by  taking  them  on 
the  march,  and  he  accordingly  left  them  at  Xauxa, 
under  a guard  of  forty  soldiers,  who  remained  there 


U Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

18  It  seems,  from  the  language 
of  the  letter  addressed  to  the  Em- 
peror by  the  municipality  of  Xauxa, 
that  the  troops  themselves  were  far 
from  being  convinced  of  Challcu- 
chima’s  guilt.  “ Publico  fue,  aun- 
que  dello  no  ubo  averiguacion  in 
certenidad,  que  el  capitan  Chalico- 
niman  le  abia  dado  ierbas  o a beber 
con  que  murio.”  Carta  de  la  Just, 
y Reg.  de  Xauja,  MS. 

18  According  to  Velasco,  Topar- 
ca, whom,  however,  he  calls  by 


another  name,  tore  off  the  diadem 
bestowed  on  him  by  Pizarro,  with 
disdain,  and  died  in  a few  weeks 
of  chagrin.  (Hist,  de  Quito,  tom. 
I.  p.  377.)  Tliis  writer,  a Jesuit 
of  Quito,  seems  to  feel  himself 
bound  to  make  out  as  good  a case 
for  Atahuallpa  and  his  family,  as 
if  he  had  been  expressly  retained 
in  their  behalf.  His  vouchers  — 
when  he  condescends  to  give  any 
— too  rarely  bear  him  out  in  his 
statements  to  inspire  us  with  much 
confidence  in  his  correctness. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


CHALLCUCHIMA  BURNT. 


513 


in  garrison.  No  event  of  importance  occurred  on 
tire  road,  and  Pizarro,  having  effected  a junction 
with  Ahnagro,  their  united  forces  soon  entered  the 
vale  of  Xaquixaguana,  about  five  leagues  from  Cuz- 
co. This  was  one  of  those  bright  spots,  so  often 
found  embosomed  amidst  the  Andes,  the  more  beau- 
tiful from  contrast  with  the  savage  character  of  the 
scenery  around  it.  A river  flowed  through  the 
valley,  affording  the  means  of  irrigating  the  soil, 
and  clothing  it  in  perpetual  verdure ; and  the  rich 
and  flowering  vegetation  spread  out  like  a cultivated 
garden.  The  beauty  of  the  place  and  its  delicious 
coolness  commended  it  as  a residence  for  the  Pe- 
ruvian nobles,  and  the  sides  of  the  hills  were  dot- 
ted with  their  villas,  which  afforded  them  a grate- 
ful retreat  in  the  heats  of  summer.^  Yet  the  cen- 
tre of  the  valley  was  disfigured  by  a quagmire  of 
some  extent,  occasioned  by  the  frequent  overflow- 
ing of  the  waters ; but  the  industry  of  the  Indian 
architects  had  constructed  a solid  causeway,  faced 
with  heavy  stone,  and  connected  with  the  great 
road,  which  traversed  the  whole  breadth  of  the 
morass.^* 

In  this  valley  Pizarro  halted  for  several  days, 
while  he  refreshed  his  troops  from  the  well-stored 
magazines  of  the  Incas.  His  first  act  was  to  bring 
Challcuchima  to  trial ; if  trial  that  could  be  called, 
where  sentence  may  be  said  to  have  gone  hand 


20  “ Auia  en  este  valle  muy  tomar  sus  plazeres  y solazes.” 
sumptuosos  aposentos  y ricos  adon-  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91. 
de  los  sefiores  del  Cuzco  salian  a Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

VOL.  I.  65 


514 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


in  hand  with  accusation.  Wc  are  not  informed 
of  the  nature  of  the  evidence.  It  was  sufficient 
to  satisfy  the  Spanish  captains  of  the  chieftain’s 
guilt.  Nor  is  it  at  all  incredible  that  Challcuchi- 
ina  should  have  secretly  encouraged  a movement 
among  the  people,  designed  to  secure  his  country’s 
freedom  and  his  own.  He  was  condemned  to  be 
burnt  alive  on  the  spot.  “ Some  thought  it  a hard 
measure,”  says  Herrera  ; “ but  those  who  are  gov- 
erned by  reasons  of  state  policy  are  apt  to  shut 
their  eyes  against  every  thing  else.”  Why  this 
cruel  mode  of  execution  was  so  often  adopted  by 
the  Spanish  Conquerors  is  not  obvious  ; unless  it 
was  that  the  Indian  was  an  infidel,  and  fire,  from 
ancient  date,  seems  to  have  been  considered  the  fit- 
ting doom  of  the  infidel,  as  the  type  of  that  inex- 
tinguishable flame  which  awaited  him  in  the  regions 
of  the  damned. 

Father  Valverde  accompanied  the  Peruvian  chief- 
tain to  the  stake.  He  seems  always  to  have  been 
present  at  this  dreary  moment,  anxious  to  profit  by 
it,  if  possible,  to  work  the  conversion  of  the  victim. 
He  painted  in  gloomy  colors  the  dreadful  doom  of 
the  unbeliever,  to  whom  the  waters  of  baptism  could 
alone  secure  the  ineffable  glories  of  paradise.^^  It 
does  not  appear  that  he  promised  any  commutation 
of  punishment  in  this  world.  But  his  arguments 
fell  on  a stony  heart,  and  the  chief  coldly  replied, 
he  “ did  not  understand  the  religion  of  the  white 

22  Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  23  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra- 
mp. 3.  Ttnisio.  tom.  IH.  fol.  406. 


Ch.  vm.] 


CPIALLCUCHIMA  BURNT. 


515 


men.”  ^ He  might  be  pardoned  for  not  compre- 
hending the  beauty  of  a faith  PA'hich,  as  it  would 
seem,  had  borne  so  Intter  fruits  to  him.  In  the  midst 
of  his  tortures,  he  showed  the  characteristic  courage 
of  the  American  Indian,  whose  power  of  endurance 
triumphs  over  the  power  of  persecution  in  his  ene- 
mies, and  he  died  with  his  last  breath  invoking  the 
name  of  Pachacamac.  His  own  followers  brought 
the  fagots  to  feed  the  flames  that  consumed  him.^ 
Soon  after  this  tragic  event,  Pizarro  was  surprised 
by  a visit  from  a Peruvian  noble,  who  came  in  great 
state,  attended  by  a numerous  and  showy  retinue. 
It  was  the  young  prince  Manco,  brother  of  the  un- 
fortunate Huascar,  and  the  rightful  successor  to  the 
crown.  Being  brought  before  the  Spanish  com- 
mander, he  announced  his  pretensions  to  the  throne, 
and  claimed  the  protection  of  the  strangers.  It  is 
said  he  had  meditated  resisting  them  by  arms,  and 
had  encouraged  the  assaults  made  on  them  on  their 
march  ; but,  finding  resistance  ineffectual,  he  had 
taken  this  politic  course,  greatly  to  the  displeasure 
of  his  more  resolute  nobles.  However  this  may  be, 
Pizarro  listened  to  his  application  with  singular  con- 
tentment, for  he  saw  in  this  new  scion  of  the  true 
royal  stock,  a more  effectual  instrument  for  his 
])urposes  than  he  could  have  found  in  the  family  of 
Quito,  with  whom  the  Peruvians  had  but  little  sym- 

Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  so  much  damaged  in  this  part  of  it, 

25  Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  — Pedro  Pi-  that  much  of  his  account  is  entirely 
zarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  effaced. 

The  MS.  of  the  old  Conqueror  is 


516 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III 


path}'.  He  received  the  young  man,  therefore,  with 
great  cordiality,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  assure  him 
that  he  had  been  sent  into  the  country  by  his  mas- 
ter, the  Castilian  sovereign,  in  order  to  vindicate  the 
claims  of  Huascar  to  the  crown,  and  to  punish  the 
usurpation  of  his  rival.^® 

Taking  with  him  the  Indian  prince,  Pizarro  now 
resumed  his  march.  It  was  interrupted  for  a few 
hours  by  a party  of  the  natives,  who  lay  in  wait  for 
him  in  the  neighbouring  sierra.  A sharp  skirmish 
ensued,  in  which  the  Indians  behaved  with  great 
spirit,  and  inflicted  some  little  injury  on  the  Span- 
iards ; but  the  latter,  at  length,  shaking  them  off, 
made  good  their  passage  through  the  defile,  and  the 
enemy  did  not  care  to  follow  them  into  the  open 
country. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  wfiien  the  Conquerors 
came  in  sight  of  Cuzco.^^  The  descending  sun 
was  streaming  his  broad  rays  full  on  the  imperial 
city,  wdiere  many  an  altar  w as  dedicated  to  his  w^or- 
ship.  The  low  ranges  of  buildings,  showfing  in  his 
beams  like  so  many  lines  of  silvery  light,  filled  up 
the  bosom  of  the  valley  and  the  low^er  slopes  of  the 
mountains,  whose  shadowy  forms  hung  darkly  over 
the  fair  city,  as  if  to  shield  it  from  the  menaced 
profanation.  It  was  so  late,  that  Pizarro  resolved 
to  defer  his  entrance  till  the  following  morning. 

V. 

26  Fed.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra-  Sol  se  pusiese,  llegaron  a vista  de 
miisio,  tom.  III.  fol.  406. — Pedro  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco.”  Relacion 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS.  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 

2"  “ Y dos  boras  antes  que  el 


Ch.  VIII.] 


ARRIVAL  IN  CUZCO. 


517 


That  night  vigilant  guard  was  kept  in  the  camp, 
and  the  soldiers  slept  on  their  arms.  But  it  passed 
awaj  without  annoyance  from  the  enemy,  and  early 
on  the  following  day,  November  15,  1533,  Pizarro 
prepared  for  his  entrance  into  the  Peruvian  cap- 
ital.2^ 

The  little  army  was  formed  into  three  divisions, 
of  which  the  centre,  or  “ battle,”  as  it  was  called, 
was  led  by  the  general.  The  suburbs  were  thronged 
with  a countless  multitude  of  the  natives,  who  had 
flocked  from  the  city  and  the  surrounding  country  to 
witness  the  showy,  and,  to  them,  startling  pageant. 
All  looked  with  eager  curiosity  on  the  strangers,  the 
fame  of  whose  terrible  exploits  had  spread  to  the 
remotest  parts  of  the  empire.  They  gazed  with 
astonishment  on  their  dazzling  arms  and  fair  com- 
plexions, which  seemed  to  proclaim  them  the  true 
Children  of  the  Sun  ; and  they  listened  with  feel- 
ings of  mysterious  dread,  as  the  trumpet  sent  forth 
its  prolonged  notes  through  the  streets  of  the  cap- 
ital, and  the  solid  ground  shook  under  the  heavy 
tramp  of  the  cavalry. 

The  Spanish  commander  rode  directly  up  the 
great  square.  It  was  surrounded  l)y  low  piles  of 
buildings,  among  which  were  several  palaces  of  the 
Incas.  One  of  these,  erected  by  Huayna  Capac, 
was  surmounted  by  a tower,  while  the  ground-floor 
was  occupied  by  one  or  more  immense  halls,  like 

28  The  clironicles  differ  as  to  cho’s  narrative  and  the  Letter  of 
the  precise  date.  There  can  be  no  the  Magistrates  of  Xauxa,  which  I 
better  authorities  than  Pedro  San-  have  followed  in  the  text. 


518 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


those  described  in  Caxamalca,  where  the  Peruvian 
nobles  held  their  fetes  in  stormy  weather.  These 
buildings  afforded  convenient  barracks  for  the  troops, 
though,  during  the  first  few  weeks,  they  remained 
under  their  tents  in  the  open  plaza,  with  their  horses 
picketed  by  their  side,  ready  to  repulse  any  insur- 
rection of  the  inhabitants.^^ 

The  capital  of  the  Incas,  though  falling  short  of 
the  El  Dorado  which  had  engaged  their  credulous 
fancies,  astonished  the  Spaniards  by  the  beauty  of 
its  edifices,  the  length  and  regularity  of  its  streets, 
and  the  good  order  and  appearance  of  comfort,  even 
luxury,  visible  in  its  numerous  population.  It  far 
surpassed  all  they  had  yet  seen  in  the  New  World. 
The  population  of  the  city  is  computed  by  one  of 
the  Conquerors  at  two  hundred  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  that  of  the  suburbs  at  as  many  more.^ 
This  account  is  not  confirmed,  as  far  as  I have 


29  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra- 
musio,  tom.  III.  fol.  407.  — Gar- 
cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib. 
7,  cap.  10.  — Relacion  del  Primer. 
Descub.,  MS. 

90  “ Esta  ciudad  era  muy  grande 
i mui  populosa  de  gp-andes  edificios 
i comarcas,  quando  los  Espaiioles 
entraron  la  primera  vez  en  ella 
havia  gran  cantidad  de  gente,  seria 
pueblo  de  mas  de  40  mill,  vecinos 
solamente  lo  que  tomaba  la  ciudad, 
que  arravalles  i comarca  en  deredor 
del  Cuzco  a 10  6 12  leguas  creo  yo 
que  havia  docientos  mill.  Indios 
porque  esto  era  lo  mas  poblado  de 
todos  estos  reinos.”  (Conq.  i 


Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.)  Tlxe  vecino 
or  “ householder  ” is  computed, 
usually,  as  representing  five  indi- 
viduals. — Yet  Father  Valverde, 
in  a letter  written  a few  years  after 
this,  speaks  of  the  city  as  having 
only  three  or  four  thousand  houses 
at  the  time  of  its  occupation,  and 
the  suburbs  as  having  nineteen  or 
twenty  thousand.  (Carta  al  Em- 
perador,  MS.,  20  de  Marzo,  1539.) 
It  is  possible  that  he  took  into  the 
account  only  the  better  kind  of 
houses,  not  considering  the  mud 
huts,  or  rather  hovels,  which  made 
so  large  a part  of  a Peruvian  town, 
as  deserving  notice. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  CITY. 


519 


seen,  by  any  other  writer.  But  however  it  may  be 
exaggerated,  it  is  certain  that  Cuzco  was  the  me- 
tropolis of  a great  empire,  the  residence  of  the 
Court  and  the  chief  nobility ; frequented  by  the 
most  skilful  mechanics  and  artisans  of  every  de- 
scription, who  found  a demand  for  their  ingenuity 
in  the  royal  precincts ; while  the  place  was  garri- 
soned by  a numerous  soldiery,  and  was  the  resort, 
finally,  of  emigrants  from  the  most  distant  provinces. 
The  quarters  whence  this  motley  population  came 
were  indicated  by  their  peculiar  dress,  and  especial- 
ly their  head-gear,  so  rarely  found  at  all  on  the 
American  Indian,  which,  with  its  variegated  col- 
ors, gave  a picturesque  effect  to  the  groups  and 
masses  in  the  streets.  The  habitual  order  and 
decorum  maintained  in  this  multifarious  assembly 
showed  the  excellent  police  of  the  capital,  where 
the  only  sounds  that  disturbed  the  repose  of  the 
Spaniards  were  the  noises  of  feasting  and  dancing, 
which  the  natives,  with  happy  insensibility,  con- 
stantly prolonged  to  a late  hour  of  the  night.^‘ 

The  edifices  of  the  better  sort  — and  they  were 
very  numerous  — were  of  stone,  or  faced  with 
stone.^^  Among  the  principal  were  the  royal  resi- 
dences ; as  each  sovereign  built  a new  palace  for 

31  “ Heran  tantos  los  atarabores  32  « maggior  parte  di  queste 
que  de  noche  se  oian  por  todas  case  sono  di  pietra,  et  I’altre  hano 
partes  bailando  y cantando  y be-  la  meta  della  facciata  di  pietra.” 
viendo  que  toda  la  mayor  parte  de  Fed.  Sancho,  Eel.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
la  noche  se  les  pasava  en  esto  tom.  III.  fol.  413. 
cotidianamente.”  Pedro  Pizarro, 

Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


520 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


himself,  covering,  though  low,  a large  extent  of 
ground.  The  walls  were  sometimes  stained  or 
jiainted  with  gaudy  tints,  and  the  gates,  we  are 
assured,  were  sometimes  of  colored  marble.^^  “ In 
the  delicacy  of  the  stone-work,”  says  another  of  the 
Conquerors,  “ the  natives  far  excelled  the  Span- 
iards, though  the  roofs  of  their  dwellings,  instead 
of  tiles,  were  only  of  thatch,  but  put  together  with 
the  nicest  art.”  ^ The  sunny  climate  of  Cuzco  did 
not  require  a very  substantial  material  for  defence 
against  the  weather. 

The  most  important  building  was  the  fortress, 
planted  on  a solid  rock,  that  rose  boldly  above  the 
city.  It  was  built  of  hewn  stone,  so  finely  wrought 
that  it  was  impossible  to  detect  the  line  of  junction 
between  the  blocks  ; and  the  approaches  to  it 
were  defended  by  three  semicircular  parapets,  com- 
posed of  such  heavy  masses  of  rock,  that  it  bore 
resemblance  to  the  kind  of  work  known  to  archi- 
tects as  the  Cyclopean.  The  fortress  was  raised 
to  a height  rare  in  Peruvian  architecture  ; and  from 


33  “ Che  sono  le  principali  della 
cittk  dipinte  et  lauorate,  et  di 
pietra : et  la  miglior  d’esse  e la 
oasa  di  Guainacaba  Cacique  vec- 
chio,  et  la  porta  d’essa  e di  marmo 
bianco  et  rosso,  et  d’altri  colori.” 
(Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  The  buildings 
were  usually  of  freestone.  There 
may  have  been  porphyry  from  the 
neighbouring  mountains  mixed  with 
this,  which  the  Spaniards  mistook 
for  marble. 


34  “ Todo  labrado  de  piedra  muy 
prima,  que  cierto  toda  la  canteria 
desta  cibdad  hace  gran  ventaja  a 
la  de  Espaiia,  aunque  carecen  de 
teja  que  todas  las  casas  sino  es  la 
fortaleza,  que  era  hecha  de  azoteas 
son  cubiertas  de  paja,  aunque  tan 
primamente  puesta,  que  parece 
bien.”  Relacion  del  Primer.  Des- 
cub.,  MS. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  CITY. 


521 


the  summit  of  the  tower  the  eye  of  the  spectator 
ranged  over  a magnificent  prospect,  in  which  the 
wild  features  of  the  mountain  scenery,  rocks,  woods, 
and  waterfalls,  were  mingled  with  the  rich  verdure 
of  the  valley,  and  the  shining  city  filling  up  the 
foreground,  — all  blended  in  sweet  harmony  under 
the  deep  azure  of  a tropical  sky. 

The  streets  were  long  and  narrow.  They  were 
arranged  with  perfect  regularity,  crossing  one  anoth- 
er at  right  angles;  and  from  the  great  square  di- 
verged four  principal  streets  connecting  with  the 
high  roads  of  the  empire.  The  square  itself,  and 
many  parts  of  the  city,  were  paved  with  a fine 
pebble.^®  Through  the  heart  of  the  capital  ran  a 
river  of  pure  water,  if  it  might  not  be  rather  termed 
a canal,  the  banks  or  sides  of  which,  for  the  dis- 
tance of  twenty  leagues,  were  faced  with  stone.^® 


35  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra- 
musio,  tom.  III.,ubi  supra. 

A passage  in  the  Letter  of  the 
Municipality  of  Xauxa  is  worth 
quoting,  as  confirming  on  the  best 
authority  some  of  the  interesting 
particulars  mentioned  in  the  text. 
“ Esta  cibdad  es  la  mejor  e maior 
(jue  en  la  tierra  se  ha  visto,  i aun 
en  Yndias  ; e decimos  a V.  M.  ques 
tan  hermosa  i de  tan  buenos  edefi- 
cios  que  en  Espana  seria  muy  de 
ver ; tiene  las  calles  por  mucho  con- 
cierto  en  pedradas  i por  medio  dellas 
iin  cano  enlosado.  la  plaza  es  hecha 
en  cuadra  i empedrada  de  quijas 
pequefias  todas,  todas  las  mas  de  las 
c.asas  son  de  Seiiores  Principales  he- 
VOL.  I.  66 


chas  de  canteria.  esta  en  una  ladera 
de  un  zerro  en  el  cual  sobre  el  pueblo 
esta  una  fortaleza  mui  bien  obrada 
de  canteria,  tan  de  ver  que  por 
Espailoles  que  han  andado  Reinos 
estraiios  dicen  no  haver  visto  otro 
edeficio  igual  al  della.”  Carta  de 
la  Just,  y Reg.  de  Xauja,  MS. 

36  “ Un  rio,  el  cual  baja  por 
medio  de  la  cibdad  y desde  que 
nace,  mas  de  veinte  leguas  por 
aquel  valle  abajo  donde  hay  muchas 
poblaciones,  va  enlosado  todo  por 
el  suelo,  y las  varrancas  de  una 
parte  y de  otra  hechas  de  canteria 
labrada,  cosa  nunca  vista,  ni  oida.” 
Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


522 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Across  this  stream,  bridges,  constructed  of  similar 
broad  flags,  were  thrown,  at  intervals,  so  as  to 
aflbrd  an  easy  communication  between  the  different 
quarters  of  the  capital.^^ 

The  most  sumptuous  edifice  in  Cuzco,  in  the 
times  of  the  Incas,  was  undoubtedly  the  great  tem- 
ple dedicated  to  the  Sun,  which,  studded  with  gold 
plates,  as  already  noticed,  was  surrounded  by  con- 
vents and  dormitories  for  the  priests,  with  their  gar- 
dens and  broad  parterres  sparkling  with  gold.  The 
exterior  ornaments  had  been  already  removed  by  the 
Conquerors,  — all  but  the  frieze  of  gold,  which,  im- 
bedded in  the  stones,  still  encircled  the  principal 
building.  It  is  probable  that  the  tales  of  wealth,  so 
greedily  circulated  among  the  Spaniards,  greatly  ex- 
ceeded the  truth.  If  they  did  not,  the  natives  must 
have  been  very  successful  in  concealing  their  treas- 
ures from  the  invaders.  Yet  much  still  remained, 
not  only  in  the  great  House  of  the  Sun,  but  in  the 
inferior  temples  which  swarmed  in  the  capital. 

Pizarro,  on  entering  Cuzco,  had  issued  an  order 
forbidding  any  soldier  to  offer  violence  to  the  dwell- 
ings of  the  inhabitants.^  But  the  palaces  were 
numerous,  and  the  troops  lost  no  time  in  plundering 
them  of  their  contents,  as  well  as  in  despoiling  the 


37  The  reader  will  find  a few  unavoidable  in  order  to  give  a dis- 
repetitions  in  this  chapter  of  what  tinct  image  of  the  capital. 

I have  already  said,  in  the  Intro-  38  “ Pues  mando  el  marquez  dar 
duction,  of  Cuzco  under  the  Incas,  vn  pregon  que  ningun  espanol  fuese 
But  the  facts  here  stated  are  for  a entrar  en  las  casas  de  los  natu- 
the  most  part  drawn  from  other  rales  6 tomaUes  nada.”  Pedro 
sources,  and  some  repetition  was  Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


TREASURE  FOUND  THERE. 


523 


religious  edifices.  The  interior  decorations  supplied 
them  with  considerable  booty.  They  stripped  off 
the  jewels  and  rich  ornaments  that  garnished  the 
royal  mummies  in  the  temple  of  Coricancha.  In- 
dignant at  the  concealment  of  their  treasures, 
they  put  the  inhabitants,  in  some  instances,  to  the 
torture,  and  endeavoured  to  extort  from  them  a con- 
fession of  their  hiding-places.^®  They  invaded  the 
repose  of  the  sepulchres,  in  which  the  Peruvians 
often  deposited  their  valuable  effects,  and  compelled 
the  grave  to  give  up  its  dead.  No  place  was  left 
unexplored  by  the  rapacious  Conquerors,  and  they 
occasionally  stumbled  on  a mine  of  wealth  that  re- 
warded their  labors. 

In  a cavern  near  the  city  they  found  a number  of 
vases  of  pure  gold,  richly  embossed  with  the  figures 
of  serpents,  locusts,  and  other  animals.  Among  the 
spoil  were  four  golden  llamas  and  ten  or  twelve  stat- 
ues of  women,  some  of  gold,  others  of  silver,  “ which 
merely  to  see,”  says  one  of  the  Conquerors,  with 
some  naivete,  “ was  truly  a great  satisfaction.” 
The  gold  was  probably  thin,  for  the  figures  were  all 
as  large  as  life  ; and  several  of  them,  being  reserved 
for  the  royal  fifth,  were  not  recast,  but  sent  in  their 
original  form  to  Spain.^®  The  magazines  were 

39  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  belle  et  ben  fatte  come  se  fossero 

cap.  123.  vine Queste  fnrono  date 

40  “ Et  fra  I’altre  cose  singolari,  nel  quinto  che  toccaua  a S.  M.” 
era  veder  quattro  castrati  di  fin  oro  (Fed.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
molto  grandi,  et  10  6 12  statue  di  tom.  IH.  fol.  409.)  “ IMuchasesta- 
done,  della  grandezza  delle  done  di  tuas  y figuras  de  oro  y plata  ente- 
quel  paese  tutte  d'oro  fino,  cosi  ras,  hecha  la  forma  toda  de  una 


524 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Stored  with  curious  commodities ; richly  tinted  robes 
of  cotton  and  feather-work,  gold  sandals,  and  slip- 
pers of  the  same  material,  for  the  women,  and 
dresses  composed  entirely  of  beads  of  gold.^^  The 
grain  and  other  articles  of  food,  with  which  the 
magazines  were  filled,  w'ere  held  in  contempt  by  the 
CoiKjuerors,  intent  only  on  gratifying  their  lust  for 
gold.'^  The  time  came  when  the  grain  would  have 
been  of  far  more  value. 

Yet  the  amount  of  treasure  in  the  capital  did  not 
equal  the  sanguine  expectations  that  had  been 
formed  by  the  Spaniards.  But  the  deficiency  was 
supplied  by  the  plunder  which  they  had  collected  at 
various  places  on  their  march.  In  one  place,  for 
example,  they  met  with  ten  planks  or  bars  of  solid 
silver,  each  piece  being  twenty  feet  in  length,  one 
foot  in  breadth,  and  two  or  three  inches  thick, 
'riiey  w'ere  intended  to  decorate  the  dwelling  of  an 
Inca  noble.^^ 

The  whole  mass  of  treasure  was  brought  into  a 


Tnuger,  y del  tamailo  della,  muy 
bien  labradas.”  Relacion  del  Pri- 
mer. Descub.,  MS. 

41  “ Avia  ansi  mismo  otras  mu- 
cdias  plumas  de  dif'erentes  colores 
para  este  efecto  de  hacer  rropas 
que  vestian  los  seiiores  y sedoras 
y no  otro  en  los  tiempos  de  sus 
fiestas ; avia  tambien  mantas  hechas 
de  chaquira,  de  oro,  y de  plata,  que 
beran  vnas  quentecitas  muy  delica- 
das,  que  parecia  cosa  de  espanto 
ver  su  hechura.”  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


42  Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

43  “ Pues  andando  yo  buscando 
mahiz  6 otras  cosas  para  comer, 
acaso  entre  en  vn  buhio  donde 
halle  estos  tablones  de  plata  que 
tengo  dicho  que  beran  liasta  diez 
y de  largo  tenian  veinte  pies  y de 
anchor  de  vno  y de  gordor  de  tres 
dedos,  di  noticia  dello  al  marquez 
y el  y todos  los  demas  que  con  el 
estavan  entraron  avello.”  Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 


Cii.  VIII.] 


TREASURE  FOUND  THERE. 


525 


common  heap,  as  in  Caxamalca ; and  after  some 
of  the  finer  specimens  had  been  deducted  for  the 
Crown,  the  remainder  was  delivered  to  the  Indian 
goldsmiths  to  be  melted  down  into  ingots  of  a uni- 
form standard.  The  division  of  the  spoil  was  made 
on  the  same  prineiple  as  before.  There  were  four 
hundred  and  eighty  soldiers,  including  the  garrison 
of  Xauxa,  who  were  each  to  receive  a share,  that  of 
the  cavalry  being  double  that  of  the  infantry.  The 
amount  of  booty  is  stated  variously  by  those  present 
at  the  division  of  it.  According  to  some,  it  consid- 
erably exceeded  the  ransom  of  Atahuallpa.  Others 
state  it  as  less.  Pedro  Pizarro  says  that  each 
horseman  got  six  thousand  pesos  de  oro,  and  each 
one  of  the  infantry  half  that  sum ; though  the 
same  discrimination  was  made  by  Pizarro  as  before, 
in  respect  to  the  rank  of  the  parties,  and  their  rela- 
tive services.  But  Saneho,  the  royal  notary,  and 
secretary  of  the  commander,  estimates  the  whole 
amount  as  far  less,  — not  exceeding  five  hundred 
and  eighty  thousand  and  two  hundred  pesos  de  oro, 
and  two  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  marks  of  sil- 
ver.^^  In  the  absenee  of  the  official  returns,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  which  is  correct.  But 
Sancho’s  narrative  is  countersigned,  it  may  be  re- 
membered, by  Pizarro  and  the  royal  treasurer 
Riquelme,  and  doubtless,  therefore,  shows  the  ac- 
tual amount  for  which  the  Conquerors  accounted 
to  the  Crown. 

44  Descub.  y Conq.,  MS. 

45  Fed.  Saneho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  409. 


526 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


[Book  III. 


Whichever  statement  we  receive,  the  sum,  com- 
bined with  that  obtained  at  Caxamalca,  might  well 
have  satisfied  the  cravings  of  the  most  avaricious. 
The  sudden  influx  of  so  much  wealth,  and  that,  too, 
in  so  transferable  a form,  among  a party  of  reck- 
less adventurers  little  accustomed  to  the  possession 
of  money,  had  its  natural  effect.  It  supplied  them 
with  the  means  of  gaming,  so  strong  and  common 
a passion  with  the  Spaniards,  that  it  may  be  con- 
sidered a national  vice.  Fortunes  were  lost  and 
won  in  a single  day,  sufficient  to  render  the  propri- 
etors independent  for  life ; and  many  a desperate 
gamester,  by  an  unlucky  throw  of  the  dice  or  turn 
of  the  cards,  saw  himself  stripped  in  a few  hours 
of  the  fruits  of  years  of  toil,  and  obliged  to  begin 
over  again  the  business  of  rapine.  Among  these, 
one  in  the  cavalry  service  is  mentioned,  named  Le- 
guizano,  who  had  received  as  his  share  of  the  booty 
the  image  of  the  Sun,  which,  raised  on  a plate  of 
burnished  gold,  spread  over  the  walls  in  a recess 
of  the  great  temple,  and  which,  for  some  reason  or 
other,  — perhaps  because  of  its  superior  fineness,  — 
was  not  recast  like  the  other  ornaments.  This  rich 
prize  the  spendthrift  lost  in  a single  night ; whence 
it  came  to  be  a proverb  in  Spain,  Juega  el  Sol  antes 
(jue  anianezca,  “ Play  away  the  Sun  before  sun- 
rise.” 

The  effect  of  such  a surfeit  of  the  precious  met- 
als was  instantly  felt  on  prices.  The  most  ordinary 


^ Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  20. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


TREASURE  FOUND  THERE. 


527 


articles  were  only  to  be  had  for  exorbitant  sums.  A 
quire  of  paper  sold  for  ten  pesos  de  oro ; a bottle  of 
wine,  for  sixty ; a sword,  for  forty  or  fifty ; a cloak, 
for  a hundred,  — sometimes  more ; a pair  of  shoes 
cost  thirty  or  forty  pesos  de  oro,  and  a good  horse 
could  not  be  had  for  less  than  twenty-five  hundred. 
Some  brought  a still  higher  price.  Every  article 
rose  in  value,  as  gold  and  silver,  the  representatives 
of  all,  declined.  Gold  and  silver,  in  short,  seemed 
to  be  the  only  things  in  Cuzco  that  were  not  wealth. 
Yet  there  were  some  few  wise  enough  to  return 
contented  with  their  present  gains  to  their  native 
country.  Here  their  riches  brought  them  considera- 
tion and  competence,  and,  while  they  excited  the 
envy  of  their  countrymen,  stimulated  them  to  seek 
their  own  fortunes  in  the  like  path  of  adventure. 

47  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  III.  p.  233. 


END  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


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